the geographies of social movements by ulrich oslender
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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The
Geographies
of Social
MovementsAFRO-COLOMBIAN MOBILIZATION
AND TH E AQUATIC SPACE
Ulrich Oslender
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983156983144983141 983143983141983151983143983154983137983152983144983145983141983155 983151983142 983155983151983139983145983137983148 983149983151983158983141983149983141983150983156983155
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Series Editors
Arturo Escobar University o North Carolina Chapel Hill
Dianne Rocheleau Clark University
This series addresses two trends critical conversations in academic 1047297elds about na-ture sustainability globalization and culture including constructive engagements
between the natural social and human sciences and intellectual and political conver-
sations among social movements and other nonacademic knowledge producers about
alternative practices and socionatural worlds Its objective is to establish a synergy
between these theoretical and political developments in both academic and nonaca-
demic arenas This synergy is a sine qua non or new thinking about the real promise o
emergent ecologies The series includes works that envision more lasting and just ways
o being-in-place and being-in-networks with a diversity o humans and other living
and nonliving beingsNew Ecologies or the Twenty-First Century aims to promote a dialogue between those
who are transorming the understanding o the relationship between nature and
culture The series revisits existing 1047297elds such as environmental history historical
ecology environmental anthropology ecological economics and cultural and political
ecology It addresses emerging tendencies such as the use o complexity theory to re-
think a range o questions on the nature-culture axis It also deals with epistemological
and ontological concerns building bridges between the various orms o knowing and
ways o being embedded in the multiplicity o practices o social actors worldwide This
series hopes to oster convergences among differently located actors and to provide a
orum or authors and readers to widen the 1047297elds o theoretical inquiry proessional
practice and social struggles that characterize the current environmental arena
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983157983148983154983145983139983144 983151983155983148983141983150983140983141983154
TheGeographiesof SocialMovements
AFRO-COLOMBIAN MOBILIZATION
AND THE AQUATIC SPACE
983140983157983147983141 983157983150983145983158983141983154983155983145983156983161 983152983154983141983155983155 983140983157983154983144983137983149 983137983150983140 983148983151983150983140983151983150 983090983088983089983094
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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copy 2016 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States o America on acid-ree paper infin
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oslender Ulrich author
The geographies o social movements Aro-Colombian mobilization
and the aquatic space Ulrich Oslender
pages cmmdash(New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century)
Includes bibliographical reerences and index
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6104-6 (hardcover alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6122-0 (pbk alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-7440-4 (e-book)1 Social movementsmdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 2 Blacksmdash
Political activitymdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 3 BlacksmdashLand
tenuremdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 4 Land reormmdashColombia
I Title II Series New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century
983144983150983091983089983088983152983091983091983151983096983093 983090983088983089983094
30348409861mdashdc23
2015032647
Cover art Raf made o logs 1047298oating downstream Guapi River
Photo by Ulrich Oslender
All interior photos by the author
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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4 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 2: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/2.jpg)
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983156983144983141 983143983141983151983143983154983137983152983144983145983141983155 983151983142 983155983151983139983145983137983148 983149983151983158983141983149983141983150983156983155
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983150983141983159 983141983139983151983148983151983143983145983141983155 983142983151983154 983156983144983141 983156983159983141983150983156983161983085983142983145983154983155983156 983139983141983150983156983157983154983161
Series Editors
Arturo Escobar University o North Carolina Chapel Hill
Dianne Rocheleau Clark University
This series addresses two trends critical conversations in academic 1047297elds about na-ture sustainability globalization and culture including constructive engagements
between the natural social and human sciences and intellectual and political conver-
sations among social movements and other nonacademic knowledge producers about
alternative practices and socionatural worlds Its objective is to establish a synergy
between these theoretical and political developments in both academic and nonaca-
demic arenas This synergy is a sine qua non or new thinking about the real promise o
emergent ecologies The series includes works that envision more lasting and just ways
o being-in-place and being-in-networks with a diversity o humans and other living
and nonliving beingsNew Ecologies or the Twenty-First Century aims to promote a dialogue between those
who are transorming the understanding o the relationship between nature and
culture The series revisits existing 1047297elds such as environmental history historical
ecology environmental anthropology ecological economics and cultural and political
ecology It addresses emerging tendencies such as the use o complexity theory to re-
think a range o questions on the nature-culture axis It also deals with epistemological
and ontological concerns building bridges between the various orms o knowing and
ways o being embedded in the multiplicity o practices o social actors worldwide This
series hopes to oster convergences among differently located actors and to provide a
orum or authors and readers to widen the 1047297elds o theoretical inquiry proessional
practice and social struggles that characterize the current environmental arena
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983157983148983154983145983139983144 983151983155983148983141983150983140983141983154
TheGeographiesof SocialMovements
AFRO-COLOMBIAN MOBILIZATION
AND THE AQUATIC SPACE
983140983157983147983141 983157983150983145983158983141983154983155983145983156983161 983152983154983141983155983155 983140983157983154983144983137983149 983137983150983140 983148983151983150983140983151983150 983090983088983089983094
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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copy 2016 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States o America on acid-ree paper infin
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oslender Ulrich author
The geographies o social movements Aro-Colombian mobilization
and the aquatic space Ulrich Oslender
pages cmmdash(New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century)
Includes bibliographical reerences and index
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6104-6 (hardcover alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6122-0 (pbk alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-7440-4 (e-book)1 Social movementsmdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 2 Blacksmdash
Political activitymdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 3 BlacksmdashLand
tenuremdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 4 Land reormmdashColombia
I Title II Series New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century
983144983150983091983089983088983152983091983091983151983096983093 983090983088983089983094
30348409861mdashdc23
2015032647
Cover art Raf made o logs 1047298oating downstream Guapi River
Photo by Ulrich Oslender
All interior photos by the author
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 3: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/3.jpg)
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983150983141983159 983141983139983151983148983151983143983145983141983155 983142983151983154 983156983144983141 983156983159983141983150983156983161983085983142983145983154983155983156 983139983141983150983156983157983154983161
Series Editors
Arturo Escobar University o North Carolina Chapel Hill
Dianne Rocheleau Clark University
This series addresses two trends critical conversations in academic 1047297elds about na-ture sustainability globalization and culture including constructive engagements
between the natural social and human sciences and intellectual and political conver-
sations among social movements and other nonacademic knowledge producers about
alternative practices and socionatural worlds Its objective is to establish a synergy
between these theoretical and political developments in both academic and nonaca-
demic arenas This synergy is a sine qua non or new thinking about the real promise o
emergent ecologies The series includes works that envision more lasting and just ways
o being-in-place and being-in-networks with a diversity o humans and other living
and nonliving beingsNew Ecologies or the Twenty-First Century aims to promote a dialogue between those
who are transorming the understanding o the relationship between nature and
culture The series revisits existing 1047297elds such as environmental history historical
ecology environmental anthropology ecological economics and cultural and political
ecology It addresses emerging tendencies such as the use o complexity theory to re-
think a range o questions on the nature-culture axis It also deals with epistemological
and ontological concerns building bridges between the various orms o knowing and
ways o being embedded in the multiplicity o practices o social actors worldwide This
series hopes to oster convergences among differently located actors and to provide a
orum or authors and readers to widen the 1047297elds o theoretical inquiry proessional
practice and social struggles that characterize the current environmental arena
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983157983148983154983145983139983144 983151983155983148983141983150983140983141983154
TheGeographiesof SocialMovements
AFRO-COLOMBIAN MOBILIZATION
AND THE AQUATIC SPACE
983140983157983147983141 983157983150983145983158983141983154983155983145983156983161 983152983154983141983155983155 983140983157983154983144983137983149 983137983150983140 983148983151983150983140983151983150 983090983088983089983094
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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copy 2016 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States o America on acid-ree paper infin
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oslender Ulrich author
