the history - cabrach trust · whisky distilling forms a key part of the history and heritage of...
TRANSCRIPT
The HISTORY
of
DISTILLING in the
CABRACH
A Report for The Cabrach Trust
Dr Kieran German & Gregor Adamson
2
Contents
List of illustrations
Overview
Outcomes
Introduction
1. Location of Licensed Distilleries in the Cabrach
2. The Nature of Early Licensed Cabrach Stills
2.1 Outputs of the Cabrach Distilleries
2.2 Ownership Status and Management
3. The Conversion of Cabrach Farms into Legal Distilleries
4. Description of the Distilleries and the Whisky Making Process
5. Raw Materials Historically Used in Mashing
6. Transportation and Storage of Spirit
7. Final Consumption of Legal Cabrach Whisky
8. The Closure of the Licensed Cabrach Stills
9. The Role of Inverharroch Farm in Distilling
10. Illicit Distilling in the Cabrach
10.1 Raw Materials
10.2 Methodology
10.3 Smuggling
10.4 Consumption of Illicit Cabrach Whisky
11. Conclusion and Blueprint Information for the Recreation of an Early
Licensed Distillery at Inverharroch
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12. Bibliography
13. Author Biographies
14. Acknowledgements
4
List of illustrations
Figure 1: Early 20th Century Drawn Map of the Cabrach Parish (James Taylor,
Cabrach Feerings, 1920)
Figure 2: Ordnance Survey Map of Tamnaven Farm, 1872 (National Library of
Scotland, reproduction permission required ,see: www.maps.nls.uk/copyright.html.)
Figure 3: Ordnance Survey Map of Mains of Lesmurdie, 1872 (National Library of
Scotland, reproduction permission required ,see: www.maps.nls.uk/copyright.html.)
Figure 4: Plan of Blackmiddens Farm, 1827 (National Records of Scotland RHP 225)
Figure 5: Distillery Discharge Voucher for Buck Distillery, 1826 (National Records of
Scotland E581/4/50)
Figure 6: Photograph of the Engine Room at Blackmiddens (The Cabrach Trust
Copyright)
Figure 7: Drawing and Notes Regarding the Design of a Still for Distilling Liquor
(Aberdeen University Library MS3470/21/53, copyright Aberdeen University Library
Special Collections)
Figure 8: Sir David Wilkie, ‘The Highland Whisky Still at Lochgilphead’ (1818) oil on
panel (Private collection, reproduction under license, see:
https://www.bridgemanimages.com/)
Figure 9: Plan of Craigend Distillery, 1790 (National Records of Scotland RHP
80866/1)
Figure 10: Advertisement for Cabrach whisky in the Aberdeen Press and Journal,
1834 (The British Newspaper Archive, reproduction permission required, see:
https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/content/terms_and_conditions)
Figure 11: Photograph of the Garden Cottage Still (Perth Art Gallery and Museum,
copyright Culture Perth and Kinross)
Figure 12: Photograph of Smuggler’s Well, an illicit whisky bothy at Clayshooter Hill
(The Cabrach Trust Copyright)
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Figure 13: Plan Showing Smugglers Path (Aberdeen University Library MS
3860/30303, copyright Aberdeen University Library Special Collections)
Figure 14: John Pettie, ‘The Tussle for the Keg’ (1868) oil on canvas (Copyright
Aberdeen Art Gallery and Museum)
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Overview
This report has been commissioned by the Cabrach Trust to provide a sound and
scientific research upon which to establish a heritage centre incorporating an
authentic historic farm distillery in the Cabrach. The aim of the Trust is to showcase
the rich distilling heritage of the Cabrach, as well as to develop a sustainable
enterprise which actively promotes and contributes to the Cabrach community while
simultaneously making a unique contribution to the culture of the Scotch whisky
industry. The Cabrach Trust is progressing plans to convert Inverharroch Farm in the
Cabrach into a heritage centre which incorporates a working distillery, an exhibition
space and a café & visitor centre. This distillery is intended to operate on a scale and
in a manner that replicates as closely as possible the legal stills extant in the
Cabrach in the period 1823-c.1851 (while nevertheless including certain features
which adhere to modern standards of health, safety and hygiene). The heritage
centre will also tell the story of the Cabrach’s rich history of distilling both illicitly and
legally.
Accordingly, this report will enable the Trust to pursue its aims on the basis of fact.
Through extensive archival research, the report’s authors have compiled a litany of
detailed evidence which fills an historiographical gap in knowledge on the nature of
early licensed farm distilleries in northern Scotland generally. However, with a
specific focus on distilling in the Cabrach, the report delivers for the first time a clear,
quantifiable and fully referenced record of the scale of distilling in the Cabrach. It
demonstrates and analyses the social, cultural and economic importance of whsiky
production in the Cabrach. The cumulative result of this report is that it contains the
necessary information which will allow the Cabrach Trust to develop a ‘blueprint’ for
the recreation of an early licenced distillery at Inverharroch Farm.
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Outcomes:
This report
● Identifies and locates the licensed distilleries in the Cabrach.
● Establishes the extent to which Inverharroch Farm and its lands played any
part in the distilling industry in the early 19th century.
● Describes the nature of the early licensed stills in the Cabrach and offers an
understanding of the production process, volume of the spirit produced etc.
● Demonstrates how farms in the Cabrach would have been converted to
become licensed distilleries.
● Provides a description and images of new licensed distilleries of this period.
● Provides details on where equipment used by the early licensed distillers was
sourced.
● Provides information on how the spirit product was transported, stored and
matured at this time (including information on storage/maturation methods),
and where this product would have ultimately been destined and sold.
● Provides details on the nature of the raw materials used for mashing at this
time and how these ingredients might be sourced today.
● Provides information regarding the eventual consumption of the finished
product.
● Provides information on why the licensed distilleries at the Cabrach eventually
closed down and ceased business.
● Provides the information will enable the Cabrach Trust to create a ‘blueprint’
for the recreation of an early licenced distillery at Inverharroch.
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Introduction
Whisky distilling forms a key part of the history and heritage of the Cabrach. Illicit
and licensed production was a major industry in the 18th and 19th centuries,
throughout this remote, rural area of the Grampian Uplands. All members of society
were linked to distilling. From the landless cotters, to the principle landowners,
whisky formed a key part of everyday life in the region. At the height of illicit
production, the Cabrach was, ‘a legendary haunt of distillers’.1 It was claimed that
there was at least one illegal still at every farm in the parish in the early 1800s,
making it almost certain that the residents of Inverharroch would have possessed a
still. 2 The isolated landscape of the district allowed local residents to carry out
clandestine distilling and smuggling almost uninhibited, with little outside interference
from Excise officials. Government intervention eventually disrupted this illicit
industry, as unlicensed production was virtually eradicated throughout Scotland by
the 1830s. This stimulated small scale legal production, and numerous small scale
distilleries were established, particularly in Highland areas of Scotland, including the
Cabrach. Like illicit distilling, these legal ventures were vital to the local economy,
forming an integral part of the local community. Both unlicensed and legal Cabrach
whiskies were renowned for quality throughout the North-east of Scotland,
demanding prices equivalent to Glenlivet. The comparison to Glenlivet is a historical
record which will recur in this report, and is significant because it suggests a parity of
quality between Cabrach and Glenlivet whiskies. Despite this reputation, distilling in
the Cabrach had ceased by 1851, while Glenlivet ensconced its reputation for
producing premium Scotch, an anomaly based on diverging commercial
circumstances rather than the standard of the respective whiskies, as will be detailed
below. The decline of Cabrach distilling deprived the area of a key industry, which
had formed a major part of the cultural identity of the region for generations.
1 Gavin D. Smith, The Secret Still: Scotland’s Clandestine Whisky Makers (Berlinn, Edinburgh, 2002),
p. 78. 2 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available from:
http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017); J. Black, ‘On the Agriculture of Aberdeen and Banff Shires’ in Transactions of the Highland and Agricultural Society of Scotland, 3(4) (1871), pp. 1 -36.
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This report aims to deliver specific research outcomes relating to historic distilling in
the Cabrach. It begins by demonstrating the number and the location of the legally
established distilleries of the district. It then goes on to show the nature of these legal
distilleries, providing evidence to give an accurate impression of the distilleries’
sizes, production processes, outputs and an explanation of the raw materials they
used. Details are given on the methods of storing, transporting, selling and
consuming the final product, Cabrach whisky. The description of the nature of the
distilleries reflects on their ownership status, management, and relationship to
farming in the Cabrach. This understanding of how farms in the Cabrach lent
themselves to be managed as distilleries is developed in a discussion of the fabric of
distillery buildings and apparatus. It explains how the Cabrach distilleries would have
been assembled and operated, the manner in which early distilleries sourced
equipment and the challenges faced by such premises. The report goes on to offer
an analysis of factors likely to have led to the closure of the Cabrach distilleries.
In addition, the report explores the manner in which Inverharroch farm will have
interacted with the distilling industries both before and after the 1823 Excise Act.
Finally, the report surveys the nature of illicit distilling in the Cabrach, demonstrating
its importance to the local economy and the cultural significance of smuggling to the
people of the parish. In so doing, this report utilises research of primary evidence to
shine new light on the importance of whisky making to the people and culture of the
Cabrach.
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Figure 1: Map of Cabrach Parish taken from James Taylor, Cabrach Feerings (The Banffshire
Journal, Banff,1920).
1. Location of Licensed Distilleries in the Cabrach
In order to curtail illicit distilling which was viewed by the Excise establishment in the
early 1800s as, ‘the bane of Scotland, by injuring the fair trader, diminishing the
revenue, and demoralising the people…’3, the Westminster government began a
process of re-evaluating Excise policy, with the aim of stimulating legal distillation,
particularly in the notorious whisky smuggling districts of the Highlands. This
3 Report from the Select Committee on Petitions complaining of the additional Duty on Malt in
Scotland, 1821, House of Commons Papers, 8(598), p. 46
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culminated in the 1822 Illicit Distillation (Scotland) Act and the 1823 Excise Act.
Combined, these two pieces of legislation radically altered distilling practices
throughout Scotland. Prior to this, government controls regarding whisky distilling
had been ineffective, often encouraging illicit activities, and hindering legal distilling,
especially in Highland areas.
Perhaps the most notoriously ill-advised piece of government intervention was the
1784 Wash Act. This legislation was introduced by the government with
encouragement from the Excise authorities, and involved the simplification of the
administration of distillery duties, alongside the lowering of duties in both England
and Lowland Scotland.4 Furthermore, Highland distillers were regulated under a
totally different system, and were charged a lower duty than their Lowland
neighbours. Under the Act, the Highlands were defined as the several counties of
Orkney, Caithness, Sutherland, Ross, Inverness, Argyll, Bute, Stirling, Lanark, Perth,
Dumbarton, Aberdeen, Forfar, Kincardine, Banff, Nairn, and Moray. 5
Understandably, Lowland distillers were outraged at the perceived unfairness of the
Act, and in 1785 it was amended stipulating that; stills in the Highlands could not
exceed a capacity of 40 gallons, only grain grown in the parish could be used in
malting, malt used each year was limited to 250 bolls, and there could only be two
licensed distilleries per Highland parish. 6 Additionally, to ensure distillers in the
Highlands did not gain an unfair advantage they were prohibited from exporting their
whisky to Lowland markets. The establishment of this Highland – Lowland divide not
only stimulated small scale legal Highland distilling, but also further encouraged
widely practiced illicit distilling and smuggling. Unlicensed Highland producers could
earn significant profits by unlawfully transporting their whisky for sale in the rapidly
expanding Lowland market. This smuggling trade was further stimulated by many of
the larger Lowland producers adopting rapid distillation methods which greatly
reduced the quality of their whisky, creating a huge demand for high quality
traditionally distilled Highland whisky in the south of Scotland.7 The exclusion of
4 Michael Moss and David Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky: A History of the Scotch Whisky
Distilling Industry (James and James, Edinburgh, 1981), p. 44. 5 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 44. 6 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 45. 7 T. M. Devine, ‘The Rise and Fall of Illicit Whisky-Making in Northern Scotland c. 1780-1840’ in The
Scottish Historical Review, 54(158), (1975), p. 160.
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legal Highland producers from the Lowland market put them at a great disadvantage
to their smuggling counterparts, and this imbalance was heightened further by
increases in duty and license fees throughout the 1790s, forcing many small legal
Highland distillers out of business.8 Legal Highland distilleries were dealt a further
blow in 1814, as the rules under which English distilleries operated were extended to
both Lowland and Highland distillers.9 Therefore, the use of wash stills less than 500
gallons were banned in Highland areas, outlawing all but a tiny minority of legal
distilleries in the north of Scotland.10 As a result, there were only 12 licensed
Highland distillers in 1816, with only 1 in the whole of Aberdeenshire.11 This decline
in licensed Highland production coupled with the seemingly uninhibited practice of
illicit distillation forced the government to rethink Excise policy throughout Scotland.
In 1816 the Small Stills Act was introduced, finally abolishing the ineffectual Highland
Line, which prevented the sale of legal Highland spirits in the Lowland market.
Furthermore, the disastrous proposals of 1814 were scrapped and all Scottish
distillers were able to use whatever size of still they wished (above forty gallons),
under the same regulations, pay the same level of duty, and sell their whisky in any
market it found.12 Initially the success of this legislation was limited as the number of
licensed Highland operations rose slightly from 39 in 1817 to 46 by 1823. 13
However, the legislation was backed up by the passing of the Illicit Distillation
(Scotland) Act in 1822, and the Excise Act of 1823. These Acts dramatically altered
the practice of whisky distilling in the Highland regions of Scotland. The Acts
combined to impose severe penalties on those caught producing and transporting
unlicensed whisky, alongside reducing the duty on legal spirits by half and
introducing a universal license fee of £10 for the right to distil.14 This legislation
radically altered the nature of small scale distilling, making the continuation of illicit
production unattractive to many and therefore reducing the practice significantly
8 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 53. 9 Vivian E. Dietz, ‘The Politics of Whisky: Scottish Distillers, the Excise and the Pittite State’ in The
Journal of British Studies, 36(1), (1997), p.67. 10 Devine, The Rise and Fall of Illicit Whisky-Making in Northern Scotland, p. 160. 11 Report from the Select Committee on Petitions complaining of the additional Duty on Malt in
Scotland, cited in Devine, The Rise and Fall of Illicit Whisky-Making in Northern Scotland, p. 161. 12 Dietz, The Politics of Whisky: Scottish Distillers, the Excise and the Pittite State, p.68. 13 Moss and Hume. The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 65. 14 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p.70.
