the joan b. kroc institute for international peace …peace colloquythe joan b. kroc institute for...

p e a c e c o l l o q u y

The Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace StudiesUniversity of Notre Dame

Issue No. 2, Fall 2002

Tolerance andDiversity in IslamA S M A A F S A R U D D I N

Ethics and Law in a New Type of WarG E O R G E A . L O P E Z

Reducing the Nuclear Threat in South AsiaA D M . R A M U R A M D A S

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hile watching the recent debate in the U.S.Congress over the war with Iraq, I had to wonder ifKant was wrong. Despite projections of significanthuman casualties and enormous financial costs,

the U.S. Congress was willing to “decree for themselves the calamities ofwar” — and a risky, “preemptive” war at that. Is modern democracy notthe bulwark against war that Kant thought it would be?

In fact, democracies almost never go to war with other democra-cies — a remarkable finding that has been repeatedly confirmed. However,democracies do not have the same propensity toward peaceful conflict res-olution in disputes with autocracies, which frequently end in war. In suchconflicts, democracies often presume that their adversary will not be con-strained by any institutional and normative commitments, and therefore“the only language they will understand is war.” In the conflict with Iraq,Saddam Hussein’s recalcitrance only reinforces that presumption.

The “democratic peace” — as this theory is often called — has become a bedrock principle inthe field of peace studies. The theory not only provides a description of how democracies behave, butalso suggests a strategy for peacebuilding. If democracies are less likely to have wars between them-selves, then encouraging the spread of democracy will also strengthen international peace.

The key question — and the question which engages many faculty, students and alumni of theKroc Institute — concerns how to foster the growth of democracy. The Bush administration proposes todemocratize Iraq through military intervention. However, the world has not seen many good examples ofdemocratization by invasion, especially in recent years, and a U.S.-led effort to build a democracy in theheart of the Arab world could produce a strong anti-imperialist backlash. Moreover, as Kant would bequick to point out, the very idea of establishing democracy by outside intervention raises fundamentalethical questions, particularly regarding the incongruity between means and ends.

In this issue of Peace Colloquy, Asma Afsaruddin suggests a different approach to democratiza-tion in the Muslim world. Based on her recent book on legitimate leadership in Medieval Islam, she counters the oft-heard claim that the Islamic tradition is undemocratic. She describes how ideals of democratic governance and tolerance have played an important role in Islamic history and calls onMuslims to revive them today.

If democracy is to grow in Muslim societies, it must find roots such as these within Islamic history and culture.

H A L C U L B E R T S O N

A S S O C I A T E D I R E C T O R

WFrom the Editor If the consent of the

citizens is required inorder to decide that warshould be declared . . . ,nothing is more naturalthan that they would bevery cautious incommencing such a poorgame, decreeing forthemselves all thecalamities of war.

— Immanuel Kant, Perpetual Peace(1795)

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Who’s New?

4 2002-03 M.A. Students

6 2002-03 Rockefeller Visiting Fellows

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Recent Highlights

13 In Multiple VoicesConference explores Islamicpeacebuilding after September 11

15 Technology as a Tool for Justiceand PeacePhysicist Freeman J. Dyson delivers2002 Hesburgh Lectures

16 A Legacy of DialogueConference examines theologicallegacy of John Howard Yoder

17 Partners in PeacebuildingCRS Workers from 25 nations studypeacebuilding at second SIP

18 Catholic Peacebuilding NetworkNew working group studies the rootsand potential of Catholicpeacebuilding

Student and Alumni Activities

19 Take TenNotre Dame students takepeacebuilding program to SouthBend schools

20 Be the ChangeStudent conference emphasizesGandhian theme

21 Alumni News

22 Occasional Papers

23 Policy Publications

23 Faculty Publications

Features

Tolerance and Diversity in IslamAsma Afsaruddin explores thehistorical tradition of good governancein Islamic society

Ethics and Law in a New Type of WarGeorge A. Lopez traces how ethicalstandards have adapted to “new war”realities

Reducing the NuclearThreat in South AsiaAdmiral (ret.) Ramu Ramdassummons the international communityto take immediate action for nucleardisarmament

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Cover: A traditional rendering of the Basmallah (“In the name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful”)in Arabic calligraphy.