The geographies o social movements Aro-Colombian mobilization
and the aquatic space Ulrich Oslender
pages cmmdash(New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century)
Includes bibliographical reerences and index
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6104-6 (hardcover alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6122-0 (pbk alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-7440-4 (e-book)1 Social movementsmdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 2 Blacksmdash
Political activitymdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 3 BlacksmdashLand
tenuremdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 4 Land reormmdashColombia
I Title II Series New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century
983144983150983091983089983088983152983091983091983151983096983093 983090983088983089983094
30348409861mdashdc23
2015032647
Cover art Raf made o logs 1047298oating downstream Guapi River
Photo by Ulrich Oslender
All interior photos by the author
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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xii | 983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 3
It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 4: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/4.jpg)
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983157983148983154983145983139983144 983151983155983148983141983150983140983141983154
TheGeographiesof SocialMovements
AFRO-COLOMBIAN MOBILIZATION
AND THE AQUATIC SPACE
983140983157983147983141 983157983150983145983158983141983154983155983145983156983161 983152983154983141983155983155 983140983157983154983144983137983149 983137983150983140 983148983151983150983140983151983150 983090983088983089983094
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 539
copy 2016 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States o America on acid-ree paper infin
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oslender Ulrich author
The geographies o social movements Aro-Colombian mobilization
and the aquatic space Ulrich Oslender
pages cmmdash(New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century)
Includes bibliographical reerences and index
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6104-6 (hardcover alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6122-0 (pbk alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-7440-4 (e-book)1 Social movementsmdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 2 Blacksmdash
Political activitymdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 3 BlacksmdashLand
tenuremdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 4 Land reormmdashColombia
I Title II Series New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century
983144983150983091983089983088983152983091983091983151983096983093 983090983088983089983094
30348409861mdashdc23
2015032647
Cover art Raf made o logs 1047298oating downstream Guapi River
Photo by Ulrich Oslender
All interior photos by the author
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 839
983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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4 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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10 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 5: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/5.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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copy 2016 Duke University Press
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States o America on acid-ree paper infin
Typeset in Quadraat by Westchester Publishing Ser vices
Library o Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Oslender Ulrich author
The geographies o social movements Aro-Colombian mobilization
and the aquatic space Ulrich Oslender
pages cmmdash(New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century)
Includes bibliographical reerences and index
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6104-6 (hardcover alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-6122-0 (pbk alk paper)
983145983155983138983150 978-0-8223-7440-4 (e-book)1 Social movementsmdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 2 Blacksmdash
Political activitymdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 3 BlacksmdashLand
tenuremdashColombiamdashPaci1047297c Coast 4 Land reormmdashColombia
I Title II Series New ecologies or the twenty-1047297rst century
983144983150983091983089983088983152983091983091983151983096983093 983090983088983089983094
30348409861mdashdc23
2015032647
Cover art Raf made o logs 1047298oating downstream Guapi River
Photo by Ulrich Oslender
All interior photos by the author
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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xii | 983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 3
It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983139983151983150983156983141983150983156983155
vii List o Abbreviations
xi Acknowledgments
1 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombia and the Constitution o 1991
7 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies o Social Movements
25 1 Toward a Critical Place Perspective on Social Movements
36 983145983150983156983141983154983148983157983140983141
Meeting Don Agapito Re1047298ections on Fieldwork
46 2 Mapping Meandering Poetics and an Aquatic Sense o Place
Oral Tradition as Hidden Transcript of Resistance
92 3 Historical Geographies o Resistance and Convivencia in the
Paci1047297c Lowlands
135 4 Mobilizing the Aquatic Space The Forming of Community Councils
159 5 Ideals Practices and Leadership o the Community Councils
205 983141983152983145983148 983151983143983157983141
221 Notes
251 Glossary
255 Reerences
277 Index
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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12 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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xii | 983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 3
It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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4 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 5
I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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8 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 8: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/8.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983137983139983137983138983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo Baudoacute (Peasant Association
o the Baudoacute River Chocoacute)
983137983139983137983140983141983155983137983150 Asociacioacuten Campesina del Riacuteo San Juan (Peasant Association
o the San Juan River)
983137983139983145983137 Asociacioacuten Campesina Integral del Riacuteo Atrato (Peasant
Association o the Atrato River Chocoacute)
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 Asociacioacuten de Arocolombianos Desplazados (National
Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians)
983137983148983141983150983152983137983139 Alimentos Enlatados del Paciacute1047297co (Canned Products o the Paci1047297c)
company exploiting the naidiacute palm hearts in Narintildeo since 1982
983137983150983157983139 Asociacioacuten Nacional de Usuarios Campesinos (National
Peasant Association)
983137983155983151983140983141983154983143983157983137 Asociacioacuten para el Desarrollo del Riacuteo Guajuiacute (grassroots
organization in the Guajuiacute River)
983137983155983151983152983141983162 Asociacioacuten de Pescadores (Association o Fishermen) aimed
at improving living and working conditions in the lower part
o the Guapi River
983137983155983151983152983154983151983140983141983155983137 Asociacioacuten Prodesarrollo del Riacuteo Saija (grassroots organization
o the Saija River on the Cauca Coast)
983137983156-55 Artiacuteculo Transitorio 55 (Transitory Article 55 o the Constitution
o 1991)
983139983145983149983137983154983154 983283983150 Movimiento Nacional Cimarroacuten (National Movement or Human
Rights or Aro-Colombian Communities) one o the earliest
organizations mobilizing against antiblack racism in Colombia
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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xii | 983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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viii | 983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155
983139983151983137983140983141983152983137983148 Cooperativa Agriacutecola del Paciacute1047297co (Agricultural Cooperative
o the Paci1047297c) a state program established by 983145983150983139983151983154983137 in the
mid-1960s on the Paci1047297c Coast mainly to promote the commer-
cialization o coconut
983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 Coordinacioacuten de Comunidades Negras de la Costa Paciacute1047297cadel Cauca (Coordination o Black Communities on the Cauca
Coast) the 1047297rst regional organization on the Cauca Coast with
an ethnic-territorial discourse that aims at coordinating the
struggles o black communities there born in 1993
983142983137983154983139 Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (Revolution-
ary Armed Forces o Colombia) the largest and most powerul
guerrilla movement in the country
983142983141983140983141983152983137983148983149983137 Federacioacuten Nacional de Cultivadores de Palma de Aceite
(National Federation o Oil Palm Growers)
983143983141983142 Global Environment Facility a product o the Riacuteo Summit 1992
set up by the United Nations Environment Program 983157983150983141983152 to
support among other things environmentally sustainable
development projects one o its 1047297rst operations was the Project
or the Conservation o Biodiversity in the Colombian Paci1047297c
Region983145983139983137983150983144 Instituto Colombiano de Antropologiacutea e Historia (Colombian
Institute o Anthropology and History)
983145983143983137983139 Instituto Geograacute1047297co Agustiacuten Codazzi (Colombiarsquos National
Geographic Institute)
983145983145983137983152 Instituto de Investigaciones Ambientales del Paciacute1047297co (Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast)
983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo Rural (Colombian Instituteo Rural Development) the state agency that replaced 983145983150983139983151983154983137
in 2003 and has since been in charge o executing agricultural
policies and overseeing land tenure
983145983150983139983151983154983137 Instituto Colombiano de Reorma Agraria (Colombian Institute
o Agrarian Reorm) the government agency responsible or
all aspects o collective land titling in the Paci1047297c Coast region
until 2003 when it was dissolved and replaced by 983145983150983139983151983140983141983154 the
Colombian Institute o Rural Development
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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12 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983137983138983138983154983141983158983145983137983156983145983151983150983155 | ix
983145983150983140983141983154983141983150983137 Instituto Nacional de Recursos Naturales Renovables (National