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throughout Scotland. The number of detections of illicit distilling fell from 14,000 in
1823, to 696 in 1834, to just 6 in 1874.15 Nonetheless, unlicensed distilling was not
totally eradicated in Scotland, as it lingered on in the heartlands of clandestine
distilling activities in the north-east of the country, including the Cabrach, albeit on a
significantly diminished scale. As late as 1827 illegal distillation was regarded as
prevalent throughout the remote hills of the Cabrach by Excise officials.16
While the legislation was not entirely effective in the suppression of illicit Cabrach
whisky production and distribution, the combined Acts certainly stimulated licensed
manufacture in the parish, alongside many other areas of the country. The
government intervention made it viable to carry out small scale legal distilling in
Scotland for the first time, and as a result between, October 1823 and August 1824,
134 new legal stills were set up throughout the country.17 In the Highlands, the
number of legal distilleries increased from 46 in 1823 to 101 in 1828.18
It has long been believed that during this period of increasing legal production, five
small legal distilleries were established in the Cabrach. Moss and Hume in their
significant work The Making of Scotch Whisky, state that Blackmiddens, Buck,
Cabrach, Lesmurdie, and Tamnaven distilleries, were all located within the parish of
Cabrach. 19 Unfortunately, this information is somewhat misleading and from
material gathered from local primary and secondary sources, including Parliamentary
Papers, it can be stated that only three legal Cabrach distilleries operated during the
early 19th century, two located in Lower Cabrach and one in the Upper Cabrach on
the parish boundary with Rhynie.
It is stated in the New Statistical Account of Scotland that, ‘There are two small
distilleries in the parish, bearing a very high character for the excellence of the malt
spirits produced at them, conducted by Messrs John Taylor, Lesmurdie, and James
Robertson, Tomnavin.’20 This Account was compiled by the parish minister Rev
James Gordon, writing in March 1842. Gordon’s statement regarding two licensed 15 Gavin D. Smith, ‘Twelve Dates of Whisky’ in The Scotch Whisky Review, 12, (1999), p.9. 16 National Records of Scotland (NRS) JC4/17: Book of Adjournal, 5 Feb 1827-11 Jan 1828. 17 The National Archives (TNA) T1/2301 (15612): report on Distilling in Scotland, 1824. 18Seventh Report of Commissioners into the Excise cited in Devine, The Rise and Fall of Illicit
Whisky-Making in Northern Scotland, p. 174. 19 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, pp. 251 -272. 20 Cabrach, County of Banff, New Statistical Account of 1834-1845, p. 198.
14
distilleries operating in the Cabrach is echoed in the works of the notable local
historian James Taylor. Writing in the early 19th century he stated that, ‘for some
time there were two bona fide distilleries in Lower Cabrach, one at Mains of
Lesmurdie, and the other at Tomnaven …’21 Taylor provides a further description of
the location of the legal distilling ventures in Cabrach Feerings:
farther down the river, Mains of Lesmurdie and Boghead, both below the road.
At Mains, the most important farm on the Lesmurdie estate, is the Lodge of
Lesmurdie, once no doubt a pleasant dwelling, overlooking one of the best
pools on the river ; but now, the trees having grown so closely about it, it is
dark and damp, and from long neglect quite uninhabitable. Mains comprises
two farms, the other being Cauldstripe … Until about 1837 there was a
distillery at the Mains … Below Belcherry, a convenient footbridge across the
river takes us to the Daugh of Corinacy, which includes all the farms on the
right bank of the river in Lower Cabrach, and also the farm of Bank, now
reckoned in Upper Cabrach. The first place we come to is Tomnaven, the little
hillock of the river. Formerly it comprised both Upper and Lower Tomnaven,
and there was a flourishing distillery in the early part of last century, and for
some years a private school.22
This secondary description is backed up by the diary of John Taylor of Boghead.
This personal memoir was written between 1836-1887, and provides a valuable first-
hand account of the day to day happenings of the Cabrach throughout the 19th
century. On 21st July 1836, Taylor details that, ‘Married at Mains of Lesmurdy by the
Rev. James Gordon, minister at Cabrach, James Robertson, Jun, Tomnaven, to
Miss Margaret Taylor daughter of the deceased James Taylor, farmer and distiller at
Mains of Lesmurdie. Attended the wedding.’23 Taylor also provides information of
another Cabrach wedding between, ‘Mr Rose, Excise Officer, and Miss Smith,
daughter of the deceased James Smith, farmer and distiller, Blackmiddens, parish of
21 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 22 James Taylor, Cabrach Feerings, (Banff, 1920), p. 46, 52. 23 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017).
15
Rhynie.’24 From these primary and secondary accounts it is clear that there were
two legal stills in the Lower Cabrach during the early 1800s, one situated at the farm
of Tomnaven, and the other at Mains of Lesmurdie. Additionally, there was a
distillery at the farm of Blackmiddens situated in the Upper Cabrach, on the parish
boundary with Rhynie.
Evidence gathered from Parliamentary Papers, Distillery Discharge Vouchers, and
Estate Papers provides further information relating to the legal Cabrach ventures and
backs up the earlier assertion that there were three, rather than five, legally
operating distilleries. In regards to Tomnaven, the distillery was in operation
between 1828 and the early 1840s25, under the ownership of James Robertson, with
his brother Alexander Robertson, acting as the principal manager of the distillery.26
Throughout the early 1800s, the Robertson family were tenants of the farm Nether
Tomnaven, with James Robertson undertaking a nineteen year lease of the property
in 1824.27 As early as 1811 the factor to the duke of Gordon proposed that Nether
and Upper Tomnaven be merged because ‘the lower farm is now possessed by two
brothers who seem the most industrious tenants in the country and therefore require
a little more room.28 Yet it was not until 1838 that James Robertson also became
the principle tenant of Upper Tomnaven, merging the farms into a single unit.29 In
the 1841 Census, James Robertson is listed as the head of the Household and
Alexander Robertson gives his occupation as a distiller.30 From this information, it
can be gathered that the distillery of Tomnaven was located at the farm steading of
Nether Tomnaven, in Lower Cabrach, simply referred to as Tomnaven after the
merging of the two separate farm units in 1838.
24 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 25 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-31. House
of Commons Papers, 34(249), p.6; NRS CH2/45/2: Cabrach Kirk Session: Minutes 1757-1862. 26 NRS E581/7/51: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 7-8, 1829-1830. 27 NRS CR6/13: Banff: Ledger of tenants of the estate of Cabrach, 1836-1867. 28 NRS GD44/39/8/1: Cabrach and Kildrummy: Papers in submission between the duke of Richmond
and Gordon of Wardhouse over marches of Cabrach and Kildrummy, including copy contents and valuation of the Cabrach according to an arrangement made out in July 1811, 1840-56. 29 NRS CR6/13. 30 Census 1841, Scotland, Cabrach, Aberdeenshire, Available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/ (Accessed 23 February 2017).
16
Figure 2: Ordnance Survey Map of Tomnaven, 1870 © National Library of Scotland
The distillery described in the primary evidence of Rev Gordon and John Taylor of
Boghead, as being located at the Mains of Lesmurdie was officially known as The
Cabrach Distillery. In the Distillery Discharge Returns from 1828, the voucher is
made out to, ‘James Taylor of the distillery of the Cabrach.’ 31 Furthermore,
Parliamentary Papers showing Accounts relating to Scottish Distilleries list James
Taylor as a distiller, between 1826 – 1832, with the situation of his distillery recorded
as the Cabrach.32 After 1833, John Taylor, who was previously listed as principle
distillery manager for a brief period in 1830, took over as the distiller at Cabrach
distillery.33 Previous primary evidence from the Cabrach Diary states that James
Taylor was a, ‘farmer and distiller at the Mains of Lesmurdie.’34 Furthermore, in
1841 John Taylor was listed as the principle tenant at the Mains.35 This combination
of documentary evidence strongly indicates that the so called Cabrach distillery was
located at the Mains of Lesmurdie. However, there has been some previous
31 NRS E581/6/50: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 7-8, 1828-1829. 32Account of Number of Gallons of Wash distilled from Malt, and Proof Spirits made from Malt, in
Scotland and Ireland, 1826-27. House of Commons Papers, 18(561); Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), Command Papers, 30(8), p. 5 and 8. 33 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 34 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 35 Census, 1841, Scotland, Cabrach, Aberdeenshire.
17
misunderstanding regarding legal distilling on this site. Moss and Hume have
previously suggested that Cabrach and Lesmurdie were two distinct distilleries
operating in separate locations within the Cabrach.36 This point of view stems from a
single reference to James Taylor and Co, distillers at Lesmurdie, in a Commissioners
of Enquiry Report relating to the Excise Establishment from 1834.37 It is true that
James Taylor was legally distilling at Lesmurdie, however all other official returns
cited in official government papers list the name of Taylor’s licensed distillery as the
Cabrach. The 1834 Report also lists the name of the proprietor of the Lesmurdie
distillery as James Taylor and Co. Thus, it could be argued that Taylor was involved
in two separate distilleries, firstly as the sole proprietor of the Cabrach distillery, and
additionally as part of a co-operative with other Cabrach tenants at the so called
Lesmurdie distillery. However, Distillery Discharge Papers reveal that many other
individuals were involved in the running of the Cabrach distillery. Between May and
September 1830, five different persons were officially named as the principal
manager of the distillery.38 Clearly the Cabrach distillery was being managed and
operated collectively by a group of local tenants, with Taylor acting as the main
licensee until 1833. Small farm stills were often run in this manner, and it is highly
unlikely that Taylor was operating individually at one distillery and as part of a whisky
making collective on a separate site. From this it can be argued that Cabrach and
Lesmurdie were one and the same, and The Cabrach was the name given to the
distillery situated at the Mains of Lesmurdie, operated firstly by James Taylor, who
was succeeded by his relative John Taylor in 1832.
36 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 252 and 265. 37 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Sixth Report (Tobacco and Foreign Spirits); Seventh
Report (British Spirits, Part I.), Command Papers, 67(237), p. 231. 38 NRS E581/8/48: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 5-6, 1830-1831
(John Farquhaison, Alexander Simpson, Alexander Robertson, John Taylor, and William McKenzie were listed as the principal manager of the Cabrach distillery throughout 1830).
18
Figure 3: Ordnance Survey Map of Mains of Lesmurdie, 1870 © National Library of Scotland
Similar confusion surrounds the third Cabrach distillery. Referred to as both Buck
and Blackmiddens, this small legal still was located at Blackmiddens farm in the
Upper Cabrach, on the parish boundary with Rhynie. The exact location of the
distillery is shown on a plan of Blackmiddens Farm, dating from 1827. This Plan is a
critical source of information regarding legal production in the Cabrach, and the
drawing clearly shows that there was small distillery located at Blackmiddens Farm
in the 1820s.
Figure 4: NRS RHP 225 Plan of Farm of Blackmiddens, 1827 © National Records of Scotland
19
It has been stated that Buck and Blackmiddens were two separate distilleries,
located separately at Buck Farm and the steading of Blackmiddens, both operated
by James Smith.39 This however, was certainly not the case. Distillery Discharge
Vouchers reveal that for Buck Distillery the allowance on proof spirits made from
malt only was paid to James Smith Distiller, at Blackmiddens.40 Furthermore, from
1826-27 the situation of the distillery was officially recorded as Buck, whilst the name
of the distillery in the Excise Book was listed as Blackmiddens. 41 After 1827,
Blackmiddens was dropped and the distillery was solely referred to as Buck. It is
unclear why this occurred, however it terms of marketing the whisky it could be
argued that Buck has less negative connotations than Blackmiddens, whereas the
name ‘Buck’ gives a geographical indication of the whisky's provenance which draws
upon the positive reputation enjoyed by Cabrach distilling. The argument that there
was a separate distillery at Buck farm lacks sufficient documented evidences as
James Smith was not a tenant of the smallholding during the operating period of the
Buck/Blackmiddens distillery. The tenant of the steading throughout the 1820s and
1830s was William Souter who regularly struggled to meet rent payments and held
no official lease.42 This casts doubt on the viability of there being a small licensed
distillery at the farm. It is highly unlikely that a tenant would invest in the conversion
of farm buildings in order to facilitate distilling practices if they had no security of
tenure. Therefore, there is numerous documented evidence to suggest that
Blackmiddens farm was the situation of the Buck distillery, and the farm of Buck was
not involved in legal distilling practices. This distillery produced whisky between
1825-1833, operated by James Smith, and for a brief period in 1833, his wife
Elizabeth Smith.43
39 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 251 and 252. 40 NRS E581/4/50: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 1-2, 1826-1827. 41 Accounts relating to Malt and Spirits in Ireland and Scotland, 1826-27. House of Commons Papers,
17(529), pp. 5 and 8. 42 NRS GD44/51/734/1-6: Rentals of the lands of Cabrach, 1709-1825. 43 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102.
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Figure 5: NRS E581-4-50 Distillery Discharge Voucher for Buck Distillery
© National Records of Scotland
A great deal of uncertainty has grown around the number and location of the legal
Cabrach stills from the early 19th century. There various guises has created the
impression that there were five licensed distilleries in the parish. This however, was
not the case. The numerous documented evidence examined in this report section
demonstrates that, in fact, there were three operating licensed distilleries in the
Cabrach; Tomnaven Distilery, located at the farm of Tomnaven; The Cabrach
Distillery, located at the Mains of Lesmurdie, and finally, Buck/Blackmiddens
Distillery, located at Blackmiddens farm.
2. The Nature of Early Licensed Cabrach Stills
As it has now been established that there were three licenced distilleries operating in
the Cabrach in the early 19th century, along with their locations, an investigation of
the nature of these legal stills will now take place. This examination will consider the
volume of wash and spirits produced at each legal distillery, alongside their
ownership status and management.
2.1 Outputs of the Cabrach Distilleries
Official Excise Returns and Distillery Discharge Vouchers provide key data relating
to the output of the Cabrach distilleries. This material will now be detailed in regards
to the three separate distilleries to demonstrate the volume of spirit they were
producing. This helps to shape a picture of the nature of these small legal Cabrach
ventures.
Buck/Blackmiddens
The Excise records show that Buck/Blackmiddens started producing whisky in 1825,
with James Smith named as the license holder and distiller.44 From October 1825 to
44 Accounts relating to Malt and Spirits in Ireland and Scotland, 1826-27, p. 8.
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October 1826, the distillery produced 2,528 gallons of malt spirit from 27,203 gallons
of wash.45 During 1826, the distillery produced an average of 49 gallons of malt
spirits weekly, using approximately 32.5 bushels of malt. 46 The highest weekly
output of spirits for the year was 99 gallons, while the lowest was 29 gallons.47
Between October 1826 and October 1827, the annual output of the distillery fell to
1,745 gallons of malt spirit, from 18,282 gallons of wash.48 In 1827 the distillery
began producing whisky using corn wash, producing an annual total of 43,174
gallons, which was distilled into 4,226 gallons of whisky.49 During 1828, the distillery
continued to produce malt spirits using only bere and bigg, manufacturing 115
gallons weekly between October and November of that year from 60 bushels of
malt.50 Between January 1829 and January 1830, the legal still produced 3,682
gallons of malt spirits, using 2,201 bushels of malt for the year. 51
Buck/Blackmiddens also continued to distil from Corn wash producing 46,630
gallons from October 1829 to October 1830, increasing output to 4,854 gallons of
spirit annually.52
After 1830, the distillery no longer utilised corn in their distilling process, although the
distillery continued to distil from bere and bigg, with a yield of 4,540 gallons of malt
spirit for the year ending October 1831.53 Between August and October of the same
year the distillery produced 1,022 gallons of wash a week, yielding an average of
105 gallons of spirit.54 The output of the distillery fell to 3,829 gallons of spirt for the
year ending October 1832.55 In 1833, the distillery’s final year of production, the
volume of spirit produced was 3,010 gallons, with the license passing from James
Smith to his wife Elizabeth half way through the year.56
45 Ibid. 46 NRS E581/4/50. 47 Ibid. 48 Account of Number of Gallons of Wash distilled from Malt, and Proof Spirits made from Malt, in
Scotland and Ireland, 1826-7. House of Commons Papers, 18(561), p. 5, 8. 49 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-3, p. 6. 50 NRS E581/6/50: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 7-8, 1828-1829. 51 NRS E581/7/48-51: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 1-8, 1829-1830. 52 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-31. 53 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 54 NRS E581/9/90. 55 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 56 Ibid.