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The Institute welcomes 22 new students in its M.A. program:

Mai Ni Ni Aung (MYANMAR), 32, studied zoology inMyanmar and received an M.S. in development studiesfrom the School of Oriental and African Studies inLondon. She worked with World Vision on a project withstreet children and recently established an NGO support-ing projects related to the Chin tradition, education, andwomen’s economic development.

Tahir Aziz (PAKISTAN), 32, studied political science andIslamic history and earned an M.A. in anthropology inPakistan. He worked as director of the Human RightsCommission of the government of Azad Kashmir for fouryears and most recently has worked as coordinator of theHuman Rights Desk with the Kashmir Institute forInternational Relations in Azad Kashmir.

Mica Barreto Soares (EAST TIMOR), 29, majored inpsychology in Indonesia. She worked for an Indonesianhuman rights group supporting independence for EastTimor and for the United Nations TransitionalAdministration in East Timor (UNTAET) in Dili.

Christine Birabwa-Nsubuga (UGANDA), 26, studiedhuman rights and international law in Uganda andSweden. Birabwa has worked at the Human Rights andPeace Centre at Makerere University and with the UgandaHuman Rights Commission Office. She is a FulbrightScholar at Notre Dame.

Hindolo Bockarie (SIERRA LEONE), 27, studied polit-ical science in Sierra Leone. He co- founded the SierraLeone Youth Empowerment Organization and workedwith the International Rescue Committee to interview 350ex-child combatants who have been reunited with theirfamilies by the IRC.

Nell Bolton (USA), 27, earned degrees in religious studiesand theological studies in Tennessee and Georgia. Nellworked at the Carter Center as a project assistant forAfrican peacebuilding in the Democracy Program, as wellas in the Conflict Resolution Program and PublicInformation Office.

Brenna Cussen (USA), 23, studied mathematics andpeace studies in Massachusetts. Brenna spent a year teach-ing high school with the Jesuit Volunteers International inChuuk, Micronesia. She lived at a Catholic Worker Houseof Hospitality in Worcester while working with WorcesterPeaceWorks.

Cora Fernandez Anderson (ARGENTINA), 27,majored in international studies in Argentina. She workedon the security and light weapons project for the Instituteof Criminal and Security Policy of Buenos Aires and forthe Argentine Council for International Relations. She isthe recipient of a Fulbright Scholarship.

Mireya García-Durán (SPAIN), 24, studied political science at Juniata College in the United States and interna-tional studies in Spain. She co-founded a student associa-tion focused on the analysis and practical understanding ofthe decision-making process in the international arena. Mireceived a graduate fellowship from “la Caixa,” one of theleading banking institutions of Spain.

Ruth Hill (NORTHERN IRELAND), 24, received adegree in law from Cambridge. Ruth is interested in usingsports to promote peace and cultural exchange. Her workwith the Japan Organizing Committee for the 2002 WorldCup in Japan and Korea enabled her to witness two coun-tries putting aside centuries of conflict to manage a globalfootball event.

Vandy Kanyako (SIERRA LEONE), 28, studied historyin Sierra Leone and international relations in theNetherlands. In 1990 he founded Peacelinks to help children victimized by war in Sierra Leone. In 2001 heinterned with the UN Office for Coordination ofHumanitarian Affairs in New York and was awarded theHague Appeal for Peace prize.

Agadjan Kurbanov (TURKMENISTAN), 30, studiedlaw in Turkmenistan and human rights in Hungary. Hehas served as legal advisor for the Ministry of Justice ofTurkmenistan and in the Liaison Office of the UN HighCommissioner for Refugees in Ashgabat. Agadjan is therecipient of a Muskie Fellowship.

2002-2003 M.A. Students in Peace Studies

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The Kroc Institute’s 2002-03 M.A. Students

Patrick Mason (USA), 26, majored in history atBrigham Young University and is a doctoral candidate inhistory at Notre Dame. He has developed a particularinterest in religious peacebuilding, and seeks to explore thetheological, cultural, and organizational possibilities forpeacebuilding within his own tradition of Mormonism.

Lisa McKay (AUSTRALIA), 26, studied psychology andforensic psychology in Australia. She has worked as aforensic psychologist, trauma counselor and critical incident stress debriefer. She spent six months in 2001working for the OSCE Mission to Croatia as a stress man-agement and communications skills trainer for the staff.