Institute o Renewable Natural Resources)
983146983137983139 Junta de Accioacuten Comunal (Committee o Communal Action) a
nationwide state-driven initiative in which local committees are
to watch over everyday community affairs
983146983157983150983152983154983151 Juventud Unida para el Progreso (United Youth or Progress)
the 1047297rst community organization to emerge in Guapi mainly
consisting o young proessionals and ormer students who are
also the ounding members o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137
983151983139983137983138983137 Organizacioacuten Campesina del Bajo Atrato (Peasant Association o
the lower Atrato River Chocoacute)
983152983137983154 participatory action-research
983152983139983150 Proceso de Comunidades Negras (Process o Black
Communities)
983154983149983156 resource-mobilization theory
983157983149983137983156983137 Unidad Municipal de Asistencia Teacutecnica Agraria (Municipal Unit
o Agrarian Assistance)
983157983152 Unioacuten Patrioacutetica
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 5
I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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8 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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10 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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8 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155
This book has been in the making or so long that I couldnrsquot possibly name
each and every one to whom I am indebted or support advice help or
simply or so generously providing their valuable time Rather than com-
mitting the crime o omission (to which acknowledgment sections tend to
all prey) I shall rerain rom mentioning individual names here express-
ing my thanks to collectivities instead
My most immediate debts are to the many people in Colombia who over
the years opened their doors to me and my inquiries In particular I want to
thank the people o Guapi and the surrounding river basins on the Paci1047297c
Coast among whom I lived during 1998ndash99 and whom I have visited on re-
peated occasions since I am most grateul to the many activists o the orga-
nizations o black communities in Colombia with whom I interacted over thepast twenty years they include the Proceso de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communities
983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 the
Guapi-based groups o 983139983151983139983151983139983137983157983139983137 and 983149983137983156983137983149983138983137 983161 983143983157983137983155983265 and the many
community council leaders who shared their valuable time and opinions
with me on the collective land titling process Their activism ofen in the
ace o threats to their lives is utterly inspiring
Very special thanks to everyone at the Colombian Institute o Anthro-pology and History (983145983139983137983150983144) in Bogotaacute where I was based during my
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 13: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/13.jpg)
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1047297eldwork and was appointed associate researcher I also received invalu-
able support at the National Geographic Institute Agustiacuten Codazzi (983145983143983137983139)
the Colombian Institute o Agrarian Reorm (983145983150983139983151983154983137) and the Institute
o Environmental Research or the Paci1047297c Coast (983145983145983137983152) I thank the staff
o the biodiversity conservation plan Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co or their alwaysopen doors thought-provoking conversations and help with logistics o
traveling in the Paci1047297c lowlands
The basic idea o this book began as a PhD project at the University o
Glasgow in the late 1990s I am grateul to my mentors or their unwavering
commitment and to everyone in what was then the Department o Geog-
raphy or their support and encouragement For over twenty years I called
Glasgow my home and it always elt good to return afer longer absences
spent in the 1047297eld in Colombia in no small part thanks to my Glaswegian
pals
I have since had the pleasure o working at a number o academic insti-
tutions in the United States and have bene1047297ted tremendously rom their
intellectually stimulating and hospitable environments Between 2005
and 2007 I spent time as a Marie Curie Research Fellow at the University o
Caliornia in Los Angeles where I enjoyed the privilege o working along-
side true giants o political and cultural geography I would like to thank
everyone at the 983157983139983148983137 Department o Geography or providing an extra-
ordinarily warm welcome during my time there
Since all 2010 Florida International University in Miami has been my
academic home where the Department o Global and Sociocultural Stud-
ies has proved to be a wonderul space o interdisciplinary collegiality The
generous support offered to junior aculty there included a teaching-ree
semester in all 2011 which I spent writing as a visiting ellow at the Univer-
sity o North Carolina at Chapel Hill where I ound an intellectually inspir-ing atmosphere and much riendship
Over the years I have incurred many debts to colleagues working on all
things Aro-Colombian What was a relatively small community o schol-
ars in the early 1990s has since grown exponentially to become a dynamic
1047297eld o study and I have bene1047297ted tremendously rom conversations
workshops and collaborative research projects with colleagues and riends
in Colombia and beyond
In a more material sense writing this book was made possible by und-ing rom several sources As a graduate student I was unded by the Princi-
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983137983139983147983150983151983159983148983141983140983143983149983141983150983156983155 | xiii
palrsquos Strategic Development Fund at the University o Glasgow (1997ndash2001)
Two research grants by the Carnegie Trust or the Universities o Scotland
helped offset 1047297eldwork expenses in Colombia in 1998 and 2003 Further
support was provided by an 983141983155983154983139 Postdoctoral Fellowship (2002ndash3) an
983141983155983154983139 Research Grant (2004ndash5) a Marie Curie International Fellowshipsupported through the 6th European Community Framework Programme
(2005ndash8) a Summer Faculty Development Award (2011) rom the College o
Arts and Sciences at Florida International University (983142983145983157) and two Morris
and Anita Broad Research Fellowships awarded by 983142983145983157rsquos School o Interna-
tional and Public Affairs (2012 and 2015)
A book is a collaborative effort and it wouldnrsquot look hal as good without
the committed and enthusiastic support o the wonderul editorial team at
Duke University Press I also want to thank two anonymous reviewers or
their extraordinarily close reading o the initial manuscript and their sharp
and insightul observations that helped to clariy some o my arguments
Finally I do want to mention two people in particular to whom I dedi-
cate this book Dontildea Celia Lucumiacute Caicedo traditional healer and mid-
wie rom Guapi who passed away on December 21 2013 iexclQue la Santiacutesima
Virgen del Carmen le bendiga comadre And Don Manuel Zapata Olivella giant
o Spanish American literature who joined his ancestors on November 19
2004 Ekobio sabio ya no eres prisionero
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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2 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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8 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
Black Communities in Colombiaand the Constitution of 1991
In 1991 Colombia adopted a new Constitution According to the president
at the time Ceacutesar Gaviria it was nothing less than an ldquoinstitutional revo-
lution a peace treaty a navigation map or the 21st centuryrdquo (quoted in
Pizarro 1993151) Drawn up by a Constituent Assembly that was elected in
December 1990 the new Constitution was a response to a perceived state
disequilibrium that had brought the country ldquoto the brink o chaosrdquo (Leal
Buitrago and Zamosc 1991)1048625 It was meant to democratize state structures
ensure increased popular participation in the decision-making processes
at national regional and local levels and imbue the state with a new le-
gitimacy Although the process o constitutional reorm was not overtly
aimed at ldquoethnic minoritiesrdquo the debates on increasing popular participa-
tion opened a space or both black and indigenous populations into whichissues o ethnicity and nationality could be thrust In hindsight it is no ex-
aggeration to say that the Constitution o 1991 marked a watershed in the
relations between the state and Colombiarsquos Aro-descendant population
providing an important new political opportunity structure or the latter
to mobilize
Whereas various articles dealt speci1047297cally with Colombiarsquos indigenous
populations outlining their territorial and political rights only Transitory
Article 983137983156-55 made speci1047297c reerence to the countryrsquos ldquoblack communi-tiesrdquo (comunidades negras)1048626 This was the 1047297rst offi cial acknowledgment o
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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the countryrsquos black population as a distinct cultural group While the term
black community had been used previously by black intellectuals in Colom-
bia (Escalante 1954 Mosquera 1985) afer 1991 it became speci1047297cally as-
sociated with the new Constitution and ollow-up legislation Over time
other black sel-identi1047297cation categories would emerge including ldquoAro-Colombiansrdquo and most preerred today by black activists afrodescendientes
or ldquoAro-descendantsrdquo In this book I use these various identity signi1047297ers
to acknowledge this process o discursive construction o ethnicity and
its 1047298uid and changing nature
Transitory Article 983137983156-55 was important in that it required the promulga-
tion o a law that would among other things grant collective land rights to
rural black communities living along the river basins o the Paci1047297c Coast
regionrsquos tropical rain orests This legislative context set off a new dynamic
and direction in the organizing processes o black communities Until
then politicization by blacks had been limited to some small urban intel-
lectual groups on the one handmdashthe most prominent until today being
the National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-Colombian Communi-
ties 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150 (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashand land right struggles in the
northern Paci1047297c Coast department o Chocoacute on the other There in the
mid-1980s the Catholic Church was decisive in helping set up black peas-
ant organizations that mobilized around the deense o their lands and the
environment under threat rom the accelerated exploitation o natural
resources by corporate interests in the region In 1987 these 1047297rst eccle-
siastical grassroots groups ormed the Peasant Association o the Atrato
River 983137983139983145983137 which is still the strongest black peasant organization in the