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Cabrach
The Cabrach distillery commenced production in 1826, with James Taylor listed as
the distiller.57 Outputs for the year ending October 1827 reveal that 5,322 gallons of
wash were made, which was distilled into 482 gallons of malt spirits.58 From 1827 to
1829, The Cabrach distillery began distilling spirits from corn wash and stopped the
production of malt whisky. This legal venture fermented 35,088 gallons of corn wash
between October 1827 and October 1828, of which 3,402 gallons of spirits were
distilled.59 This figure rose to 50,542 gallons of corn wash and 5,044 gallons of spirit
from 1828 to 1829.60 The distillery re-commenced malt distilling in 1829, when 5,131
gallons of whisky were distilled from 3,240 bushels of malt produced from bere and
bigg during that year.61 On average, the legal still was distilling 110 gallons of malt
whisky a week from 70 bushels.62 The distillery continued to produce spirits from
corn wash, with an output of 53,484 gallons of wash and 5,196 gallons of spirit
between October 1829 and October 1830.63 After 1830 however, the use of corn
wash in Cabrach distilling ceased. Nonetheless, the distillery continued to produce
malt spirits, distilling 6,169 gallons from October 1830 to October 1831.64 Between
October 1831 and October 1832, the license was taken over by John Taylor, and the
distillery’s annual output fell slightly to 5,781 gallons.65 This annual output rose
slightly to 5,816 gallons for the following year.66 For the half year ending April 1834,
the volume of spirits produced stood at 3,179 gallons of malt spirits.67 Unfortunately,
official records become rather vague after this date and very little is documented
regarding the actions of individual distillers until 1851. However, it is documented in
the Statistical Account that the distillery was still operational in 1842, and it is stated
that the distillery, along with the still at Tomnaven, was producing 10,000 gallons of
57 Account of Number of Gallons of Wash distilled from Malt, and Proof Spirits made from Malt, in
Scotland and Ireland, 1826-7, p. 5, 8. 58 Ibid. 59 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-31, p. 6. 60 Ibid. 61 NRS E581/7/48-51. 62 Ibid. 63 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-31p. 6. 64 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Ibid.
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spirit from malt.68 From this it can be inferred that the annual output of the Cabrach
distillery did not drastically change in the lead up to the 1840s, from the 5,000
gallons it was distilling in 1833. There is no record of the Cabrach distillery in the
Return of Licensed Distillers in England, Scotland and Ireland: 1851, therefore the
distillery closed its doors at some point between 1842 and 1851.69
Tomnaven
Tomanven began operations in 1828, under the ownership of James Robertson.70
The distillery originally produced whisky from corn wash, with an output of 3,291
gallons of spirit from 33,103 gallons of wash, between October 1828 to October
1829.71 The distillery continued to produce corn whisky the following year gradually
increasing output to 4,762 gallons from 47,269 gallons of wash.72 From January
1829, this legal still was also producing malt spirits, with a small output of 3,812
gallons from 2,346 bushels of malt, over the course of the year.73 On average, the
still was outputting 73 gallons of malt whisky per week, using 45 bushels of malt
made from bere and bigg only.74 After 1830, the distillery ceased corn whisky
production, and focused solely on the production of spirits from malt. Between
October 1830 and October 1831, the annual spirits produced amounted to 5,200
gallons.75 Tomnaven was producing on average 1,022 gallons of wash per week,
giving a return of 110 gallons of spirit, during this period.76 Malt whisky production
rose the following year to an annual output of 6,108 gallons.77 Between October
1832 and October 1833, the productivity of the distillery again increased, giving an
annual output of 6,356 gallons. 78 For the half year ending April 1834, output
remained steady, with 3,100 gallons of malt whisky being distilled.79 Like The
68 Cabrach, County of Banff, New Statistical Account of 1834-1845, p. 198 69Return of Licensed Distillers in England, Scotland and Ireland, 1851. House of Commons Papers,
53(386), p. 3 70 Return of Quantity of Corn Wash distilled by each Distiller and Spirits produced, 1827-31, p. 6. 71 Ibid. 72 Ibid. 73 NRS E581/7/48-51. 74 Ibid. 75 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 76 NRS E581/9/90. 77 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 78 Ibid. 79 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102.
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Cabrach distillery, Tomnaven ceased operations at some point between 1842 and
1851.
2.2 Ownership Status and Management
The Cabrach distilleries were operating in the style of small farm distilleries, seen
throughout Highland areas during the early part of the 19th century, as demonstrated
by the Output Records. These small stills were set up in order to take advantage of
the reduction in the rate of excise duties from 1823, and challenge the whisky
monopoly enjoyed by illicit distillers. The legal Cabrach stills were set up by the
larger farmers in the area, and were situated at their farm steadings. Lesmurdie and
Tomnaven were two of the largest farms in the Lower Cabrach. Furthermore, the
Robertson’s at Tomnaven were considered the, ‘two most industrious men,’ in the
parish.80 Many of the new small distilleries set up throughout the Highlands during
the 1820s were established by larger famers, who had knowledge of illicit distilling or
employed people who had previously been involved in smuggling activities. There is
no written evidence confirming either Smith, Taylor or Robertson as known distillers
of unlicensed whisky; however they would have certainly been aware of it going on
throughout the Cabrach. Furthermore, illicit bothies were scattered throughout the
lands of Lesmurdie, the remains of which could still be seen in the early 20th
century.81 Many of the tenants and cotters who were engaged in illicit distilling
emigrated to America and Jamaica around 1827.82 Therefore, if any of them were
integrated into the small legal distilling economy of the Cabrach, it was a very limited
number.
Initially the output of these legal Cabrach stills was small. In 1826, a year after its
establishment, Buck/Blackmiddens was the second smallest legal distillery in terms
of output in the Huntly Collection District.83 At this time Glendronach distillery, near
Huntly, was producing 10 times the volume of whisky distilled at
80 NRS GD44/39/8/1. 81 Aberdeen Journal, Friday 11 January 1901. 82Poor Law Enquiry (Scotland) Part II, containing minutes of evidence taken in the synods of Ross,
Argyll, Shetland, Orkney, Sutherland and Caithness, Gleeneg, Moray, Aberdeen, 1844. Command Papers, p. 694 83 NRS E581/4/50.
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Buck/Blackmiddens.84 Although the output of spirits increased gradually throughout
the 1820s and 1830s, the capacity of the three legal distilleries in the parish was
amongst the smallest in the Elgin Distillery Collection.85 Despite this relatively small
output, the Cabrach licensed ventures produced whisky for 5-6 days a week, all year
round, although production was reduced in the summer months.86 The likely cause
of this was the difficulty in obtaining adequate supplies of grain and peat during this
time. Traditionally peat was cut in April and May and would not be ready for burning
until the autumn months.87
A principle distillery manager was employed at each of the three Cabrach distilleries.
Between January 1828 and May 1830, William McKenzie was recorded as the
principle manager of the Buck/Blackmiddens distillery.88 From May 1830, he was
replaced by Alexander Gibson, who held the post until 1832.89 William McKenzie
took up the position of principle manager of The Cabrach distillery for periods
throughout 1830 and 1831.90 Prior to this, John Farquhaison was the distillery
manager of The Cabrach.91 In regards to Tomnaven, Alexander Robertson was
listed as distillery manager intermittently throughout the 1820s and 30s,92 and as late
as 1841 he stated his occupation as distiller.93 Interestingly, between July and
August 1830, four separate distillery managers were named for The Cabrach
distillery, including Alexander Robertson.94 This suggests that there was a degree of
co-operation between the legal ventures. The fact that the same persons were
employed in more than one Cabrach distillery, hints at some form of communal
distilling practise, with expertise and knowledge being exchanged between the legal
stills in the Cabrach. This link is further highlighted by the marriage of James
Robertson, Jnr (son of James Robertson, distiller at Tomnaven), to Margaret Taylor,
84 Ibid. 85 NRS E581/7/48-51. 86 Ibid. 87 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 24 88 NRS E581/6/50 and NRS E581/8/47. 89 NRS E581/6/50 and NRSE581/9/90. 90 NRS E581/9/88: Distillery Discharge Vouchers: Elgin collection: Huntly: rounds 1-2, 1831-1832. 91 NRS E581/6/50. 92 NRS E581/7/48 and NRS E581/8/48. 93 Census, 1841, Scotland, Cabrach, Aberdeenshire. 94 NRS E581/8/48.
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daughter of James Taylor, farmer and distiller at Lesmurdie.95 Clearly there was a
link between the two families which likely extended to legal distilling practices.
Following the introduction of the 1823 Excise Act, every distillery was assigned at
least one Excise Officer who was provided onsite accommodation. Various Excise
men were stationed at the three licensed Cabrach distilleries. Alexander Anderson
was stationed at the distillery located at Blackmiddens farm in 1830; for The Cabrach
distillery, Alexander Gordon was the officer of the Excise in 1833; and Alexander
Fraser carried out his duties at Tomnaven in 1843.96 The role of the Excise Officers
was to prevent fraud at legal distilleries by ensuring that the correct amount of duty
was being paid on the volume of spirits distilled. The duty charged at the three
Cabrach distilleries in 1833 was, £1,016 10s at Tomnaven, £913 10s at Cabrach,
and £695 at Buck/Blackmiddens. 97 Excise men were also responsible for the
regulation of malt drawback. This rebate of duty, set at 1s 5d per gallons of spirits,
was introduced in 1823 to stimulate the production of legal malt whisky.98 This
allowed distillers to reclaim a proportion of their duty to compensate for the additional
cost of using malt grain only in their whiskies. All three Cabrach legal stills were
producing malt spirits and therefore received a duty rebate. From January 1829 to
January 1830, this reimbursement was £189 for Buck/Blackmiddens, £201 for
Tomnaven, and £282 for Cabrach.99 This duty rebate made it attractive to produce
malt whisky, rather than grain or corn spirits, and explains why the distilling from
malted bere and bigg was favoured to the detriment of corn in Cabrach distilling after
1830.
The Excise Officers were often diligent in the exercise of the duty as James
Robertson found to cost in 1837, when he was fined £150 for breaching excise
regulations. 100 However, the Excise men were not always so well behaved
95 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 96 Aberdeen City Archives (ACA) As/Acom/1/14/116: Aberdeenshire Commissioners of Supply:
Assessed Tax Report 1830-31, p.9; NRS CH2/45/2: Cabrach Kirk Session: Minutes 1757-1862. 97 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Sixth Report (Tobacco and Foreign Spirits); Seventh
Report (British Spirits, Part I.), pp. 230-231. 98 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 70. 99 NRS E581/7/48-51. 100 Accounts and Papers of the House of Commons, 1847. Volume 59, p. 8
27
themselves. In 1834, Betty McLean was brought before the Cabrach Kirk Session,
‘confessing herself with child in fornication and accusing Alexander Gordon, Officer
of the Excise, lately residing … at Mains of Lesmurdie in the Parish of Cabrach as
father of her child.’101 Furthermore, the Kirk Session reported in 1843:
that on Thursday the twelfth of January current Margaret Taylor wife of James
Robertson Distiller at Nether Tomnaven in the Parish and County of Banff had
called on him (the minister) representing a female child apparently about ten
months old had been exposed and abandoned there on a bundle of straw at
the door of a house occupied by Alexander Fraser Officer of Excise by the
mother of a woman from the Parish of Aberdour named Anne Inkson …102
Clearly Excise officials were well integrated into the Cabrach community.
Furthermore, this account infers that the Tomnaven distillery was operating in 1843.
This is the last written primary reference regarding legal distilling in the Cabrach, as
by 1851 the Tomanven and Cabrach legal stills had ceased production, following
Buck/Blackmiddens closure in 1833.
3. The Conversion of Cabrach Farms into Legal Distilleries
There were four models for establishing farm distilleries after the excise laws of
1823. The first was that the smuggler would set up a licensed distillery. John
Anderson, collector of excise for the Elgin Collection District, which covered the
Cabrach, stated as early as 1825 that he knew of former illicit distillers who were
succeeding with legal stills.103 The second was the tenant farmer who distilled with
the malt produced on the farm, and recycled the draff into the farm. The third was the
collective, which pooled resources to purchase equipment, and took turns to make
whisky from their own grain. This appears to have been the case with the distillers of
Lesmurdie/Cabrach at least some of the time.104 John Anderson remarked that by
101 NRS CH2/45/2: Cabrach Kirk Session: Minutes 1757-1862 102 NRS CH2/45/2. 103 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Twelfth
Report (Excise, Scotland), 1825, House of Commons Papers, 14(390), p. 565. 104 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries). 1823. House of Commons Papers. 253(405), p. 105. Distilleries at Ardtallanaig
and Fettercairn reveal how this may have worked in practise.
28
congregating in groups of three, four or five, previously illicit distillers could work
together on a legal footing.105 And the fourth was the landowner who had previously
sold his grain to illicit distillers. The 1823 licensing acts presented commercial
potential to establish a business which would also provide a market for the grain
previously directed to the smugglers. These models were not exclusive, however.
Fettercairn distillery, for example, was owned exclusively by Thomas Shand, but
operated by a collective of farmers.106
In the Cabrach, the distilleries were established in premises concurrently managed
as farms by tenant farmers. The Robertsons at Tomnaven had only recently taken
on the lease of the whole farm of Tomnaven (Upper and Nether) when they
commenced licensed distilling, and thus their acquisition of additional buildings
precluded the need to build a purpose-built distillery.107 The distillery was certainly
established as a means to dispose of grain, as Taylor of Boghead's diary tells us of
the industrious James Robertson sowing bere on the Craigies.
The establishment of legal stills did not come without complications, as communities
which had previously encouraged smuggling made the transition to legal enterprise.
The distillery at Corgarff Castle was burned down by illicit distillers. Two licensed
distilleries in Grantown ceased production due to threats from illicit distillers.108 In
Glenlivet, George Smith at Upper Drumin famously defended himself against hostile
neighbours who threatened to burn down his distillery. 109 Markets which had
previously imported illicit whisky from areas like the Cabrach established distilleries
of their own to compete with the newly licensed stills. In Brechin, an important outlet
for smuggled whisky, two distilleries were established, Glencadam and North Port,
105 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Twelfth
Report (Excise, Scotland), House of Commons Papers, p. 566. 106 Aberdeen University Library (AUL) MS3652/3/20: Andrew Halliday to William Shand, Hampton
Court, 26 March 1831. 107 Indeed, the Robertson family was identified as industrious and entrepreneurial by the Duke of
Gordon’s factor, explaining precisely why the leases of Upper and Nether Tomnaven were merged.
NRS GD44/39/8/1: copy contents and valuation of the Cabrach, July 1811. 108 ibid. 109 Iain F. Russell, ‘Smith family (per. 1824–1975)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford
University Press, 2004; [online edn,], Jan 2010, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/72830,
accessed 26 Feb 2017
29
which produced over 70,000 gallons of whisky annually.110 In the Cabrach it was
estimated that up to eighty people whose livelihoods had depended on the illicit
whisky trade left the parish, many emigrating overseas.111
4. Description of the Distilleries and the Whisky Making Process
In Scotch Missed Brian Townsend asserts that ‘Most new distilleries were small, two-
stilled affairs resembling farmyard outbuildings - indeed many of them were exactly
that’.112 The traditional malt whisky distillery was usually planned around a court.
Single storey warehouses, maltings and kilns, with their distinctive pagoda chimneys,
were all regular features of distilleries.113 The distilleries identified in the course of
this research - Cabrach at Lesmurdie, Buck at Black Middens, and Tomnaven, all
incorporated central water wheels which drove a mill within the building for bruising
the malt. The water wheel was essentially the distillery engine which could also
power pumps which would move wort, wash and brewing liquor.
The presence of water-powered mills also confirms the presence of water, which is
of course vital to a distillery. At Tomnaven, water has been channeled from a source
further up the hill to the distillery building. At Blackmiddens, an underground water
source is similarly channeled. At Lesmurdie, the water wheel sits in the Deveron
burn that runs alongside the distillery. It must be assumed that the water that drove
the mills also supplied the distilleries with both brewing liquor and water for
cooling/condensing and also for cleaning. It might be noted here that the apparent
lack of such a water supply at Inverharroch distinguishes it from the Cabrach
distilleries and accordingly would seem to confirm that distilling on a significant scale
did not take place there.
110 David Black, History of Brechin to 1864 (Edinburgh, 1867), p 273. 111 Poor Law Enquiry (Scotland) Part II, containing minutes of evidence taken in the synods of Ross,
Argyll, Shetland, Orkney, Sutherland and Caithness, Gleeneg, Moray, Aberdeen, 1844, Command Papers, p. 695 112 Brian Townsend, Scotch Missed: The Lost Distilleries of Scotland, (Neil Wilson Publishing, 1993),
p. 38. 113 Donald Scott, ‘A Malt Whisky Distillery’, (Unpublished Architecture Diploma thesis, Duncan of
Jordanstone College, 1965).
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Figure 6: Engine Room at Blackmiddens Distillery © The Cabrach Trust
A detailed description of a small distillery at Corgarff Castle was made following a
fire, and it provides a good representation of what a farm distillery would have looked
like. This distillery, less than thirty miles from the Cabrach, was attached to the
distillery-owner’s house. It was one storey high, built of stone and lime, and roofed
with thatch. There was a stream located nearby, which supplied the distillery and its
well with water. Corgarff distillery, despite its size, had three stills. Two wash stills
were sixty imperial gallons apiece; the spirit still was forty gallons capacity. The
mash tun was made of wood, and though its size has not been recorded it is most
likely that a mash would be designed to charge either one or both wash stills (i.e. 60
or 120 gallons). There were two chargers (jack backs to charge the wash stills); two
receivers, to collect low wines and spirits respectively, and there was also a cooler,
which cooled the wash prior to fermentation. The chargers, receivers and cooler
were all made of wood; black birch was known to be used for these vessels and
utensils, as well as for washbacks, mash tuns and malt steeps.114
114 The National Archives (TNA) CUST 119/434: Illicit Distilling in Aberdeenshire, Examination of
James McHardy, Farmer and distiller at Corgarff Castle, 2 August 1826; NRS GD46/13/120/3: report
on the state of the Stornaway distillery, Nov. 1826.
31
Figure 7: AUL MS 3470-21-53 © Aberdeen University Library Special Collections
Low wines stills distilled wash of a gravity of approximately 1.050. Wash was fed
from the jack back to a charging back. The charging back was locked, and held the
exact volume of wash which was to be distilled.115 Thus, the volumes of the mash-
tun and wash did not have to directly accord with the still size. The Cabrach
distilleries were producing approximately 1000 imperial gallons of wash from
approximately 60 bushels of malt each week. Under the 1823 Excise Act concurrent
brewing and distilling was not permitted, a clause that was not rescinded until 1944,
and thus applied for the lifespan of the Cabrach distilleries. It is almost certain, then,
that the mash-tun could produce 500 gallons of wort per batch, and thus there would
have been two washbacks of a similar size. A wash charger would have fed the stills
on days when brewing was not taking place.
Figure 8: Sir David Wilkie A Highland Whisky Still at Lochgilphead 1819 © Private Collection
Bridgeman Images
115 AUL MS3470/21/53: Papers of the Fraser Family of Castle Fraser and Inverlochy; Drawing and
notes regarding the design of a still for distilling liquor.
32
John Anderson reported that the spirit stills of the distilleries in the Elgin collection
district, which included those of the Cabrach, ranged from 120 to 200 imperial
gallons, with the low wines stills proportionately larger.116 Standard practice was (and
remains) spirit still as approximately 2/3 volume of wash still; so a 200 gallons wash
still and 120 gallons spirit still would have been appropriate sizes. They would have
been situated upon stone blockwork with a furnace beneath which was fired by peat.
During distillation, the alcohol vapours would pass into the worm and condense into
the low wines which would be collected from the worm end into a wooden cask low
wines receiver. The low wines would then be charged into the spirit still for distillation
into spirit of approximately 11 per cent over proof. Often the swan neck of the stills
would exit the building and the worm tub would be on the outside of the distillery,
filled with cold water. The apparatus that made up a distillery of this humble size
would cost approximately £200.117 The famous painting of Lochgilphead distillery by
Sir David Wilkie shows the interior of a farm still of similar size to the Cabrach
Distilleries.118
The description of Corgarff distillery makes mention of a malt barn and kiln. What is
striking, and a common feature of the three Cabrach distilleries, is the apparent
absence of an obvious kiln. The Adam Mackie diaries show that malt was being
transmitted from Mackie back to the Cabrach via smugglers. We know that the
licenced Cabrach distillers continued the practice of importing victual. Mackie’s diary
also discusses his excise returns in which he stated that he steeped and germinated
his barley in his own barns but that he dried it in the public kiln in Fyvie.119 As
detailed above, in the Cabrach an insufficient amount of barley was grown to supply
the three legal stills, and barley/bere/bigg was imported. But, of the grain that was
grown in the Cabrach, malting may have been undertaken on individual
farms/distilleries but kilning took place at a communal kiln, perhaps Reekimlane and
116 Twelfth report of the Commissioners of Inquiry, p. 565. 117 Twelfth report of the Commissioners of Inquiry, p. 567; TNA CUST 119/434; Fifth report of the
commissioners of inquiry into the collection and management of the revenue arising in Ireland; &c.
Distilleries. 1823, p. 158; NRS GD44/26/6/3:Fort William and Maryburgh: Papers relating to farm of
Inch and to the distillery and meal mill at Inverlochy 1807-1827. 118 Sir David Wilkie, ‘The Highland Whisky Still at Lochgilphead’ (1819) oil on panel. Private
collection. Reproduction under licence, see: https://www.bridgemanimages.com/ 119 William Mackie and David Stevenson (eds), The Diary of a Canny Man, 1818-28. Adam Mackie,
Farmer, Merchant and Innkeeper in Fyvie (Aberdeen: University Press, 1991), pp. 66-7.
33
Corinacy. Plans of similarly sized distilleries (e.g. Craigend and Kepp, both in
Stirlingshire) also show maltings and kilns across a number of buildings.120 Records
relating to the Cabrach distilleries do not mention kilns or maltings, and the premises
viewed do not have the distinctive pagoda roofs. The buildings at Blackmiddens are
in a varied state of repair. Some do not have a roof, and the buildings marked on the
map as the ‘distillery’ have only foundations remaining. So it is impossible to say with
certainty that malting took place on the premises. However, it is extremely likely
considering the extent of the premises; distilleries were a compound of buildings,
with engine room, maltings, mill, kiln and still house all within the network, often
around the courtyard. Tomnaven, Blackmiddens and Lesmurdie were all situated by
running water for powering the water wheels.
Figure 9: NRS RHP 80866-1 Plan of Craigend Farm, © National Records of Scotland
The excise law certainly shaped the fabric of distilleries. Most pertinently, the still
size had to be a minimum of 40 gallons. All equipment had to be clearly marked to
indicate its use and content and all the pipework within distilleries had to be painted
certain colours to indicate to the Excise men the flow of liquids. Water pipes were
white; Wort pipework was red; feints were carried in blue pipes and spirits were
120 NRS RHP80866/1: Plan of Craigend Distillery, 1790; Dundee City Archives, GD/Wh/75/4: Plan of
Kepp Distillery, 1827.
34
carried in black pipes. Distilleries were required to have a spirit safe, under an excise
lock and key, which prevented the distiller from having access to the spirits running
off the still but to nevertheless be able to conduct his work. Duty was charged per
gallon of proof spirits and one of the factors behind the success of the legislation was
the adoption of the Sykes hydrometer and tables which were the declared standard
acceptable to the Excise service. The use of instruments to test the strength of wash
also provided a means of control to ensure that malt on which rebate had been paid
could not be diverted into illicit manufacture of whisky.121
The equipment that made up the distilleries was not always sourced locally. Henry
Armstrong of Edinburgh specialised in fitting out distilleries and supplied clients in
Prestonpans, Beauly and Stornoway, so the reach of his business was national.122
Armstrong supplied the copper utensils to the Beauly distillery for £647 for two stills,
worms, copper pumps, boiler and machinery and sundry other items. The
coppersmith charged almost £2000 to the Stornoway distillery, which was built on a
much grander scale and with significant capital investment (but perhaps less
strategic management). The utensils at Corgarff distillery, which were closer in size
to those that would have been in place at the Cabrach distilleries, were valued at
£200 when the distillery burned down in 1826.123 The interesting thing to note is the
uplift in value of the Corgarff stills, which ranged in size from forty to sixty gallons,
compared to illicit stills of approximately the same volume. Hugh Munro of Teaninich
distillery gave evidence that illicit stills ‘vary from forty up to seventy gallons’ and that
they would cost ‘six, eight or ten pounds’.124 Of course, when illicit stills were likely to
be confiscated it made sense for them to be inexpensive, whereas as the coppers in
legal distilleries were key assets, which had to be both efficient and durable. A
consequence of this was that legal stills were made from superior metals. ‘The evils
of a defective construction are increased a hundred-fold, when, as is frequently the
case, the still is made of tin and the worm of tin or lead … a portion of the metal is
121 Perth and Kinross Council Archives, MS14/205: Ian Butterfield, ‘A Perthshire Whisky Trail’, pp.17-
18; Donald Scott, ‘A Malt Whisky Distillery’. 122 NRS, CS96/208: Beauly Distillery Company Journal, 1824-1827; NRS GD46/13/118: J A Stewart
Mackenzie to Henry Armstrong coppersmith Edinburgh, 11 Nov. 1825. 123 TNA CUST 119/434: Illicit Distilling in Aberdeenshire 124 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries), p. 158.
35
dissolved, and poisonous metallic salts are produced, which must be injurious to the
drinker’.125
5. Raw Materials Historically Used in Mashing
The raw material used for mashing in the legal Cabrach stills was predominantly
bere or bigg. Bere/bigg is a strain of four rowed barley, well suited to harsh, wet
climates, and was therefore grown throughout Highland areas of Scotland in the
1800s. This grain is still cultivated on Orkney and in recent years The Arran Distillery
and Bruichladdich distillery have produced whiskies using this grain in collaboration
with the Agronomy Institute of Orkney College, University of Highlands and
Islands.126 In 1799, Highland distillers described the crop as, ‘much inferior quality to
the Grain produced in the Lowlands’127 However, in relation to mashing it was
argued that Lowland barley and Highland bere produced a malt of similar quality in
the 1830s.128 Bere/bigg was predominately used by Highland distillers as it was
grown locally, and high-quality barley was expensive to import for Lowland regions.
Throughout the 1820s and 1830s, bere/bigg was the main crop used by the other
legal stills in the Elgin Collection District.129
The lands of the Cabrach were notoriously unsuited to arable farming, and the
cultivation of grain in the 19th century was carried out in poor quality soil, under
uncertain conditions, using limited farming methods. In the early 1800s it was stated
that the Cabrach was, ‘better suited for pasture, than cultivation, the mode of which
has not varied for a century. It produces however, as much barley and oats as
serves the inhabitants.’130 Although unsuited to crop production, it is suggested that
125 Ian MacDonald, quoted in Gavin D. Smith, The Secret Still: Scotland’s Clandestine Whisky
Makers (Edinburgh: Birlinn, 2002), p. 43. 126 https://www.uhi.ac.uk/en/media/news-archive/2012/independent-distillery-brings-back-bere-barley;
https://www.bruichladdich.com/article/our-alliance-uhi-helps-conserve-bere-barley (Accessed 25
February 2017). 127 Reports from Committees of the House of Commons Which Have Been Printed by Order of the
House: And are Not Inserted in the Journals 1715-1801, House of Commons Papers, 11, p. 501 128 Commissioners of Inquiry into the Excise Establishment and into the Management and Collection
of the Excise Revenue, 1835, Command Papers. Volume 13, p. 38 129 NRS E581/7/48-51. 130 Encyclopaedia perthensis, or, Universal dictionary of the arts, sciences, literature, etc.: intended to
supersede the use of other books of reference, Volume 4, (1816), p. 547
36
the farm units in the Cabrach were able to meet the basic needs of the parish. No
doubt some of this locally grown bere/bigg would have been used in legal distilling
practices. It is recorded in John Taylor’s diary from April 1836, that, ‘James
Robertson, Sen., Tomnaven, commenced sowing bere this day upon the
Craigies.’131 From this primary source, it is clear that bere was being grown on the
farmland of Tomnaven, which was also home to one of the legal Cabrach distilleries.
It is highly probable that this grain was being converted to whisky at their on-site
licensed still. In addition to distilling whisky from bere/bigg, Cabrach distillers used
corn in their mashes. There is evidence that Blackmiddens Farm was growing this
grain, as a corn field is clearly marked on the farm plan from 1827. Situated a short
distance from the distillery building, there is little doubt that the corn cultivated on site
would have been used in whisky production. The use of locally grown grain would
have reduced production costs for the small, newly emerging Cabrach stills in the
1820s. Furthermore, the production of draff in the distilling process would have
provided a high-quality feedstuff for cattle and other livestock, easing the reliance on
bere/bigg for this purpose.