country1048627
It was there that 1047297rst links were articulated between a peasant identity
and blackness in general and black peasantsrsquo speci1047297c relations to territoryin particular These notions ound concrete political expression in 983137983156-55
and marked the beginning o what Colombian anthropologist Eduardo
Restrepo (2004a 2013) would later call the ldquoethnicization o blacknessrdquo in
Colombia and what Tianna Paschel (2010) reers to as an ldquoethnic difference
ramerdquo Different rom the ldquoracial equality ramerdquo o social mobilization
pursued by earlier black activism such as 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150rsquosmdashdenouncing anti-
black racism in Colombiamdashthe newly emerging mostly rural-based black
activist discourse o the early 1990s made claims in terms o culture ethnicidentity territory and the right to difference
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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It is hard to overestimate the signi1047297cance o 983137983156-55 To anthropologist
Michael Taussig (200495) it is ldquoone o the most innovative experiments
in political theory this century [as] Artiacuteculo 55 proposes communal own-
ership by blacks to lands on the coast thus granting to black ethnicity a
political reality unknown in North or South Americardquo Black communities would be the legally recognized territorial authority in these lands and
anyone interested in exploiting natural resources there would have to deal
directly with the communities affected
Once passed intense negotiations over the extent o 983137983156-55 ensued be-
tween government offi cials and black representatives in the Special Com-
mission or Black Communities set up in August 1992983092 These eventually led
to the passing o one o the most remarkable pieces o legislation concern-
ing Aro-descendant populations anywhere in Latin America Adopted
on August 27 1993 Law 70 among other dispositions laid down the legal
ramework to allocate 1047297ve million hectares o riverine tropical rain orest
lands in the Paci1047297c lowlandsmdash50 percent o this coastal regionmdashto com-
munal ownership by rural black communities
Yet how were these lands to be allocated According to what spatial
logic would they be distributed
As an immediate result o Law 70 black political mobilization through-
out the Paci1047297c region intensi1047297ed considerably By 1994 over 350 organi-
zations o black communities were registered with the Offi ce or Black
Community Affairs1048629 As one o the most strongly articulated directions at
coordinating these efforts on the regional and national level the Proceso
de Comunidades Negras 983152983139983150 (Process o Black Communities) emerged as
a network o more than 120 local organizations and a national organiza-
tional dynamic with its base in the Paci1047297c port city o Buenaventura 983152983139983150rsquos
strategy was consequently articulated as an ldquoethnic-territorialrdquo movementbased on 1047297ve principles (Grueso et al 1998)
1 The reaffi rmation of identity and the right to be blackmdashregarded as a cultural
logic that permeates the lieworld in all its social economic and
political dimensions countering the logic o domination and op-
posing a model o society that requires uniormity or its continued
dominance
2 The right to territory and a space for beingmdasha necessary condition or there-creation and development o an Aro-Colombian cultural vision
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3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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4 | 983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141
3 Autonomy as the right to the exercise of identitymdasharising out o an Aro-
Colombian cultural logic in relation to dominant society and other
ethnic groups
4 The construction of an autonomous perspective for the futuremdashbased on tradi-
tional orms o production and social organization5 Declaration of solidaritymdash with the struggle o black people throughout
the world
These principles address two interrelated themes an ideological and
political re1047298ection on the part o the movement that entails a rearticula-
tion o the notions o territory development and society rom an Aro-
Colombian perspective and the articulation o their rights aspirations
and dreams based on and developed through the perspective o daily lieand traditional practices o black communities on the Paci1047297c Coast
Yet how did this movement come to express their claims in this way
How did 983152983139983150 conceive o an Aro-Colombian ldquoright to territoryrdquo What spa-
tial logic underlay its ormulation Or we may ask with geographers Richard
Peet and Michael Watts (1996263) what ldquoenvironmental imaginariesrdquo did
this movement articulate in their project o contesting normative visions
and the ldquoimperialism o the imaginaryrdquo (268)mdashin 983152983139983150 terms countering
the logic o domination and opposing a model o society that requires uni-ormity or its continued dominance
These are some o the central concerns that I address in this book To
understand the geographies o social movements and how a movement
is constituted through particular geographies on the ground I argue we
need to ully understand not just the logic o political and economic pro-
cesses operating in the particular region in which a movement operates
but also the knowledge practices o place-based cultures and their envi-
ronmental imaginaries as a primary site o contestation This conviction
lies at the heart o the critical place perspective that I propose in this
book It has also shaped my narrative strategy Instead o approaching
the social movement o black communities in Colombia through its di-
verse organizational structures strategies and political discourses (al-
though I discuss these as well) I start rom the situated physical social
and cultural contexts o everyday lie as raming the subjectivities o
ordinary people which subsequently become articulated as social move-ment discourse
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I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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983152983154983151983148983151983143983157983141 | 5
I am aware that I part rom established social movement theorizing in
this analytical and narrative strategy I realize that some social movement
scholars may be disappointed looking in vain or such classic concepts
as brokerage diffusion or scale shif in this book Yet I am not alone in
being a tad suspicious toward a routine deployment o these concepts thatofen reduces social movement activity to a set o generic processes and
mechanisms (Castree et al 2008 Davies and Featherstone 2013 Nicholls
et al 2013) Instead I propose an ethnographically grounded approach to
the social movement o black communities in Colombia centering my em-
pirical inquiries on ldquoplace-makingrdquo in the Paci1047297c lowlands as providing the
ldquosoilrdquo out o which social movement activity arises For this I want to draw
the reader 1047297rst o all in ethnographic depth into the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo o the
Paci1047297c Coast region the site or my ensuing examination o the growth o
social movement politics
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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The Geographies of Social Movements
It was the best o times it was the worst o times In March 1995 I traveled
or the 1047297rst time to the Paci1047297c Coast region o Colombia By then I had
already spent our months in Colombia on a year-abroad study program
while pursuing an undergraduate degree in geography and Hispanic stud-
ies at the University o Glasgow As part o the program students were sent
or a year to a Spanish-speaking country in order to become 1047298uent in their
language skills My choice ell on Colombia Why I am not so sure any
more Colombia is a crazed fuacutetbol nation o course Their 1047298amboyant style
with the likes o Reneacute el scorpioacuten Higuita el Pibe Valderrama and Freddy
Rincoacuten seduced many during the 983142983145983142983137 World Cup in 1990 when Colombia
held West Germany to a dramatic 11 draw (with Rincoacuten scoring the equal-
izer in the ninety-third minute) This surely was a convincing pull actorOr maybe it was the sheer exuberance o a tropical geography that at-
tracted me Colombia is the only country in South America with coastlines
on both the Atlantic and the Paci1047297c The massive Andean mountain range
which runs along the western part o the South American continent sud-
denly splits as it reaches Colombia It is as i it couldnrsquot make up its mind
where to go next This topographic indecision has resulted in three dis-
tinct mountain ranges the Western Central and Eastern Cordillera Deep
valleys separate the ranges notably those o the two great rivers the Caucaand the Magdalena Climatic variation is determined by this extremely
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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diverse topography The higher up you are in the mountains the colder it
gets The arther down you go the hotter it becomes Year-round Itrsquos not
time that dictates these temperature patterns but space
To the east o the Andes and bordering Venezuela the llanos orientales are
a low-lying 1047298at region made up o huge savannahs The southeast is cov-ered by extensive rain orests Yet the region that would hold my ascina-
tion or the next two decades lay to the west the ar west With a coastline
o around 1300 kilometers stretching rom Ecuador in the south to Pan-
ama in the north the Paci1047297c lowlands cover an area o almost ten million
hectares o tropical rain orest Sparsely inhabited by around 13 million
people (some 3 percent o Colombiarsquos national population) the Paci1047297c re-
gion garnered international attention in the 1990s as one o the worldrsquos top
biodiversity hotspots Set apart rom Colombiarsquos interior by the Western
Andean mountain range the lowlands have been described as the ldquohidden
littoralrdquo (Yacup 1934) or the ldquoperiphery o the peripheryrdquo (Granda 1977) due
to their perceived physical and economic marginality in relation to the rest
o the country
Initially o interest to Spanish colonizers or its rich alluvial gold depos-
its the regionrsquos economy has been dominated by boom-and-bust cycles
During relatively short time spans natural resources have been exploited
intensively responding to external demands beore a decline in demand
led to a rapid decrease and collapse o these economies Both tagua (ivory
nut) and rubber exploitation in the 1047297rst hal o the twentieth century or
example ollowed this boom-and-bust logic Since the 1960s the region
has been an important source o the countryrsquos timber supply This has led
to high levels o deorestation that pose a threat to traditional liestyles o
local populations in many areas In the 1990s the region began to attract
strategic attention in national development plans with a view to conservingits biodiversity (and exploring its potential exploitation in pharmaceutical
industries) This conservationist trend has recently been sharply curtailed by