Although bere and corn were being grown on the site of the Cabrach farm distilleries,
and the parish as a whole was able to fulfil the basic needs of the community, it is
unlikely that the local grain cultivation would have been able to meet the demands of
three operating distilleries, producing throughout the year. Each distillery was
consuming on average, 60-80 bushels of bere/bigg per week,132 and it is highly
improbable that the Cabrach, with its basic agricultural methods and poor, wet soil
would have been able to meet this requirement. At the height of illicit production in
the Cabrach, unlicensed distillers throughout the parish were often supplied with
grain from the more fertile regions of Aberdeenshire. It is clear that this practice was
widespread among illicit distillers, as stated in the evidence of James Gordon, who
was examined before the Commissioners of Revenue Inquiry in 1823:
They bring it from a distance in Aberdeenshire. I have seen for several years
131 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 132 NRS E581/7/48-51. One bushel is equivalent to 25.4kg (therefore 60 bushesls = 1524kg and 80
bushels = 2032kg) cf. https://www.scotchwhiskyexperience.co.uk/about-whisky/history
37
past barley carrying up in the carts from lower parts of Aberdeenshire; and a
friend of mine tells me that he has reason to believe that from his
considerable estate, which is much lower down than my property, the barley
has been conveyed to our part of the country regularly for the two or three last
seasons; and I have met carts of it, large carts frequently, with barley, going to
the distilleries, as I believed.133
Gordon goes on to suggest that this transportation of grain from southern district was
chiefly carried out in the Cabrach, as the parish had, ‘a very cold chilly climate, and
the crops are generally touched by frost, and do not malt freely, in consequence of
this they find it necessary to buy from the lower country round.’134 He also states
that the unlicensed distillers purchased a small amount of high-quality Lowland
barley.135 Furthermore, it is known that some northern smugglers preferred to distil
with, ‘the best English barley that can be had at almost any price.’136 Nonetheless,
access to this grain was often limited and the difficulty of transport made it highly
expensive, therefore only available to the more successful illicit distillers. Generally,
illicit Cabrach producers preferred to take grain from:
‘the nearest place where they can purchase it, first, because the transport is a
heavy matter for them, and in the second place … they must do it in a very
open style, and it immediately attracts the notice of the exciseman, and it is
talked of that such a man has been buying so many bolls.137
This point is backed up by the assertion that Cabrach illicit distillers in the early part
of the 19th century regularly purchased barley (bere) from Auchleven, near Inch,
around 20 miles from the Cabrach.138 The grain was transported by Auchleven
tenants to the Cabrach, setting off at four in the morning with two carts loaded with
133 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries), p. 177 134 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries), p. 177-78 135 Ibid. 136 AUL MS 3470/6/1/635/2: John Young to Roderick Mackenzie, Inverness, 24 March 1803. 137 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries), p. 178. 138 David Kerr Cameron, Willie Gavin, Crofter Man: A Portrait of a Vanished Life (Birlinn, Edinburgh,
2008), p. 24.
38
barley.139 They would meet the Cabrach distillers near the Cabrach parish boundary
and transfer the grain into panniers attached to ponies, each capable of carrying 1 or
2 bushels.140
Due to the difficulty of arable farming in the Cabrach, it is highly likely that the trade
of grain from neighbouring Aberdeenshire farmers to Cabrach distillers continued in
the heydays of legal production, following the decline of illicit activities. The lack of
availability of bere/bigg, within the parish would have resulted in legal Cabrach
distillers bringing in grain from further afield. Taylor, writing 60 years after the
closure of the legal stills, alludes to this practice, suggesting that the cost of
importing barley from outside the parish contributed to the demise of legal Cabrach
production.141 Clearly, in addition to using bere/bigg and corn grown in the parish,
legal distillers were following the example set by their illicit predecessors and
importing grain for distilling from the fertile lands of neighbouring Aberdeenshire.
6. Transportation and Storage of Spirit
Whisky distilled in the early 19th century was generally not aged. Duty was paid on
proof gallons produced – there was no incentive to watch it mature and evaporate.
Whisky was stored in cask as it was a means of transporting the goods to market.
Cask size was usually ten-gallon wooden barrels, known as an anker. New
distilleries were known to source brand new casks of various sizes from local
coopers.142 Naturally, casks were re-used, so spirit was transported in the vessel and
transferred to another vessel at its destination, and the empty casks were returned to
the still. 143 Cabrach whisky produced legally at Blackmiddens, Lesmurdie and
Tomnaven was not warehoused under bond, and must therefore have been sold
without significant maturation prior to reaching the retailer, who may have taken
some responsibility for conditioning. Adam Mackie, merchant in Fyvie, remarked how
139 Cameron, Willie Gavin, Crofter Man: A Portrait of a Vanished Lifestyle, p. 24 140 Ibid. 141 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 142 NRS GD46/13/121/2: Letters from Messrs McLeod, Stornoway, relating to casks for Stornoway
distillery, 1827. 143 J.G. Fyfe (ed.), Scottish Diaries and Memoirs, 1746-1843 (Eneas MacKay, Stirling, 1942), p. 522-
3.
39
he transferred ill-tasting whisky to a fresh barrel so that it might ‘correct’ itself.
Mackie stored whisky in ankers in the back of his shop (and, in the case of illicit
whisky, in sundry discreet hiding places such as peat stacks and walls). In his shop
he had a much larger barrel, some 100 gallons, which was routinely topped up from
smaller casks as Mackie acquired them. Accordingly, Mackie’s spirit cask would
have contained a solera-style blend. Whisky was dispensed from the cask.
Customers would arrive with a receptacle which would be filled accordingly.144
Whisky in the earlier 19th century was primarily sold locally, and in cask. Retailers
would take responsibility for the whisky’s readiness for sale. Stock was managed
and the maturation properties of wood were known. Similarly, a co-operative of
distillers at Fettercairn Distillery, in 1840, complained against the with-holding of
whisky stocks for maturation. By arguing that they were unable to satisfy their local
market, they imply that the local whisky of Angus was served fresh, and it was the
distillery owner, Thomas Shand, who had identified a market for whisky in London,
who insisted the flavour of the whisky was more acceptable when aged.145
7. Final Consumption of Legal Cabrach Whisky
The diary of Adam Mackie provides critical information regarding the market for illicit
Cabrach whisky, detailing how the unlicensed spirit was being distributed over a
wide geographical area. From this source and the evidence of John Gordon given in
1823 it is understood that illicit Cabrach whisky was being sold and consumed in the
towns of Fyvie, Auchterless, Aberdeen, Huntly, Banff, and Montrose.146 It can be
reasoned that there was a similar market for licensed Cabrach whisky. Legal
Cabrach whisky, like its illicit forerunner, was held in the highest regard by whisky
sellers and drinkers in the 1820s and 1830s. In Aberdeen in 1829, licensed Cabrach
whisky was selling for 10s. 6d. per gallon.147 This price was only matched by
Glenlivet whisky. Spirits advertised as, ‘Fine Malt Whisky,’ were being sold at the
144 AUL MS3347 Adam Mackie Diaries, passim. 145 AUL MS3652/3/20: Andrew Halliday to William Shand, Hampton Court, 26 March 1831. 146 AUL MS3347 and Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and
Great Britain Fifth Report (Distilleries), p. 176. 147 Aberdeen Press and Journal, Wednesday 04 November 1829.
40
lesser sum of 8s. 6d. and 9s. per gallon at the same time.148 This substantial price
difference indicates that the whisky was of high quality, and would have been in
great demand throughout the North-east of Scotland. Certainly, Cabrach whisky had
earned a considerable reputation and could demand a greater price than other
Highland malt whiskies during this period. The legal Cabrach spirit was retailed by
several grocers and merchants throughout Aberdeen, including William Clark of 8
King Street, Charles Fyfe of 44 and 134 Union Street, and Richard Smith, whose
premises were located at 86 Head of Broad Street.149 It is likely that the whisky held
in these premises would have been sold and stored in a manner similar to the one
previously outlined in Adam Mackie’s Diary.
Cabrach whisky, illicit and legal, was also sold and consumed in inns and taverns. It
is documented that Cabrach spirits were retailed at Watty Reid’s Tavern, located
near the site of the old Poultry Market in Aberdeen.150 This drinking establishment
was often frequented by small tradesmen and soldiers.151 Over the fireplace, the
landlord had inscribed the rhyming advertisement:
Fine Devanha porter: gweed strong ale;
Real Cabrach whisky, as ever bore the bell.
Watty’s liquor’s gweed;
Gin ye hae nae money, Watty has nae trust.152
Legal Cabrach whisky was sold to innkeepers, merchants, and other customers
through spirit agents. In 1834, John Taylor of The Cabrach distillery took out an
advertisement in the Aberdeen Press and Journal declaring that he had appointed
John Begg as the agent for the sale of his spirit, and order were to be transmitted
through him.153
148 Ibid. 149 Aberdeen Press and Journal, Wednesday 04 November 1829; Aberdeen Press and Journal,
Wednesday 28 October 1835; Aberdeen Press and Journal, Wednesday 18 October 1826. 150 Robert Kempt, Convivial Caledonia, Inns and Taverns of Scotland, and Some Famous People
Who Have Frequented Them (Chapman and Hall, London, 1893), p. 23. 151 Kempt, Convivial Caledonia, Inns and Taverns of Scotland, and Some Famous People Who Have
Frequented Them, p.23. 152 Ibid. 153 Aberdeen Press and Journal, Wednesday 12 March 1834.
41
Figure 10 Advertisement for Cabrach Whisky in Aberdeen Press and Journal, 1834, © The British
Newspaper Archive
Not all Cabrach spirit was sold to the wider market, as some of the produce
remained in the parish for local consumption. In evidence given by Alexander
Beattie in the case of the conception of an illegitimate child, recorded in Kirk Session
records, he states that, ‘at Buck … Mary Stewart gave them a dram soon after they
went into the house … and that they saw a bottle of whisky lying at the door.’154
Furthermore, there was an inn at the Kirkton of Cabrach throughout the 1830s run by
John Cockburn, which would have undoubtedly sold locally distilled whisky.155
It is apparent that legal Cabrach whisky was renowned throughout the North-east of
Scotland in the 1830s and commanded a high price in the rapidly expanding urban
centre of Aberdeen. This coastal centre was the main market for Cabrach spirit, but
it was also sold and consumed throughout the region, following the trade pattern
established by previously traded illicit Cabrach whisky. Additionally, whisky
produced in the Cabrach was also consumed in the parish.
8. The Closure of the Licensed Cabrach Stills
By the late 1830s and early 1840s the consumption of spirits in Scotland, which was
90 per cent malt whisky, slumped from a peak of approximately 6,600,000 gallons in
1836, to just below 5,600,000 in 1843.156 This sharp decrease in whisky sales,
mirrored the general downturn in the Scottish economy. The major commercial
depression of 1841-42, adversely effected the demand for whisky throughout the
country. Prior to this there was widespread crop failures throughout the Highlands in
154 NRS CH2/45/2: Cabrach Kirk Session: Minutes 1757-1862. 155 Ibid. 156 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 88.
42
the latter stages of the 1830s. Poor weather was the main cause, and conditions in
the Cabrach were particularly bleak. In May 1838, John Taylor lamented that, ‘The
weather has had no precedent for badness. Snow has fallen almost every day since
the second week in January. Upon the first day of this month it was six inches deep
and continued to fall.’157 As a result of the widespread crop failures, the prices of
grain increased dramatically. The situation in the Cabrach was desperate as an
entire crop of the Upper Cabrach was rendered useless by the severe weather.158
The lack of bere/bigg available in the Cabrach would have adversely effected legal
whisky production in the parish. The distilleries would have increasingly relied on
purchasing grain from the lower counties, which would have significantly raised
production costs as the price of grain increased throughout northern areas of
Scotland due to its scarcity. Furthermore, the extreme weather resulted in the
Cabrach being cut off from other regions for extended periods. In March 1838, the
roads in the Cabrach were, ‘completely shut up,’ due to snow that had fallen for
eleven weeks.159 This would have prevented the import of vital grain into the parish
for use in the legal stills, in addition to hindering the transport of locally distilled
whisky to its main markets. This would have placed additional strain on the two
remaining Cabrach distilleries, at a time when the wider Scottish whisky industry was
struggling. Licensed stills were ceasing production throughout the country, and
many were placed on short-time working.160 In 1840, six distilleries went bankrupt in
the Highlands, and seven more followed in 1842.161 Furthermore, duty rates on
spirits were rising steadily: in 1830 distilleries were charged 2s. 10d. per gallon, by
1840 this sum had reached 3s. 10d per gallon.162 This would have further narrowed
the profit margins for the Cabrach distillers, at a time when production costs were
rising due to the high price of grain. The pressure was clearly building on small,
relatively new legal distillers, particularly in Highland areas.
157 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 158 Ibid. 159 Ibid. 160Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 88. 161 Ibid. 162 Duncan McLaren, The Rise and Progress of Whisky-drinking in Scotland and the Working of the
Public-houses (Scotland) Act (Scottish Temperance League, Glasgow,1858), p. 25.
43
Even in the boom period of the 1830s, many newly established legal ventures
ceased production, including Buck/Blackmiddes in 1833. Townsend argues that the
main reason behind the failure of the small Highland distillers during this decade was
the simple fact that there were too many distilleries, producing too much whisky,
flooding the market and making small scale production unviable.163 There was
certainly a high degree of competition facing legal Cabrach distillers as there were
thirty licensed distilleries in the Elgin collection area in the early 1830s.164 However,
the situation of Buck/Blackmiddens in the Upper Cabrach no doubt contributed to its
demise. This area's high vulnerability to crop failure and according dependency on
imports, compared unfavourably to the distilleries situated in the slightly more fertile
region of the Lower Cabrach. Black attributed the failure of small distilleries
throughout Aberdeenshire and Banffshire, including Buck/Blackmiddens, to, ‘men
rushing into the business who had not sufficient knowledge of it, nor capital enough
to carry it on.’165 The transfer of the distillery license from James Smith to his wife in
1833, does suggest that he found himself in financial difficulties around the same
time the distillery ceased production.
Economic conditions and poor harvests heightened the financial precariousness of
small Highland distilling ventures into the 1840s. Conditions facing distillers was not
aided by the reduction of their market in urban areas as a result of the growing
temperance and anti-spirit movements. These campaigns were advocated by
church leaders and social reformers who preached the evils of drink and the
perceived erosion of the morals of people throughout urban Scotland as a result of
excessive drinking. Many industrialists were also involved as they were growing
concerned about the harmful effects of drunkenness on productivity as more
technically advanced equipment was introduced.166 Spirits were especially targeted
as it was believed that they posed a greater risk to the physical and moral health of
the people in comparison to beer or ale. Aberdeen attracted a large temperance
following during this period. In 1838, the Aberdeen Total Abstinence Society (ATAS)
was formed. By 1841, the ATAS had over 10,000 members, which amounted to
163 Brian Townsend, Scotch Missed: The Lost Distilleries of Scotland, p. 23. 164 Coms. of Inquiry into Excise Establishment Seventh Report (British Spirits, Part II.), p. 102. 165 J. Black, ‘On the Agriculture of Aberdeen and Banff Shires’, in Transactions of the Highland and
Agricultural Society of Scotland, 3(4), (1871), p. 6. 166 Moss and Hume, The Making of Scotch Whisky, p. 84.
44
around 24 per cent of the adult population of the town.167 Following on from the
success of the ATAS, the North of Scotland Temperance Union was established,
with the aim of spreading their anti-drink message across northern regions of
Scotland.168 By 1841, it had formed 63 affiliated societies, with a membership of
23,215.169 The success of the temperance movement in Aberdeen and the North-
east would have had a hugely detrimental impact on legal distilling in the Cabrach as
Aberdeen was the main market for their whisky. This market had reduced
significantly, as spirits became less popular and the number of licensed premises in
the town were reduced in order to meet the demands of the temperance reformers.
This loss of custom came at a time when the two remaining Cabrach distilleries were
already struggling with rising production costs, gain shortages, and increased duty
on whisky. Furthermore, the Cabrach distillers had to endure worsening transport
difficulties. This put them at a significant disadvantage to other distillers in the
Grampians who could readily convey their whisky to towns and other neighbouring
settlements. Turrock argues that the distilleries that survived in the Upland
Grampians were the ones that were able to make connections with the railway
developments of the 1850s and 60s.170 George Smith, founder of The Glenlivet
distillery was far-sighted in this regard. At an early stage, he became aware of the
importance of railway development in the north-east of Scotland to encourage
industry and agriculture, and he became a shareholder in the Moray Railway and
director of the Strathspey Railway companies. The Glenlivet whisky, which was
originally carried south in casks on the backs of ponies, and later sent by coasters
from Garmouth on the Moray Firth to Leith and other ports, was delivered to
customers by rail after the opening of the Strathspey Railway's station 8 miles from
the distillery at Ballindalloch in 1863.171 By contrast, the introduction of rail transport
had no impact on the Cabrach legal stills as they had long since ceased production
167 David Beckingham, The Temperance Movement in Aberdeen, Scotland, 1830–1845: Distilled
Death and Liquid Damnation, by Aaron Hoffman, reviewed in: Northern Scotland, 6(1), (2015), p. 116. 168 Beckingham, The Temperance Movement in Aberdeen, Scotland, 1830–1845: Distilled Death and
Liquid Damnation, by Aaron Hoffman, p.116 169 Ibid. 170 Turnock, D., 1981. The Retreat of settlement in the Grampian Uplands. Northern Scotland, 4(1),
p. 91. 171 Iain F. Russell, ‘Smith family (per. 1824–1975)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford
University Press, 2004; [online edn] Jan 2010, available from: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/72830, (accessed 9 Feb 2017)
45
by the time the rail network was extended to nearby Dufftown in 1856.
Writing in the first decade of the 20th century, Taylor lamented that, ‘For some time
there were two bona fide distilleries in Lower Cabrach, one at Mains of Lesmurdie,
and the other at Tomnaven, but the cost of importing barley, together with the
difficulty of transit put a stop to the industry.’172 There is certainly some truth in this
statement, however many other social and economic factors contributed to the
demise of legal distilling in the Cabrach in the 1840s. Nevertheless, it can be stated
with certainty that the transition from illicit to licensed production was short lived.
Legal Cabrach whisky may have been held in great regard throughout the North-east
of Scotland, commanding a price equal to whisky from Glenlivet but, unfortunately,
this was not enough to ensure the survival of small scale licensed Cabrach
production in the face of economic hardships and the changing nature of distilling in
Scotland.
9. The Role of Inverharroch Farm in Distilling
The farm of Inverharroch passed into the ownership of the Gordon family in 1750.173
In the early 1800s, Alexander Forbes was the principle tenant, paying an annual rent
of £122.174 In 1836, the tenancy passed from Forbes to James Merson.175 During
the tenure of Forbes, James John and James McCronie also resided at
Inverharroch. These men held no official lease and contributed £35 each in rent
annually.176 There is no written mention of any of these residents being directly
involved in illicit or legal distilling practices in the early 19th century. Information
inferred from rent ledgers does however, suggest that John and McCronie had some
involvement in illicit distilling practices in the 1820s. Their rental arrangement
suggests that they were cotters, holding a house with a small piece of land separate
from the main farm, as part of their employment agreement with the principle tenant.
172 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 173 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 174 NRS GD44/52/209: Rent ledger, Cabrach, Achindoun and Glenrinnes, 1822-23. 175 NRS CR6/13. 176 Ibid.
46
This cotter class along with the landless peasantry were the principle participants in
illicit distilling activities. Whisky production provided them with a vital source of
additional income, and allowed them to convert grain, and bulky low value crop, into
high value whisky, that could be sold to many smugglers operating in the region.
This also benefited the landlord as this lower class of tenants were able to make
their rent payments. James Gordon lamented in 1823 that, ‘… the tenuntry who do
not smuggle do not pay their rents at present … I have not got one shilling from the
better tenants, and I cannot press them, because they cannot pay, but cottagers,
whom I suspect of smuggling, pay their rent, and they carry their heads very high in
consequence.’177 As a result of this there was very little arrears in the Cabrach at
the height of illicit distilling and smuggling. However, after the virtual eradication of
these practices in the 1820s, arrears markedly increased, particularly amongst
smaller farmers and cotters. 178 Clearly the suppression of unlicensed distilling
negatively impacted their ability to make rent payments. Throughout the 1830s,
John and McCronie, continuously found themselves behind, with John accumulating
arrears of £60 by 1840.179 Subsequently, they were both removed from their small
holdings, which were absorbed into the larger Inverharroch farm complex. The
sudden inability to make rent payments, suggests a notable loss of income, perhaps
linked to the forced abandonment of illicit distilling practices by John and McCronie in
the late 1820s. However, the harsh climatic conditions and subsequent crop failures
of the 1830s, could also have negatively impacted these tenants and affected their
ability to make rent. The area surrounding Inverharroch was certainly a hub of illegal
whisky production. James Gordon of Milton of Lesmurdie recalled in 1901, that he
could see the remains of several smuggling huts from his door as a boy with 15
located on the banks of the Deveron and its tributaries.180
Inverharroch is located in a strategically important part of the Cabrach. The farm sits
adjacently to the main access road through the parish. This A941 route links the
Cabrach with Dufftown, 10 miles to the North-west, and Rhynie, 8 miles to the East.
This would have been the principal trade route in the early 1800s, allowing the
177 Coms. of Inquiry into Collection and Management of Revenue in Ireland and Great Britain Fifth
Report (Distilleries). 1823. House of Commons Papers. 253(405), p. 178. 178 NRS CR6/13. 179Ibid. 180 Aberdeen Journal, Friday 11 January 1901.
47
transport of legal whisky to the principal markets of Aberdeen, Fyvie, and Montrose.
The farm is situated at the crossroads between the A941, and its adjoining link road
to Haugh of Glass. Whisky from the legal stills at Lesmurdie and Tomnaven would
have been transported along this lesser road to join the main route out of the parish,
at Inverharroch. Taylor details the importance of the crossroad at Inverharroch to
the trade of Cabrach whisky in a diary entry from May 1838. ‘Snow has fallen almost
every day since the second week in January … The road was cut at Inverharroch
upon the 30th of April to allow the carrier to come to the distilleries.’181 Clearly
Inverharroch was a key link in the trade routes through the Cabrach, along which
legal whisky from the local distilleries was regularly transported between the 1820s
and 1840s.
It is highly likely that Inverharroch was directly involved in growing the bere barley
utilised in illicit and legal Cabrach distilling. Inverharroch contained some of the best
arable land in the parish, something that was scarce in other areas, particularly
Upper Cabrach. The quality of the land was, ‘frequently commented upon,’182 and
very little of it was designated for animal pasture in the early 19th century. Names of
the various farm fields, including Kiln hillock and Coulnagrain, suggests that barley
was being grown for malting, alongside other cereal crops.183 High quality grain was
uncommon in the Cabrach, and much of it was brought in from outside the parish to
order to supply the legal and unlicensed distillers. Therefore, any bere barley
successfully grown in the region would have been in great demand, as distillers
sought to negate the relatively expensive and often problematic tasks of importing
grain. Inverharroch farm was ideally positioned to supply this demand, as it was
located within a two-mile radius of the legal stills at Mains of Lesmurdie and
Tomnaven.
10. Illicit Distilling in the Cabrach
Illicit distilling and smuggling was carried on extensively in the Cabrach. While it is
181 John Taylor, A Cabrach Diary [online], (1836-1887), available from:
http://www.myweb.tiscali.co.uk/stuartpetrie/A%20CABRACH%20DIARY.doc (Accessed 25 February 2017). 182 NRS GD44/39/8/1. 183 Ibid.
48
hard to say with any degree of certainty when the practice began, it is fair to say that
it was widespread and an entrenched part of culture and economy across the region.
It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that every house in the Cabrach had its
private still. In one year the names of eighty people are recorded as having
been discovered to be engaged in illicit distilling in the Upper Cabrach
alone.184
During the first quarter of the present century there was an illicit still on almost
every farm, and on many farms as many as half a dozen. Smuggling,
especially in the inland glens, was then almost universal.185
It is easier to say when it went into decline. The 1823 Excise Act saw the
establishment of legal distilleries north of the Highland line, and the availability of
quality malt whisky more consistent, so that the market for illicit whisky was
superseded. Adam Mackie wrote that, almost in anticipation of the changes to be
affected by the new licensing situation, the smugglers simply gave up their vocation.
Cabrach whisky, he noted, was more scarce in 1824, and 1826 was the last
occasion he recorded himself acquiring any for his shop. James Gordon, the parish
minister of the Cabrach, ‘assisted in taking measures to put it [illicit distilling] down’,
and claimed quantifiable success by 1827. The suppression of illegal distilling, he
stated, caused those employed in the industry to emigrate (chiefly to America and
Jamaica) and the population of the parish to drop by between eighty and ninety
people. In that case, the impact of distilling, and of licensing laws, on the Cabrach
can hardly be overstated.186
10.1 Raw Materials
There is evidence to suggest that the grain used for making illicit whisky in the
Cabrach was both domestic and imported. In 1793
184 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 185 J. Black, ‘On the Agriculture of Aberdeen and Banff Shires’ in Transactions of the Highland and
Agricultural Society of Scotland, 3(4) (1871), pp. 1 -36. 186 Poor Law Enquiry (Scotland) Part II, containing minutes of evidence taken in the synods of Ross,
Argyll, Shetland, Orkney, Sutherland and Caithness, Gleeneg, Moray, Aberdeen, 1844. Command
Papers, p. 695
49
The upper part of the parish in Aberdeenshire seldom produces sufficiency of
grain for itself. The lower part of the parish in Banffshire produces sufficiency
of grain for itself, and disposes of about 200 bolls, which would make up the
deficiency in the upper part, was it not disposed of to the neighbouring
distilleries. The defect is made up from other places.187
This also suggests that distilling at that time took upwards of 200 bolls of grain
annually. Distilling was natural desiderata of the agrarian way of life in Highland
Aberdeenshire and Banffshire. A key crop in the district was bere barley, which was
made all the more valuable when malted for brewing and distilling. In turn, distillery
draff was a fine source of feed for livestock - a significant by-product in a parish
dependant on rearing cattle. When the grain market was depressed the relative
value of malt, and malted barley products were all the greater, and despite its
illegality, the temptation to distill and smuggle whisky was great.188 James Gordon
took the [racist] view that the peasantry had smuggling in their DNA, a perspective of
the Scottish Highlander at odds with the British government which had persisted
since Jacobitism.
I am afraid that it has grown among our people into a sort of habit; I think the
lower orders of tenantry almost breed their children into it as a sort of
profession.189
But there was a distinction between the smuggler who transported the mountain dew
and the tenant farmer who made whisky to dispose of his grain. The enterprise was
not limited to poor folk alone either, as landowners supplied illicit distillers with
cereals when more legitimate channels were either dried up or uncompetitive. And
while the illicit whisky was consumed across all social classes, 190 the case for
187 James Taylor, Cabrach Feerings, (Banff, 1920), p. 121. 188 State of the facts relative to the Scotch Distillery; shewing, From the regulations of the distillery
laws, and the mode of working stills in the different districts, that the Lowland distiller pays but a mere
trifle of the duty, compared with the Highland distiller. (Aberdeen, 1798), pp. 24, 26, 31. 189 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 190 NRS CR6/18: Banff/Inverness: Factor's Letter Books (Drumin Estate Office), 1824-1827, p. 334;
Fifth report, p. 174.
50
legalising the distillery in the north was pressed continually by the landowning elite
who sought a legitimate local market for their victual.191
Grain was also being imported to supply the illicit stills. In the 1820s Adam Mackie of
Fyvie, a farmer as well as a retailer of illicit whisky, who would malt his bere in Fyvie,
would provide it as part payment for the whisky he received from the smuggler,
Charles Meldrum.192 It was also alleged that grain was imported from much further
afield, namely England. That assertion was a politically motivated complaint by a
Scots grain merchant who saw his business threatened by proposals to equalise
duty between England and Scotland, and is not supported by a broad base of
evidence. But the merchant, John Young of Inverness, does tie together the supply
of quality grain with superior whisky which is identified as a character of illicit
Highland whisky, not legal Lowland alternatives.193
Times of dearth put great pressure on the limited grain supplies. In 1782 the
residents of the Cabrach were reportedly selling their cattle and household furniture
in order to import grain for subsistence, and a call for charitable donations was made
across Aberdeenshire.194 In 1801 the Commissioners of Supply for Aberdeenshire
called illicit distilling ‘immoral’, because ‘notwithstanding the scarcity and high prices
of grain and of potatoes, the practice of an illicit distilling of spirits from these articles,
still prevails’.195
10.2 Methodology
At the turn of the nineteenth century stills were common apparatus on farms in
Aberdeenshire and Banffshire, ‘and on many farms as many as half a dozen’ stills
could be found.196
It is scarcely an exaggeration to say that every house in the Cabrach had its
191 c.f. AUL MS 3175/1375/2: Observations on the distilleries submitted by the farmers to the
consideration of the heritors of Banffshire n.d. [1798?] 192 AUL MS3347: Adam Mackie Papers, vol. IV, p. 117. 193 AUL MS 3470/6/1/635/2: John Young to Roderick Mackenzie, Inverness, 24 March 1803. 194 ‘Charitable Supply for the poor inhabitants of the parishes of Auchindore and Cabrach in
Aberdeenshire’ (Aberdeen, 1782). 195 ACA As/Acom/1/11: Aberdeen County Commissioners or Supply Minutes, 1799-1808, 12 January
1801 196 Black, ‘Agriculture of Aberdeen and Banff Shires’, p. 5.