an aggressive return to extractive economies such as mechanical gold mining
and agro-industrial exploitation most dramatically seen in the sweeping
plantations o oil palm monocultures Throughout these changing develop-
ment paradigms a resilient local populationmdashmade up overwhelmingly o
people o Arican descentmdashhas continued to practice a diversi1047297ed sub-
sistence economy in the rural areas based on 1047297shing hunting agriculturegathering and small-scale artisanal gold panning or their everyday needs
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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That was just about all I knew about this region back in February 1995
when I got off the small Satena plane at the airport in Tumaco the Pa-
ci1047297c Coastrsquos most southern and third largest town In Bogotaacute I had met
Robin Hissong a US citizen who worked on the World Bankndashunded bio-
diversity conservation program Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297co As a geographer-in-the-making I was generally interested in conservation biodiversity and
sustainable development The Paci1047297c lowlands seemed an exciting place
where these notions overlapped in complex ways with an emerging iden-
tity politics o the regionrsquos Aro-descendant population Thereore I didnrsquot
hesitate when Robin extended an invitation to accompany her to Guapi
a small coastal town some 150 kilometers north o Tumaco where she
needed to deliver equipment to Proyecto Biopaciacute1047297corsquos regional offi ce
This speedboat trip was a 1047297rst taste o traveling through the maze o
mangrove swamps that make up the southern coastline o the Paci1047297c low-
lands Our captain suggested we should travel por dentro slowly threading
our way along the numerous meandering brooks and channels that cut
through the mangrove landscape He warned against navigating por fueramdash
on the open seamdashas the Paci1047297c Ocean was rough that day Fine by me I
thought that way I would get to see the area even better
It was midday by the time we set off The sky was overcast with dark
clouds as we lef the Bay o Tumaco Humidity was near 90 percent It was
hot and I didnrsquot understand why we had waited so long It was going to be
a lengthy journey more than eight hours Robin had even mentioned that
we might have to spend a night on the way
ldquoWho are we waiting orrdquo I asked the captain who had said something
about esperando la marea
ldquoWhenrsquos Marea comingrdquo Laughter all around That was one o
these silly gringo questions Marea means ldquotiderdquo Apparently there wasnrsquotenough water in the mangroversquos river channels so we had to be patient
and wait or high tide Later I would realize how this seemingly mundane
routinemdashthe daily tidal changesmdashimpacted everyday lie patterns in a
thousand and one ways Traveling schedules are set according to the tides
calculating water availability not only in the coastal mangrove swamps but
also arther up the rivers The alluvial plains have such a low gradient that
the tidal impact can be elt up to twenty kilometers upstream High tide
also pushes salt water ar up the rivers a bad time or washing clothes oretching drinking water rom the river
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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Sitting at the landing steps in Guapi the day afer we lef Tumacomdashwe
indeed had to spend a night in Satinga on our tripmdashI took in the majes-
tic leisureliness with which the Guapi River descended to its meeting
with the Paci1047297c Ocean The inevitableness o the encounter was marked
by the calm gracious 1047298ow o the riverrsquos waters which veiled the under-lying excited anticipation o the get-together That 1047297rst day my gaze was
too caught up in the solemn grandeur and the splendid presence o el riacuteo
to notice the sawmill on the opposite river bank I did notice however a
number o dugout canoes on the river powered by the paddling strength
o a single occupant all making their way toward the landing steps rom
downstream The rising tide was giving them a helping hand They would
return later that day to their hamlets downstream when the low tide acili-
tated a speedier journey
It was there at the landing steps in Guapi where I spent innumerable
hours in the years to come that the idea o the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo began to
take shape Anthropologists and geographers have described the interac-
tions o rural populations with the tropical rain orest in terms o human
adaptation to an ofen unorgiving natural environment In Black Frontiers-
men his seminal study on the Aro-Hispanic culture o Ecuador and Co-
lombia or example Norman Whitten (1986) sees this adaptive process
expressed in intense spatial mobility and the development o traditional
systems o social organization Colombian anthropologist Nina de Friede-
mann (1974) also stresses social organization as a strategy o adaptation
to a changing physical environment Fellow anthropologist Jaime Arocha
(1999) describes local diverse economies which he calls polifoniacutea cultural as
adaptive strategies toward the uncertainties o the natural environment
Meanwhile US geographer Robert Westrsquos (19573) groundbreaking study
The Paci1047297c Lowlands of Colombia is an inventory o human adaptation to themyriad river basins where ldquohundreds o rivers ofen in 1047298ood run through
the orest rom hill and mountain slope to sea They are the pathways or
human travel and their banks are the main sites o human habitationrdquo I
discuss these debates more widely in chapter 3
Yet sitting at the landings steps in Guapi overlooking the busy activities
taking placemdashcanoes arriving women washing clothes on the riverrsquos edge
children playing in the water travelers awaiting embarkations to upstream
locationsmdashI elt that these were more than merely adaptive responsesThe discourse o adaptation maintains those boundaries o culture and
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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nature that seemed to dissolve in practice in ront o my eyes The idea o
the ldquoaquatic spacerdquo that was taking root then owes more to a Deleuzian
understanding o these complex and changing relations between humans
and nonhumans in terms o assemblages It wants to break with the no-
tion o exteriority o an already existing nature that culture merely adaptsto and ocus instead as does anthropologist Laura Ogden (201128) in her
landscape ethnography in the Everglades o South Florida on ldquothe ways in
which our relations with non-humans produce what it means to be humanrdquo Beyond
a mere conceptual acknowledgment o debates on ldquosocial naturerdquo (Castree
and Braun 2001 FitzSimmons 1989 Smith 1990) I am concerned here
with narrative strategies o exploring how this social nature is actually
experienced on the ground For this I draw on ideas proposed under the
banner o the ldquonarratological turnrdquo in the arts and social sciences (Dan-
iels and Lorimer 2012) in my ways o narrating landscape and environ-
ment in the Paci1047297c lowlands through diverse orms and genres including
storytelling
In 1999 I would spend many evening hours in the hal-covered courtyard
o the house I rented on Calle Segunda in Guapi sitting with Dontildea Celia
Lucumiacute Caicedo a traditional healer and midwie with whom I shared this
living space As the rains pummeled the roofops generating a thunder-
ous noise that drowned out all possibility o conversation we just stared
ahead watching sheets o rainwater hammering the patiorsquos tropical plants
and quickly 1047297lling up the our barrels one in each corner that became a
ull weekrsquos household water supply These were moments o great peace or
me There was absolutely nothing else I wanted to do but stare at the alling
rain It seemed we all became one with the rain1048625 I loved those moments o
inner calm that Yemayaacute sent me There was nothing I could possibly miss
out on No one in Guapi lef their home during these deluges No conversa-tion could be had or the deaening roar o Changoacutersquos ury unleashed on the
roofops o Guapi1048626
Dontildea Celia was also lost in her thoughts then Walking along the shores
o her river in her imaginationmdashas she would later tell memdashshe brought
to lie memories o her childhood growing up along the headwaters o the
Guapi River She would rock to and ro in her rocking chair smoking parsquo
dentro A custom o many years she would smoke with the lit end o the
cigarette inside her mouth Occasionally she would take the cigarette outand tip off the ash This age-old custom quite common among rural black
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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women in the Paci1047297c lowlands enables them to smoke while navigat-
ing their canoes come rain or shine With both hands 1047297rmly holding the
paddle the lit cigarette end is sae rom wind and water in the navigatorrsquos
mouth
ldquoA mi riacuteo no lo olvidordquo Dontildea Celia would murmur ldquoI donrsquot orget myriverrdquo She was one with her river as she was sitting in our patio smoking
parsquo dentro There in our courtyard it was not necessary to protect the ciga-
rette in that way as we were covered under a roofop Yet more than a mere
adaptive response to an aquatic environment Dontildea Celiarsquos smoking parsquo
dentro had become part o her no matter where she was The concept o the
aquatic space as I develop it in chapters 2 and 3 considers these relations
o ldquobecomingrdquo between humans and nonhumans in a landscape character-
ized by diverse aquatic eatures as dynamic assemblages It transcends the
idea o mere human adaptation to a physical environment
So ar so good you might say But what does this have to do with social
movements And their geographies
Indeed these were precisely the questions that I was beginning to ask
mysel during those rain-drenched nights on our patio A social movement
o black communities had emerged in the early 1990s that mobilized around
cultural and territorial rights newly enshrined in Colombiarsquos Constitution
o 1991 And established social movement theory seemed to have the tools
at hand to examine this movement Political process models or example
stress the importance o political opportunity structures or creating a
avorable context or movements to emerge (McAdam et al 1996 2001
Tarrow 1994 2012 Tilly and Tarrow 2007 Tilly and Wood 2009) Clearly the
passing o the new Constitution in Colombia provided such a new political
opportunity structure ldquoBlacknessrdquo became a state-regulated discourse a
1047297eld o struggle a structure o alterity (Restrepo 2013)Resource-mobilization theory (983154983149983156) on the other hand proposes to
examine the resources available or a social movement to draw on It o-
cuses above all on organizational structures leadership and movement
goals Resources include unding and 1047297nancial support the existence o
networks the expertise o movement leaders and some degree o preex-
isting organizations on whose experience leaders can draw (McCarthy and
Zald 1977 Oberschall 1973 Tilly 1978) Finally identity-oriented perspec-