51
private still … the gauger had a busy time, and if he did not give timely
warning of his approach like that other classic gauger, with his "Ower the hills
and far away," other means were found to spread the news, A white sheet
stretched on a peatstack, or displayed on a knoll, signalled danger from one
point to another and the signal passed on warned all the Cabrach, so that by
the time he arrived, all the potties and other paraphernalia were well out of the
way, hidden in a convenient moss hag it might be, or literally "ower the hills
and far away," for often one of the distillers would seize the "pottie" and run
with it 197
Which suggests that whisky was being made domestically in the Cabrach, that
distilleries were located within farms and not solely on the hillside. This is reinforced
by statements that much distillation was carried out by women ‘there is a race of low
cottagers and women, widows, who manufacture the spirits and run all the risks of
manufacturing’198
Illicit distillers made use of peat, which was a readily available source of fuel in the
parish. Lowland distillers would attempt to imitate the flavour of illicit whisky, which
they sold as ‘Old Ferintosh’ (after the long-obsolete legal Highland still once run by
Forbes of Culloden), by adding peat to the still. Allegedly, illicit distillers rejected the
use of coal on the basis that the impact on the flavour of whisky would be
undesirable.199 However it is most likely that, as Lowland distillers used coal on the
basis of cost and availability, so highland distillers used peat.
In Banffshire, at the close of the eighteenth century, it was stated that ‘here, almost
every man knows the business, at least in its simplified state and at one time or other
has been his own distiller’.200
Mashing was carried out simply by tipping the dried malt into a cauldron or
drum containing hot water, and more often than not, a layer of heather for
197 James Taylor, The Cabrach (1914), [online], available
from:http://www.threestones.co.uk/book/index.html (Accessed 25 February 2017) 198 Fifth report, p. 176. 199 AUL MS3175/1353/2: At BANFF, the twenty-seventh day of March, one thousand seven hundred
and ninety eight Years - In presence of a Quorum of the Committee of the County of Banff, appointed
to conduct the Application to Parliament respecting Distilleries 200 AUL MS 3175/1375/2.
52
draining purposes, and heating it up for a couple of hours over a peat fire …
The resulting fermentable worts were then poured or drained into a home-
made fermenting vessel, and the process of mashing repeated a second time
using fresh water on the original grains [likely in lieu of a sparge]. Mashing
occupied the best part of five hours, and on its completion, the smugglers had
only to inject a quantity of barm into the fermenting tub before retiring for
upwards of two days; that is for the duration of fermentation …The majority of
bothies were equipped with a single still and cooling worm, which meant that
the actual distilling had to be carried out in two quite separate stages, the still
having to be thoroughly cleansed between alternate charges.201
‘Slow Distillation is much in flavour of making good spirits’ explained John Leven, the
General Supervisor of the Excise in Scotland, referring to the method of production
in the Highlands, whereas the rapidly distilled whisky produced in the Lowlands ‘give
an Head Ach, and make any Person sick that drink but a moderate Quantity’.202 The
importance of ingredients and method was reiterated by George Skene Keith in
1811:
By distilling slowly, and from malt, with a small proportion of potatoes, they
make a good spirit ; though they seldom get a gallon of spirits from a bushel
of malt. A legal distiller, from the same quantity of materials, makes at least 50
per cent. of more spirits.203
The apparatus used by the illicit distillers were nevertheless inexpensive, and not
entirely conducive to producing the highest quality spirits. ‘They use no proper stills,
but a wooden head and two copper pipes; their whole apparatus amounting only to a
few shillings.’ 204 The cheapness of the stills minimised the potential losses in the
event that they were confiscated by the excise. They were also relatively small, so
that they were mobile and could transported to and from illicit bothies, as well as
hidden hastily from gaugers.
201 S. W. Sillett, Illicit Scotch, (Aberdeen, 1965) p. 86. 202 Vivian E. Dietz, ‘The Politics of Whisky: Scottish Distillers, the Excise and the Pittite State’, Journal
of Brittish Studies, 36(1), p. 63. 203 G.S. Keith, A General View of the Agriculture of Aberdeenshire (Aberdeen, 1811), p. 670. 204 Ibid.
53
Figure 11: The Garden Cottage Still © Culture Perth and Kinross
The most fatal defect in the smuggler’s appliances is the construction of his
still. Ordinary stills have head elevations from 12 to 18 feet, which serves for
purposes of rectification, as the fusel oils and other essential oils and acids
fall back into the still, while the alcoholic vapour, which is more volatile,
passes over to the worm, where it becomes condensed. The smuggler’s still
has no head elevation … and consequently the essential oils and acids pass
over with the alcohol into the worm … These essential oils and acids can only
be eliminated, neutralised, or destroyed by storing the spirits some time in
wood, but the smuggler, as a rule, sends his spirits out new in jars and
bottles, so that the smuggled whisky, if taken in considerable quantities, is
actually poisonous.205
10.3 Smuggling
The Smugglers Well, near Clayshooter Hill, gives firm evidence of discreet distilling
taking place in hidden corners of the Cabrach.
205 Smith, The Secret Still, p. 43.
54
A footpath from Broomhill leads up Clayshooter Hill, and the Smuggler's Well is
approximately 1km east of the footpath, through heather moorland. Some craigs are
visible on a steep incline on the side of the hill, but the neuk in which the 'well' is
located remains quite hidden from a distance greater than fifty metres. The well
bears all the hallmarks of a smuggler's bothy. In addition to being hidden, it is
comprised of built stone walls to the front and side, and also has an entrance. The
walls remain intact and the foot print of the bothy is easily identifiable. It is built into
the side of the hill, so the two other walls are of earth and stone. It is no greater than
a square metre of area within the door. At the time it was in use, the bothy would
have had a roof covered in heather to further disguise it.
Figure 12 Smugglers Well Photograph K German © The Cabrach Trust
The bothy has a constant source of clear running water, which flows before the front
wall and falls underground where it disappears from view. From further up the hill it
seems plausible that the burn has been diverted to run past the bothy. The bothy is
nestled in a small neuk and an easy climb takes one up to an excellent vantage point
and we were able to see traffic moving on the B9002 road to Auchindoir and the
A941 road to Rhynie. Undoubtedly, illicit distillers using this site would have had a
clear view of excisemen approaching. From the road the only possible tell-tale sign
55
of the bothy would be smoke arising from the process of distilling. However, with the
backdrop of the hill and the propensity for mist and snow in the hills, weather would
commonly obscure even this indicator of the illicit activity taking place. A map of
1857 shows the route smugglers would have taken from the Cabrach to their
markets in Aberdeenshire, through the vicinity of Smuggler’s Well and the pass
between the Buck and Hill of Snowie Slacks:206
Figure 13 AUL MS3860-30303 F.A. MacDonald and Partners engineers and surveyors maps and
plans collection © Aberdeen University Library Special Collections
Despite the presence of whisky bothies such as Smuggler’s Well, we should
206 AUL MS 3860/30303: Records of F.A. MacDonald and Partners, engineers and surveyors
(incorporating Walker & Duncan, Aberdeen): maps and plans collection. copyright Aberdeen
University Library Special Collections.
56
remember that illicit Cabrach whisky developed from domestic distilling. It can be
assumed that whisky bothies were employed later, when the reach of the excise
increased, continuing into the period after 1823 when Excise men were actually
stationed in the parish.
There is an important distinction to be made between illicit distillers and smugglers.
Distillers can be identified with a degree of certainty as subsistence farmers,
cottagers and small tenants. Their manufacture of whisky was cash-incentivised
enterprise carried out by individuals stretching to pay their rents. Stories prevail of
the elderly and debilitated men, or of the fathers of young families, turning to distilling
for a vital income. Widows represented a group whose vulnerable economic status
compelled them to find employment in the illegal business. Invariably it is court
records that reveal these circumstances, and more often than not they were treated
with leniency by the authorities.207 More respectable would-be illicit distillers would
employ young maidservants to provide cover for their engagement in the profitable
trade.208 Yet the female distiller rings faithfully with Landseer’s famous portrayal of
the illicit still. Smugglers were more transient, and were regarded more as travelling
merchants. The risks they ran in transporting the illicit whisky allowed them to charge
the premium. Smugglers paid their rent and held their heads with pride accordingly;
distillers struggled to do so.209
The diary of Adam Mackie tells us a great deal about illicitly distilled Cabrach whisky
in the early nineteenth-century. The diary tells us how the whisky was transmitted to
market; what the market was and what the whisky cost; how the whisky was stored,
matured and sold; the names and nature of smugglers; and methodologies for
circumventing the attention of the excise men. It also shows how the market began
to change following the excise laws of 1823. Mackie’s situation was comfortable, but
what makes it exceptional is the detailed diary he kept over ten years between 1818
207 c.f. NRS CE21/5: papers relating to a Petition for the release of Alexander Stephen, imprisoned in
Banff Goal for the non payment of a penalty of £20 for illicit distilling to the Lords Commissioners of
HM Treasury,1829. 208 T.M. Devine, ‘The Rise and Fall of Illicit Whisky-Making in Northern Scotland, c.1780-1840’,
Scottish Historical Review 54, no. 158 (1975), p.156; A. I. Macinnes, Clanship, Commerce and the
House of Stuart, (East Linton, Tuckwell Press, 1993) p. 223. 209 Fifth report, pp. 176-177.
57
and 1828.210
Mackie’s diary gives the names of smugglers of Cabrach whisky. First was Charles
Meldrum, who was the principal supplier of Cabrach whisky to Mackie. Meldrum was
not the only smuggler with which Mackie was concerned, though he does seem to be
Mackie’s most frequent partner. Mackie writes of meeting with “Chas. Craig & a
whiskey smuggler”, as well as Alex Singer, in 1821, and shortly thereafter he bought
from James Singer (of Rayne?) a consignment of whisky. Later Mackie would deal
with a Rainy [Rennie] from the Cabrach. Meldrum’s dealings with Mackie are
informing of the route to market of the Cabrach whisky. The whisky was ordered in
advance. It is not clear if it was paid for in advance. A delivery was then scheduled,
and this would invariably be under the cover of darkness; often it would be in a
neutral location but occasionally the whisky would be delivered directly to Mackie’s
shop. The nature of smuggling whisky is given a vivid portrayal by Malcolm Gillespie,
who names two Cabrach smugglers - twin brothers Ebenezer and Peter Bain. In
some detail, Gillespie suggests whisky intended for Aberdeen was conveyed via Old
Meldrum where there appears to have been a significant stockpile.
I found in the premises of William Fraser, jun. vintner, Whiterashes, the five
horses and five carts as originally discovered by my sentries, viz. Brownie and
Jenkins, upon which I immediately proceeded to search for the whisky. When
I was at this duty, I discovered some of Fraser’s inmates running about,
carrying apparently casks, and I proceeded with my party towards his house. I
found a 20-pint anker in Fraser’s Dunghill, and other three in his byre and
stable, covered with straw. I also found in his house two notorious
delinquents, Ebenezer Bain and Peter Bain, residenters in Powneed, Cabrach
… This Fraser is reputed for harbouring delinquents against the Excise…211
Gillespie describes a party of between fifteen and twenty men, with five horses and
carts carrying approximately 170 gallons of whisky between them. The nocturnal
convoy of whisky to market was discreet, despite the heavy personnel involved, but
once the contraband had been dropped off the smugglers would adopt an altogether
210 AUL MS3347. 211 Malcolm Gillespie, A report of the Trial of Malcolm Gillespie and George Skene Edwards (William
Robertson, Aberdeen, 1827) p. 38. Ebeneezer and Peter Bain were twin brothers.
58
more cavalier attitude, advertising their product with a flair modern marketeers would
be proud of:
I have seen a troop of thirty of them riding in Indian file, and in broad day,
through the streets of Brechin, after they had succeeded in disposing of their
whisky, and, as they rode leisurely along, beating time with their formidable
cudgels on the empty barrels.212
Adam Mackie was able to circumvent the attention of the excise men in Fyvie. He did
this in three specific ways. Firstly, he bought illicit whisky directly from the
confiscated stock held by the gaugers. This was an expensive enterprise, as Mackie
was known to pay £8 an anker to the gauger, double the black market value.
However, Mr Neil did seize significant amounts of whisky and this was no doubt an
important element of Mackie’s supply. This practice provided a suitable cover for
Mackie retailing Cabrach/“Highland” whisky in his shop. Secondly, Mackie retained
close links with the excise men of his district. He regularly dined with Mr Bruce,
supervisor of the Excise and nurtured cordial relations. More brazenly, he actually
lodged Mr [Alex?] Neil in Fyvie. Neil was an excise man, and as landlord Mackie was
able to gain advance knowledge of his movements. Accordingly, Mackie conducted
his illicit dealings with the privileged knowledge of the whereabouts of the gauger.
Much as when he took delivery of illicit whisky under cover of darkness, Mackie
managed his whisky stocks when he knew for certain that he was not being
observed by the authorities. And thus, the third way in which Mackie evaded the
excise was simply through hiding his whisky. Mackie tells us he hides his various
casks of illicit in peat stacks, in dykes, in the lime shade, and so on. 213
As an aside, the link between smuggling and Jacobitism is a curious one, which had
little basis in fact, but much in the way of symbolism. The Jacobite cause has a
famously romantic reputation for the cultural integrity of the Highlands, for noble
resistance and for martial heritage in opposition to successive Whig British
governments. When smugglers deposited their whisky in Brechin they deliberately
212 J.G. Fyfe (ed.), Scottish Diaries and Memoirs, 1746-1843 (Stirling, 1942), p. 522-3. 213 AUL MS3347, vol. III, p. 59; vol. IV, p. 20; vol. II, p. 92; vol. III, p. 39; vol. IV, p. 231; vol. II, p. 41;
vol. IV, p. 203. Mackie maintained better relations with local excisemen, Mr Bruce and Mr Neil, than
he did with those from the country. Neil and Bruce sold Mackie an anker for five guineas in 1821;
59
recalled this heritage by appropriating the costume and tropes of the Jacobite
highlander while delivering their contraband into seaboard towns of eastern
Scotland. The brazen behaviour of the smugglers, having succeeded in their quest,
conjures images of military and ritualistic behaviour: Highlanders in file, beating
drums was clearly an impressive sight. This sort of imagery reinforces the image of
the whisky smuggler as the successor to the Highland’s martial heritage as
formidable clans and can easily be related to Jacobitism. Aeneas MacDonald made
the observation that the period of whisky smuggling was ‘an heroic age of whisky,
when it was hunted upon the mountains with a price on its head as if it were a Stuart
prince’.214
Figure 14 John Pettie RA HRSA Tussle for the Keg © Aberdeen Art Gallery and Museum
214 Aeneas MacDonald, Whisky, edited by Ian Buxton, (Edinburgh, 2016), p. 39.
60
By identifying clandestine whisky making with the Jacobite cause, MacDonald casts
smuggling as the embodiment of Scots resistance which had existed since the
Revolution of 1689 and intensified after the parliamentary Union of 1707, when the
government of Scotland was incorporated into Westminster. The imposition of
’English’ standards (e.g. weights and measures and duty) on Scotland directly
affected whisky making, and the malt tax riots of 1725 are just one example of how
they were publicly rejected by Scots at large. The suppression of harbingers of
Scottish culture, which rapidly followed the genocide at and after Culloden in 1746,
occurred at a time when distilling whisky domestically, seen as a traditional right in
Scottish households, was also forced underground. Thus, making and selling whisky
became ‘the last relic of the ancient Gaelic civilization’, and evading the excise
officers of the British exchequer, became the means for Scots, either explicitly or
tacitly, to resist the reach of the British government into areas like Aberdeenshire
and Banffshire which had previously been significantly pro-Jacobite during and
between the risings of 1715 and 1745.215 The hills which had once hosted hostilities
between redcoats and Jacobites became the landscape where gaugers sought and
battled smugglers. This clash of cultures was given vivid expression by John Pettie
in the 1868 painting “Tussle for the Keg”. The 1823 licensing act brought this
opposition to its close, when excise officers were allowed into smugglers’ territories
as integral parts of the established legal distilleries.