tives that emerged in the 1980s ocus on the ways actorsrsquo identities are dia-lectically constructed in social struggle (Escobar and Alvarez 1992 Laclau
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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and Mouffe 1985 Melucci 1989 Touraine 1988) These approaches empha-
size ldquothe power o identityrdquo (Castells 1997) and have become synonymous
with the study o so-called new social movements These supposedly mark
a shif in collective action rom class-based mobilization such as in trade
unions toward a more identity-based contentious politics such as ex-pressed in struggles over environmental human rights gender and ethnic
and racial concerns (Slater 1985)1048627 Scholars examining the social movement
o black communities in Colombia have drawn on these approaches to
differing degrees (Agudelo 2005 Almario 2003 Asher 2009 Escobar 2008
Escobar and Pedrosa 1996 Grueso et al 1998 Hoffmann 2004 Pardo
2001 Restrepo 2013 Wade 1995 2002)
Yet sitting on the patio o my rented house on Calle Segunda in Guapi
with the rains pummeling the iron roo I began to wonder how the particu-
larities o this placemdashits year-round humidity its water-based cultures
its river thoroughares its people listening to the tidesmdash1047297gured in the
making o this social movement What ldquoplacerdquo did this place have in
the contentious politics that began to emerge then There was a deaening
silence in the existing literature on social movements regarding the rele-
vance o place in its theorizations More broadly speaking sociologists and
political scientists had not given much thought to the spatialities o social
movements To be sure geographers had begun to address this lacunamdash
Paul Routledge (1993) may have been among the 1047297rst to do so (see also Pile
and Keith 1997 Slater 1998)mdashbut these early calls went largely unheard in
the wider social movement literature While I was aware o these emerg-
ing debates in geography that provided exciting new ways o looking at
social movements I felt their necessity while listening to the rain in Guapi
In other words my conviction that social movement theory needed to be
inused with a spatial sensitivity that would account or the geographicalconstitution o social movement agency was 1047297rst and oremost born in the
1047297eld It was not mere theoretical speculation
In time I began to ask concrete questions For example how would this
newly ormed constitutional discourse on blackness and black cultural and
territorial rightsmdashnegotiated in the araway capital o Bogotaacutemdashbe trans-
lated meaningully to local residents on the Paci1047297c Coast In what way
would local histories o resistance (which I discuss in chapter 3) inorm the
structures o the emerging social movement o black communities How would local realities on the ground be ed into mobilization processes For
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
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around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
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Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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example Law 70 required the establishment o ldquocommunity councilsrdquo (con-
sejos comunitarios) as administrative authorities or the newly titled collective
lands How would these be ormed Based on what logic How would the
particularities o place in the Paci1047297c region inorm and guide the orma-
tion o these community councils How would local environmental knowl-edges (which I conceptualize and discuss as ldquolocal aquatic epistemologiesrdquo
in chapter 2) be mobilized by the movement
Beyond these immediate empirical concerns lay the wider question o
how to eed them into a better conceptual understanding o social move-
ments I theory and practice are regarded as a dialectical unity as Marx
pointed out long ago and theory is derived at least partially rom practi-
cal experience then there was a need to transcend the empirical speci1047297c-
ity o my case study in the Paci1047297c region to construct a theory o social
movements that would account or these experiences more widely In other
words the geographies o social movements had to be theorized
Based on this understanding I propose in this book a ldquocritical place per-
spectiverdquo on social movements With the ocus on place I do not intend to
privilege a particular spatiality at the expense o another as some may im-
pute (eg Leitner et al 2008166) But I do want to recover the signi1047297cance
o place as a corrective to the increasing trend on seeing the transnational
as the ldquomaster spatialityrdquo in social movement research In this I share Ar-
turo Escobarrsquos (20087) concern that ldquothere is a need or a corrective theory
that neutralizes this erasure o place the asymmetry that arises rom giving
ar too much importance to lsquothe globalrsquo and ar too little value to lsquoplacersquo rdquo
Place and Social Movement Research
Roughly since the mid-1990s geographers have attempted to show how
geography matters in social movement research Whereas Routledge(1993) stresses above all the importance o place in his book Terrains of Re-
sistance Byron Miller (2000) ocuses on scale variations in political oppor-
tunity structures in his attempt to elaborate a geographical model o social
movement mobilization These examples may illustrate what Leitner et al
(2008158) describe as ldquoshifing ashions o socio-spatial theory [and the]
tendency to privilege a particular spatialitymdashonly to abandon that in avour
o anotherrdquo Since 1995 they argue there has been a tendency to ocus on
the politics o scale in social movement research in particular examining a
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
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22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
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as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
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economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
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movementrsquos multiscalar strategies or ldquoscale- jumpingrdquo983092 More recently the
ocus has shifed toward examining networks and mobility In particular a
ascination with the transnational scale o mobilization has dominated re-
cent social movement research and publications This can be seen in book
titles such as Coalitions across Borders (Bandy and Smith 2004) TransnationalProtest and Global Activism (Della Porta and Tarrow 2005) Transnational Social
Movements and Global Politics (Smith et al 1997) and The New Transnational
Activism (Tarrow 2005) to name but a ew (see also Featherstone 2008 Keck
and Sikkink 1998 Routledge and Cumbers 2009 Smith 1998)
While this ocus is understandable given important developments in
the way social movements increasingly organize globallymdashsuccessully
ldquojumping scalerdquo and engaging global resistance networks such as the
World Social Forum (Fisher and Ponniah 2003 Sousa Santos 2006)mdashit also
re1047298ects an enthusiasm on the researchersrsquo part that may easily gloss over
other important spatialities that make up social movement mobilization
In other words the transnational has evolved into the hegemonic scale o
analysis in social movement research or as Leitner et al (2008158) reer
to it a ldquomaster spatialityrdquo These accounts ocus on the connections that
movements make on the commonalities between them and on the dis-
course that is produced at these transnational intersections
All o this is important o course But what does this transnational 1047297xa-
tion say about an individual movement and its inner workings Or about
the ldquomobilization within movementsrdquo as geographer Wendy Wolord
(2010) puts it in her insightul analysis o the landless peasantsrsquo movement
983149983155983156 in Brazil Is there not a real danger o distortion in research that o-
cuses almost exclusively on the well-elaborated discourses o social move-
ment leaders as they are enounced in various transnational settings (to
which the researcher can comortably travel without having to get dirty inthe 1047297eld) i it does not at the same time examine how these discourses can
be traced in the everyday on-the-ground realities o the ar-1047298ung places o
which a particular movement talks Ofen it may seem in these accounts
ldquothe movementrdquo is little more than the movement leadersrsquo discourse or
rather the researcherrsquos interpretation o the latter
Longtime social movement scholar Robert Benord (1997421) critiques
this ldquotendency to ocus on the ramings o movement elites to the neglect
o rank-and-1047297le participantsrdquo
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Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
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replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
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18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
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black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3539
20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 31: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/31.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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16 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
Much o the literature is written as though participant mobilization
were simply a matter o movement activists pushing the appropriate
rhetorical button This bias is in part a re1047298ection o the ways in
which researchers typically study social movements We tend to study
movements either by interviewing people identi1047297ed as key activists via media accounts (most requently newspaper stories) or by analyz-
ing movement-generated or related documents In all three cases we
obtain data that tend to re1047298ect the views o movement leaders and extra-
movement elites In short our analyses o raming processes ofen have
a built-in top-down bias (Benord 1997421)1048629
Moreover I argue that ldquoplacerdquo or the complexity o the places out o which
these movements emerge and o which they talk ofen merely becomes abackdrop in these accounts1048630
In my approach place is not just one o many spatialities o mobiliza-
tion On the contrary I argue that place implicates space scale and terri-
tory Leitner et al (2008169) are surely right in affi rming that ldquono single
spatiality should be privileged since they are co-implicated in complex ways
ofen with unexpected consequences or contentious politicsrdquo I they are
co-implicated however then it might not make much sense to regard
them as separate in the 1047297rst place Thereore the authorsrsquo effort to come up with a ramework o 1047297ve distinct ldquoco-implicated spatialities o contentious
politicsrdquo seems counterproductive or two principal reasons First they
rather haphazardly choose these co-implicated spatialities scale place
networks socio-spatial positionality and mobility One may ask or ex-
ample where is territory Or argue with John Agnew (1987) that place
implies scale Second it is not clear how their empirical case studymdashthe
Immigrant Workersrsquo Freedom Ride (983145983159983142983154 ) in the United Statesmdashshows
the co-implication o these spatialities or illustrates ldquothe complexity o these
inter-relationsrdquo (Leitner et al 2008166) Place or example is remarkably
absent rom their account In other words co-implication is shown by un-
dertheorizing place While their general approach may be useul to show
ldquohow geography matters in contentious politicsrdquo (158) I argue that it is
something altogether different to show how social movements are constituted
through particular geographies on the ground That is the ocus in this book
There have been other recent attempts re1047298ecting on the organization osociospatial relations in multiple orms Jessop et al (2008) or example
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3239
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 17
replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3439
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
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983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 32: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/32.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3239
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 17
replicate in part some o Leitner et alrsquos ramework adding territory In
their argument ldquoterritories (983156) places (983152) scales (983155) and networks (983150)
must be viewed as mutually constitutive and relationally intertwined di-
mensions o sociospatial relationsrdquo (389) In their ldquo983156983152983155983150 rameworkrdquo they
identiy these our distinct spatialities as raming principles o sociospa-tial relations In my view both these rameworks all into what we may call
ldquothe spatial traprdquo983095 By this I mean that the ever more complex language o
spatialities may trap and ultimately limit the empirical useulness o what
is offered In other words geographers hold each other prisoner in ever
more complex conceptualizations over the spatiality o social lie that do
not necessarily have much empirical purchase any longer
For example how do we show empirically what each ldquopartrdquo in these
rameworks contributes to the whole The argument or distinct yet
co-implicated or mutually constitutive spatialities has led Leitner and
colleagues (2008) and Jessop and colleagues (2008) to search or poly-
morphic rameworks in order to account or the totality o relations be-
tween and among these co-implicated spatialities In the end however
the mind-boggling complexity o this venture gets reduced to multinodal
rameworks that are both inclusive in that they explicitly draw on certain
spatialities and exclusionary in that they leave out others Call it983155983152983150983152983149
as Leitner et al (2008) could have called it or 983156983152983155983150 as Jessop et al (2008)
do call itmdashthe result is the same a conceptual reduction o the complexity
o sociospatial relations that only works (or seems to) by undertheorizing
one or several o its key components
Not surprisingly maybe that undertheorized component is place asso-
ciated by many with notions o traditional unmoving backward and 1047297xed
whereas ldquomobilityrdquo ldquotransnationalrdquo and ldquospacerdquo are considered dynamic
and progressive (although see Massey 2005 or an impassioned argumentagainst this simpli1047297cation) One may eel that the abstract dancing around
has not paid off much in terms o throwing light on real- world political
questions Maybe ldquomiddle-rangerdquo theorizing is more useul here than that
which ofen remains distant rom empirical concerns1048632
From this viewpoint my proposal o a critical place perspective un-
ashamedly recovers the progressive notion o place one that acknowledges
multiscalar connections in place and between places and that grounds
networks however momentarily in place It is not a one-dimensionalmethodological place-centrism that neglects other spatialities On the
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3339
18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3439
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3539
20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 33: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/33.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3339
18 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
contrary a critical place perspective co-implicates scale territory and net-
works Its aim is to account more ully or the multiple multiscalar rooted
and networked experiences within social movements At least that is the
way I envision it deployed
Narrating Place and Social Movements in the Colombian
Paci1047297c Coast Region
Drawing on my ethnographic 1047297eldwork among Aro-Colombian com-
munities over the past twenty years I examine how ldquolocal aquatic
epistemologiesrdquomdashthe place-based and culturally speci1047297c ways o knowing
a prooundly aquatic environmentmdashhave inormed political organizational
processes in the Paci1047297c region The book explores these relationships
through interviews and participant observation (I discuss methodological
implications in the interlude ollowing chapter 1) In my narrative I draw
extensively on perspectives o many o the people who accompanied me on
my travels throughout the Paci1047297c Coast region Voices o 1047297shermen tradi-
tional healers midwives political activists miners poets schoolchildren
peasant armers government offi cials priests and teachers are woven into
my account These help me unold a deeply spatial understanding o the
Paci1047297c lowlands I also describe how these voices and bodies move through
this space drawing on recent work in narratology to ldquoredeem narrative as
a theoretically powerul and complicated orm o explanation a precise
cognitive instrument taking many orms genres tropes tenses includ-
ing various kinds o storytellingrdquo (Daniels and Lorimer 20123)
As such my approach differs rom most studies o social movements
in that my narrative starts rom a close examination o the river- and land-
scapes o the Paci1047297c lowlands beore I turn to the political aspects o
social mobilization This analytical strategy allows me to map the waysspeci1047297c environmental experiences have been ed into social movement
agency and crucially what difference they have made in the political or-
ganizing processes This becomes apparent above all in my discussion
o the community councils as newly established territorial authorities in
the Paci1047297c river basins (chapters 4 and 5) So ar the community councils
have mostly been sidelined in existing scholarship on black resistance in
Colombia While important contributions have been made in relation to
racialization processes (Agudelo 2005 Arocha 1999 Hoffmann 2004 Re-strepo 2013 Wade 1993 2000) to the imbrications o development and
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3439
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3539
20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 34: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/34.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3439
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 19
black resistance (Asher 2009 Escobar 1995 2008) and to territorial con-
1047298icts (Ngrsquoweno 2007b Villa 2013) there are to date no larger ethnographic
studies o the community councils on the Paci1047297c Coast I hope to 1047297ll this
void by mapping the experiences o some o these community councils in
ethnographic detail and by examining the discourses that emerge romthese new political actors
A Note (or Two) on Difference
A First Difference Difference Within
When writing about social movements it is important to acknowledge that
these are rarely homogeneous entities ollowing a single logic in which all
participants share the same goals all the time Instead they should be seen
as spaces o debate difference and even dissent They are multiplicities in
the sense that an array o interests usually underlies their ormation and a
range o ofen quite diverse tactics may be deployed while they still articu-
late a more or less coherent strategy o an overall uniying goal
From this viewpoint the social movement o black communities in Co-
lombia is made up o different sectors which at times pursue different
aims For example responding to the human rights crisis in the late 1990s
in the Paci1047297c Coast region the Association o Displaced Aro-Colombians
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 was ormed in 1999 in order to support thousands o Aro-
Colombian amilies who live in conditions o orced internal displace-
ment (more on this in the epilogue) 983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 it may be argued deploys
above all a ldquodisplacement ramerdquo that constructs their claims in terms o
a deense o Aro-Colombian rights and their cultural identity in the ace
o violent upheaval The National Movement or Human Rights o Aro-
Colombian Communities 983139983145983149983137983154983154983283983150mdashone o the earliest expressions o
black mobilization in Colombia and still an important part o the socialmovement o black communities (Mosquera 1985 1998)mdashalso deploys this
ldquodisplacement ramerdquo nowadays in its wider struggle or racial justice and
equality
Clearly the changing situation in the Paci1047297c Coast region starting in
the late 1990s has led to new raming strategies by black activists The
movement is heterogeneous constantly evolving and responding to these
changing circumstances Social movement scholars argue that movements
are most effective when they achieve an alignment o their interpretive ori-entations (Snow et al 1986) and we may be seeing such a ldquorame alignmentrdquo
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3539
20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 35: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/35.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3539
20 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
around movement discourse on displacement and violent upheaval today
in which the various sectors o the movement come together to ocus on a
common goal (This has not always been so)
Yet in this book I am more interested in examining the particular geog-
raphies out o which the movement emerged in the Paci1047297c Coast region inthe 1990s and how these are re1047298ected in the movementrsquos raming strate-
gies Thus my analysis and narrative ocus above all on the ethnic-territorial
aspects o the struggle o the social movement o black communities in the
Paci1047297c region in a historical perspective While acknowledging the possibil-
ity o different readings o the movement and the diverse expressions o
black mobilization in Colombiamdashthe ldquodifference withinrdquo so to speakmdashI am
mostly concerned in exploring what I call the ldquoethnic-territorial ramerdquo
the ways in which the movement has managed to bring together concerns
about ethnic identity and difference with a particular territorial vision ex-
pressed through an Aro-Colombian cultural logic intrinsically linked to
the right to territory That is why I ocus in my analysis on those sectors o
the movement that work directly on issues concerning ethnicity and land