10.4 Consumption of Illicit Cabrach Whisky
Charles Mackie was a farmer, innkeeper and greengrocer in Fyvie, Aberdeenshire.
Fyvie is located in Aberdeenshire, between Aberdeen and the Cabrach. As a
greengrocer, Mackie traded in, amongst other things, whisky. Whisky was an
important and probably lucrative part of Mackie’s business, but it was not vital.
Mackie is much more concerned with the butter market, for example. Mackie retailed
whisky in his shop, and predominantly sold ‘Low Country’ whisky which was cheaper
215 MacDonald, Whisky, p. 39; c.f. Alistair and Henrietta Tayler, Jacobites of Aberdeenshire and
Banffshire in the Forty-Five (Milne and Hutchinson, Aberdeen, 1928).
61
and more readily available than what he called Highland whisky. ‘Highland whisky’,
in Mackie’s diary, is synonymous with Cabrach whisky, which was illicitly distilled:
Monday 17 July [1820] … Bought from Charles Meldrum 4 cags whisky said
to be 32 pints at 3/6- the Cabrach make caled Highland whisky here.
Bought 3 ankers whiskey from Charles Meldrum (Cabrach make) at three
pound fifteen shillings an anker
Cabrach whisky was considered to be a superior product to its Lowland alternative:
…bought from Charles Meldrum 14 pints of what he calls Highland Whiskey at
4/- which is a better bargain than the low country whisky at the same money.
216
It is apparent that Cabrach whisky was most revered by Adam Mackie. Price is an
indicator of both quality but also of supply and demand. Glenlivet whisky, which had
(and retains) a certain cachet, did not command a higher price than that from the
Cabrach. But Lowland whisky frequently flooded the market, so that inferior whisky
was available at a lower price. Prices did fluctuate, but for the sake of example in
May 1821 Mackie paid £3, 6/ for “Highland” whisky and only £2, 6/ for “Low Country”
whisky. The scarcity of illicit ‘Highland’ whisky certainly contributed to its ability to
command a higher price. When truly challenging weather effectively cut off the
distilling areas from their markets, then the price went up. The dreadful winter of
1822/3 saw the price of illicit whisky rise. Glenlivet whisky rose to £4 for an anker
and Cabrach whisky was temporarily unavailable altogether. The excise laws of
1823 caused the price of illicit Cabrach whisky to fluctuate. At first it went up to £4, 4
shillings. However, by mid-1824, the price was in decline, dropping to only £3, 6
shillings, before renewed scarcity caused the price to rise again and by 1826 it was
back to £4 an anker.217
Charles Meldrum is identifiable as a significant agent dealing in smuggled whisky. In
fact, he is the principal source of Mackie’s supply of illicit whisky. Mackie usually
struck his deal with Meldrum in Forgue, implying Forgue was Meldrum’s base. At the
216 AUL MS3347, vol. II, p. 74; III, p. 8; IV, p. 90. 217 AUL MS3347, vol. IV, pp. 16, 72, 112; vol. V, pp. 69, 112, 120, 142.
62
very least we can be certain that Forgue was the avenue through which Cabrach
whisky reached its market in Fyvie. Moreover, Mackie made fortnightly rounds in
Auchterless and Aberdeen, and it is to be presumed that he traded Cabrach whisky
during the course of his business trips in these places. His ‘principal merchant’ in
Aberdeen was ‘Mr Davidson’.218
We learn something of the conditioning of whisky. It becomes clear that Mackie
differentiates between inferior Lowland whisky and Highland whisky. Lowland whisky
is stored in the shop, in a ‘spirits cask’ and is retailed at some pace. Highland whisky
is allowed to mature in casks in the various hiding places. On one occasion, when
Mackie received complaints that a particular batch was not tasting as it should have,
he transplanted the whisky into a fresh cask in order that ‘it may have time to rectify
itself’. After the excise laws changed and Mackie could legally buy whisky locally he
kept a 124 gallon cask in his shop and bought whisky in volumes of 100 gallons.219
Mackie’s diary confirms what has long been understood: that the further away from
the still whisky travelled, the more valuable it became. In short, the people who made
Cabrach whisky did not reap the financial benefits. Charles Meldrum, one dealer of
smuggled Cabrach whisky, was able to command higher prices than any other
whisky on the market, while Adam Mackie, the retailer of illicit Cabrach whisky
routinely counted his blessings for the relatively comfortable lifestyle his business
afforded him. While Cabrach smugglers took pride in their ability to pay their rents
without arrears the diary of Taylor of Boghead gives a firm impression of the
hardship of crofting in the Cabrach in the early 1800s.
The introduction of the excise laws in 1823 impacted upon the smugglers’ trade. As
licensed distilleries were poised to take over the smugglers’ business, the smugglers
effectively gave up their trade. One of them, James Singer, even went to work for
Mackie in Fyvie. Illicit Cabrach whisky became scarce yet demand continued and the
price of Cabrach whisky actually went up, so the excise laws did not immediately
bring an end to illicit distilling in the Cabrach, and the Cabrach ‘brand’ had significant
enough weight to be sought out, despite legal alternatives entering the market.220 As
218 AUL MS3347, vol. IV, p. 248; vol. V, p. 27. 219 AUL MS3347, vol. IV, p 248; vol. VI, p. 87. 220 AUL MS3347, vol. V, pp. 69, 89,92
63
late as 1826 Mackie was still sourcing Cabrach whisky to meet public demand:
Bought two ankers whisky this morning from John Rainy at Dogmoss @ £4
the anker from the Cabrach which is still better liked than the Legal.221
The market would take some time to settle out, but it is clear that the industry was
moving on. By April 1825 Mackie was investing in Glen Garioch Distillery, in Old
Meldrum, in which he was briefly also a board member. Old Meldrum was much
more local and accessible to Mackie’s primary business than the Cabrach. And, like
the illicit distillers before, it provided a market for Mackie’s grain.222 The distinct
advantage of of the legal stills was the availability and ease of supply:
Went down on foot to Old Meldrum…and bought a hundred gallons whisky at
the Glengarioch Distillery at 8/- the gallon.223
Mackie’s eventual abandonment of illicit Cabrach whisky in favour of the legal was in
line with an uplift in quality brought about by the excise laws. ‘The whisky produced
in the legal stills was considered a “far purer spirit than was formerly drunk, under
the name of smuggled whisky”’.224
Illicit whisky making played a significant role in the economy and culture of the
Cabrach. All parts of society were touched by it: from the farmers producing the grain
to the landowners tacitly supporting the trade; from the cotters and widows producing
the spirit to the smugglers transporting it to market. Economically, it brought value
and sustainability to the land; it allowed the elderly to earn an income, and the
smugglers to hold their heads up with pride as they paid their rents in full and on
time. The impact of the decline of the smuggling trade was enormous for the
Cabrach, with eighty people or more estimated to have emigrated to America and
Jamaica as the opportunity to earn cash was lost. The loss of such a significant
number of men, in connection with a clamp-down on traditional Highland rites -
domestic distilling - by the British government was certainly devastating. It formed
part of a pattern which commenced with the defeat of Jacobitism and continued with
221 AUL MS3347, vol. VI, pp. 112. 222 AUL MS3347, vol. VI, pp. 53, 128. 223 William Mackie and David Stevenson (eds), The Diary of a Canny Man, 1818-28. Adam Mackie,
Farmer, Merchant and Innkeeper in Fyvie (Aberdeen: University Press, 1991), p. 71. 224 Black, History of Brechin, p. 273.
64
the impact of World War I on the adult male population on the parish. Subsequent
land management has done little to stay the gradual decline of the vitality of the
Cabrach community. Symbolically, whisky does indeed represent an ‘heroic’ era in
the history of the Cabrach, as Aeneas MacDonald suggested.225 In this context, the
fact that the legal distilleries of the Cabrach were so short-lived is quite tragic. And
on that point, the renewal of distilling in the Cabrach in the 21st century must be
regarded as a vital and affirmative step in the rejuvenation of the local economy and
culture.
11. Conclusion and Blueprint Information for the Recreation of an Early
Licensed Distillery at Inverharroch
This report has shown in considerable detail the character of distilling in the Cabrach
in the early nineteenth century, and the nature of the licensed distilleries of the
Cabrach. It has demonstrated beyond doubt that there were three licensed
distilleries in the parish. The Cabrach Distillery at Lesmurdie, licensed by James
Taylor and operated partly as a co-operative of local distillers was in production from
1826 to perhaps as late as 1851; Buck Distillery at Blackmiddens, operated by
James Smith from 1824 to 1833; and Tomnaven Distillery which was run by James
Robertson at Nether Tomnaven from 1826 and continued production until the early
1840s. The report has located the premises of the distilleries with such a degree of
certainty that it has been possible to clarify previous assertions that as many as five
distilleries were legally established in the Cabrach.
The distilleries were established in typical Scottish agricultural buildings. We know
that the Cabrach distillers were resident at their farms prior to the 1823 Excise Act
and the licensing of their distilleries, so it is clear that farming premises were
converted to allow for distilling. In each case, this incorporated a watermill to power
the distillery engine which allowed for milling and pumping. Accordingly, the
distilleries also had a ready supply of water for brewing, cooling and cleaning
purposes. In the case of Blackmiddens it is clear that a separate still house was in
use. But otherwise, the farm premises lent themselves to the requirements of the
225 Aeneas MacDonald, Whisky, p. 39.
65
distillery. Malting lofts would have been a feature of these farms and it is likely that a
communal kiln at Corinacy was utilised in the malting process. Similar suggestions
that there were maltings at Reekimlane may yet be substantiated. In this regard,
Inverharroch Farm is an appropriate candidate to host a newly established farm
distillery in Cabrach in the 21st century. The cost of establishing even modest
distilleries of this scale could extend beyond £200 (which amounts to £10,000 in
today’s money). Co-operative distilling was a suitable way of spreading the cost and
the risk of such an investment and this was certainly practiced at Lesmurdie. It also
goes to show that the wider Cabrach community was involved in licensed distilling,
beyond the named licencees. In essence, this historic communal cooperative
resonates with the ethos and aims of the Cabrach Trust and the purpose of
establishing a modern distillery at Inverharroch to sustain and revitalise the Cabrach
community.
The nature of the early licensed stills has been investigated to an extent that the
distillery size, methodologies and output can be stated. The distilleries were
producing around 1000 gallons of wash weekly, which was distilled into 100 gallons
of spirit. The distillery outputs did vary, but on average were producing between
5,000 and 6,000 gallons of whisky annually. Even by contemporary standards, these
distilleries were small. As brewing and distilling would not have taken place
concurrently, mashing would yield approximately 500 gallons of wash and the
distilleries would have two washbacks. Mashtun and washbacks were made from
wood, either larch or black birch. The wash stills would have been approximately 200
gallons volume and the spirit stills around 120 gallons. Both would have been made
of copper. The stills would have been charged with wash and low wines from specific
charging vessels. In line with 1823 licensing legislation a spirit safe would be
installed at the distilleries and an excise officer would be stationed at each licensed
premises.
The resulting spirit, the whisky, was certainly influenced by the environment, the
nature of the distillery and the manner in which it was produced. The distilleries
used malted bere, or bigg, as their fermentable cereal. Corn was also used. The
choice of grain will have influenced the flavour of the whisky. While it is certain that
Cabrach farms made use of locally grown victual, they were undoubtedly under
necessity of importing grain and malt from Aberdeenshire and the low country more
66
widely. The distilleries were dependant on peat as the main energy source. Thus,
malting which took place in the Cabrach would have used peat in the kilning process,
which would have imported a characteristic smoky flavour. Malt imported from
Aberdeenshire, with greater links to Lowland Scotland, may have been kilned with
coal which will have produced a cleaner tasting malt. All distillery appliances will
have been fired by peat, that is to say hot liquors for brewing and also the stills for
distilling. The whisky was conveyed directly market, in wooden casks, but it did not
receive maturation in warehouses prior to reaching its market. It is likely, however,
that a degree of conditioning of the whisky would have been undertaken by the
retailers/publicans.
The consumption of the final product ranged geographically from the doorstep of the
distilleries to major regional towns such as Aberdeen, Banff, Huntly and Montrose.
The whisky was sold through agents and enjoyed a glowing reputation which was
immortalised in verse. The exalted provenance of Cabrach whisky explains the
distilleries at Blackmiddens and Lesmurdie using ‘Cabrach’ and ‘Buck’, a major
Cabrach landmark, as their distillery names. The reputation of Cabrach whisky was
built, to an extent, on the illicit whisky which preceded the licensed stills. This report
has shown the nature of illicit distilling in the Cabrach and the practice of smuggling.
The importance of producing and smuggling whisky to the Cabrach was economic,
but it had a profound cultural impact. Whisky allowed an independence to subsist in
an isolated district of rural Aberdeenshire and Banffshire, which at times was placed
in direct opposition to agencies of the British state and survived malign forces of
nature such as extreme weather and crop failure. The demise of the distilling
industry after 1850 coincided with population decline. The story of Cabrach whisky
begins before 1823 and it is hoped that the establishment of a whisky distillery in the
Cabrach in the 21st century renews the fruitful association of the parish and distilling
and rejuvenates the fortunes of this once-great whisky-producing district.
67
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13. Author Biographies
Kieran German received his PhD in history from Aberdeen University in 2011 with a
thesis exploring Jacobitism and Scots Episcopacy. His research specialisms have
evolved to include the origins and emergence of the Scotch whisky industry in the
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and he has conducted a number of research
projects for Scotch whisky companies. Kieran has held research fellowships with the
Andrew Mellon Foundation and the European Commission’s Cliohres Network. He
has taught at the Universities of Aberdeen and Strathclyde.
Gregor Adamson received a Master of Science in Environment, Heritage and Policy
from the University of Stirling in 2015. His dissertation focused on illicit and licensed
distilling on the Isle of Arran throughout the 18th and 19th centuries. Gregor was
subsequently involved in further research into the history of distilling practices on
Arran in conjunction with The Isle of Arran Distillery.
14. Acknowledgements
The authors wish to thank Nicole Austin, Dennis McBain; Andy Fairgrieve; Dr Daniel
MacCannell; Professor Allan Macinnes (Strathclyde); Professor Steve Murdoch (St
Andrews); Peter and Patti Nelson; Neil and Martin Sheed; Alan Winchester
(Miltonduff Distillery).