rightsmdashin particular the Process o Black Communities (983152983139983150)mdashand less
on those who mobilize around human rights and displacement such as
983137983142983154983151983140983141983155 (which does 1047297gure prominently however in the epilogue)
A Second Difference Difference without Romanticizing
In writing this book it was my desire to offer a cultural geography o Co-
lombiarsquos Paci1047297c lowlands as a lens through which to view and understand
the social movement that has mobilized in that region To achieve this I
chose to slowly unravel in ront o the reader in ethnographic detail the
cultural difference o the region in relation to the rest o the country I re-
alize that this insistence on differencemdashabsolutely necessary in my eyesto understand the region and its political mobilizationmdashmight be read
by some as an inside-outside dichotomy or modernity- versus-tradition
rame o thinking Others may read into it a tendency to homogenize or
even romanticize the region its people and political movements Such
critiques are quite common and requently launched against accounts o
social movements that organize politically around the notion o difference
(see or example certain political economy critiques o postdevelopment
theory) I 1047297nd that these debates have become increasingly entrenched andlittle productive983097
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 36: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/36.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3639
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 21
Instead we should acknowledge diverse politics o reading across posi-
tions In my narrative I do not appeal to a totalizing difference (Some move-
ment activists indeed do thatmdashthe well-known ldquostrategic essentialismrdquo)
On the contrary throughout the book I point to the many ways rural black
populations in the Paci1047297c Coast region are indeed entangled in modernity(most obvious in the lengthy discussion o community councils in chapters 4
and 5) Locals are part o larger logging operations many work on oil palm
plantations some employ dynamite while 1047297shing others use mercury or
mechanical dredgers in gold mining many are now involved in illegal coca
cultivation much river travel today is by engine-driven speed boat All o
these things do happen Rural black populations are modern too and locals
are ofen deeply entangled as agents in modern technologies and processes
At the same time traditional production practices and local subsistence
economies are still central to rural lieworlds and orm the backbone to both
the de1047297nition o ldquoblack communitiesrdquo as expressed in Law 70 and subse-
quent legislation and the visions o alternative lie projects promoted by
sectors o the social movement o black communities It is necessary then
to move beyond the all too acile dichotomy o traditional versus modern
In a more nuanced understanding based on an assemblage approach that I
advocate here one would acknowledge that most people on the Paci1047297c Coast
are both modern and traditional to differing extents This seems a produc-
tive way to conceptualize the entanglements o locals with modernity and
tradition
Yet I am unapologetic or my narrative strategy in this book I need to
stress and examine the existing cultural difference o the Paci1047297c Coast region
in order to understand the social movement discourse based on difference
while still keeping a critical distance rom it Such is the politics o reading
(and writing) across positions While some observers only brie1047298y acknowl-edge difference to then emphasize entanglementsmdashthereby ofen taking the
wind out o social movement discursive strategies even i involuntarily somdashI
choose to spell out and document in ethnographic detail existing differences
on the ground that can explain these discourses Irsquod like to think about
this narrative strategy as documenting difference without romanticizing
Overview
In chapter 1 I develop what I call a critical place perspective on social move-ments This also means an engagement with space I make a sustained
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 37: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/37.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3739
22 | 983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150
theoretical argument as to why space and place matter in social movement
research and how they in1047298uence shape enable or otherwise constrain
resistance practices In particular I draw on Henri Leebvrersquos (1991) spa-
tial triad that he developed in his book The Production of Space and on John
Agnewrsquos (1987) threeold approach to place as optics through which to ex-amine social movements Following Leebvre I examine how ldquorepresenta-
tional spacerdquomdashencompassing the subjectivities o everyday liemdashcan be
regarded as a (re)source or the ldquoquest or a counter-spacerdquo that social move-
ments ofen articulate Tying these insights into an analysis o Agnewrsquos
threeold concept o place I show how ldquolocationrdquo ldquolocalerdquo and ldquosense
o placerdquo provide the pillars or the ramework that I term ldquocritical place
perspective on social movementsrdquo
These theoretical elaborations are ollowed by methodological re1047298ec-
tions in the interlude Here I describe the moment I met Don Agapito Mon-
tantildeo a respected decimero (practitioner o oral poetry) or the 1047297rst time in
1995 in his house in Guapi Our conversation was dramatically interrupted
that day when three young Aro-Colombians burst into the room demand-
ing explanations as to my motives or interviewing Don Agapito It turned
out the ldquointrudersrdquo were local activists upset that I had not consulted them
beore This incident serves to re1047298ect on methodological and ethical con-
siderations o conducting ethnographic research in a politically charged
context I also outline how my prolonged presence among Aro-Colombians
in Guapi led to a dialogical engagement in which I drew on a rich tradition
o experimental ethnographies and activist methodologies proposed by par-
adigmatic 1047297gures such as Paulo Freire and Orlando Fals Borda
In chapter 2 I develop the concept o the aquatic space to theoretically
and methodologically ocus the book The aquatic space reers to an as-
semblage o always shifing relations in which everyday lie patterns inthe region are deeply entangled with a range o aquatic elements such as
the physical and symbolic presence o the sea intricate river networks
streams wateralls mangrove swamps high levels o precipitation sig-
ni1047297cant tidal ranges and requent large-scale inundations Prominent in
this chapter are the perspectives o two important people I mentioned al-
ready Don Agapito and Dontildea Celia Their experiences and stories provide
the individualized personal keys through which I unlock a more analytical
account o the sense o place in this part o the world Here I engage recentanthropological scholarship on the perormative qualities o storytelling
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 38: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/38.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3839
983145983150983156983154983151983140983157983139983156983145983151983150 | 23
as a way o practicing knowledge (Blaser 2010) I then show how the vari-
ous expressions o local aquatic epistemologies have been mobilized in
the political project o black communities in Colombia Drawing on James
Scottrsquos (1990) work on resistance I argue that the oral tradition unctions
as a ldquohidden transcript o resistancerdquo that is turned public in the articula-tion o an Aro-Colombian identity politics that reclaims cultural and ter-
ritorial rights
Chapter 3 closely examines location and locale on the Paci1047297c Coast It
elaborates on the concept o the aquatic space and its maniestation both
in the physical environment o a rain orest crisscrossed by intricate river
networks and mangrove swamps and in the spatialized social relationships
along river basins (settlement patterns landownership kinship ties and
transport) These contexts or social interaction are urther channeled
through the ldquologic o the riverrdquo a notion with which I rame the 1047298ow o lie
in the Paci1047297c lowlands and the speci1047297c orms o spatial mobility organized
around river basins
Chapter 4 brings us into the 1047297eld o politics proper examining the
ways the aquatic space is re1047298ected in a new political context In particular
I show how that context has been drawn upon in the ormation o commu-
nity councils along river basins The river remains a key resource here or
political mobilizationmdashboth materially and symbolically Yet I also show
how ethnic-territorial politics in the region has been mediated by capi-
tal and the state highlighting the complex entanglements between state
discourse capitalrsquos pro1047297t-seeking drive and local organizing processes
Crucially I maintain that the community councilsmdashar rom being mere
administrative bodiesmdashare complex spaces o negotiation between these
various actors
In chapter 5 I describe in more detail the actual ormation processes othe community councils as well as their practices and ideals I examine the
legislation that created these organizing 1047297gures as part o the statersquos con-
servationist strategy toward the Paci1047297c lowlands and its attempt to extend
its reach into this region I then explore the role that leadership and previ-
ous organizational experience played in the newly emerging community
councils as important resources or mobilization
The epilogue brings the analysis to the present I begin by outlining
the geographies o terror that have been produced in the Paci1047297c Coast re-gion since the late 1990s as a result o an aggressive return to extractivist
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten
![Page 39: The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender](https://reader031.vdocument.in/reader031/viewer/2022021103/577ca5861a28abea748b9278/html5/thumbnails/39.jpg)
8202019 The Geographies of Social Movements by Ulrich Oslender
httpslidepdfcomreaderfullthe-geographies-of-social-movements-by-ulrich-oslender 3939
economic practices speci1047297cally oil palm cultivation and mechanical gold
mining I have published elsewhere on these changing economic social
and political relations in the region that have led to selected killings o ac-
tivists massacres o entire communities and massive orced displacement
(Oslender 2007b 2007c 2008a 2008b 2012) I draw on these insights inthis epilogue to juxtapose the current dehumanizing condition and relent-
less environmental destruction to the progressive spirit and winds o hope
that blew across the Paci1047297c lowlands in the early 1990s I insist that to con-
tinue imagining an alternative uture or the Paci1047297c Coast region with its
people we need to turn back our gaze and reengage with the seeds o hope
that were sown then10486251048624 For this we need to ully understand not just the
logic o political and economic processes in the region but also the knowl-
edge practices o place-based cultures and their vision or an alternative
uture This bookrsquos critical place perspective hopes to ensure the latter is
not orgotten