Brian McQuinn (CANADA), 29, studied businessadministration in Canada. During five years with theCanadian Institute for Conflict Resolution in Ottawa,Brian worked on peace-building projects in Indonesia,Bosnia and Herzegovina and East Timor. Most recently heserved as the Conflict Resolution Program Manager for theInternational Rescue Committee in Rwanda.

Chaim Neria (ISRAEL), 27, studied Jewish law andJewish philosophy at yeshiva and international relations atuniversity in Israel. He has managed the staff at a non-profit organization for disabled children and worked as acounselor at a home for distressed youth emphasizingpeaceful conflict resolution.

Carmen Pauls Wiens (USA), 32, majored in psycholo-gy, bible and religion at Bethel College in Kansas. Carmenhas worked as a member of the Christian PeacemakerTeams in Hebron, West Bank, and with the MennoniteCentral Committee (MCC) in Palestine and Iraq.

Riziki (Mama-Nassir) Shahari (TANZANIA), 42,studied international relations and French in Tanzania andearned an M.A. in international affairs from ColumbiaUniversity. In 1986 she joined the Centre for ForeignRelations, Tanzania, where she is currently a lecturer inAfrica and the Middle East. She is a Fulbright Scholar atNotre Dame.

Mohamed Shehab El Din (EGYPT), 25, studied busi-ness administration in Egypt and conflict resolution in theNetherlands. Shehab has occupied leadership positions inthe Arab Youth Forum, the International Association ofStudents in Economics and Management (AIESEC) andother national and international youth organizations.

Shabnam Siddiqui (INDIA), 28, majored in sociology in India. She has been engaged in gender and peace activi-ties in both India and Pakistan for the last eight years,including the Indo-Pak People’s Forum for Peace andDemocracy. Shabnam has served as national coordinatorwith a women’s advocacy NGO based in Mumbai.

Danna Weiss (USA), 22, majored in religious studies atthe University of Virginia. She conducted fieldwork inJerusalem, interviewing Ultra-Orthodox Jewish women for a manuscript, and interned at the Carter Center andthe Center for Strategic and International Studies inWashington, D.C. Danna is the recipient of a Jack KentCooke Graduate Fellowship.

Alexei Zakharov (RUSSIA), 23, earned a degree in socialand economic knowledge in Russia and an M.A. in politi-cal science from the University of Manchester Moscowprogram. He has written several articles about the war inChechnya and worked for an international consortiumdeveloping a global conflict early warning system. Alexei isa Fulbright Scholar.

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The Kroc Institute’s Program in Religion, Conflict andPeacebuilding (PRCP) welcomes its second group ofRockefeller Foundation Visiting Fellows. This year’s pro-gram focuses on the relationship between religion and con-flict in South Asia, with a particular emphasis on the roleof women. The program is supported through a grantfrom the Rockefeller Foundation Humanities Fellowshipsprogram. Further information about the program, includ-ing application information for the 2003-04 academicyear, is available on our website at<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/visiting_fellows>.

MOHAMMED ABU-NIMER (Springsemester 2003), a conflict resolutionspecialist in the School of InternationalService, American University, received aPh.D. from George Mason University in1993. He is the author of Dialogue,Conflict Resolution and Change: The Caseof Arabs and Jew in Israel (SUNY Press,

1999) and Reconciliation, Coexistence, and Justice inInterethnic Conflicts (New York: Lexington, 2001). He hasreceived several awards for his research, including grantsfrom the United States Institute of Peace and the Bureauof Educational and Cultural Affairs. Since 1990 he hasconducted nearly one hundred workshops in conflict reso-lution, multiculturalism, religion and peacebuilding inconflict areas such as Gaza, West Bank, Sri Lanka, SierraLeone, Northern Ireland, Mindanao (Philippines) andGuatemala. Abu-Nimer examines Islamic resources fornonviolent conflict resolution.

LAMIA KARIM received a Ph.D. inanthropology from Rice University in2001. Her dissertation, entitled“Development and Its Discontents:NGOs, Women and the Politics ofSocial Mobilization in Bangladesh,”received the Gardner Award for BestDissertation in the Humanities and

Social Sciences at Rice University. Her innovative researchhas garnered several awards, including a FulbrightFellowship for Dissertation Research, a GuggenheimFoundation Dissertation grant, and a previous RockefellerFellowship at the University of Hawaii. Karim examines

the struggle over civil society in Bangladesh by focusing onan ethnographic and historical study of militant Islam incontemporary Bangladesh, its Wahabi madrassah educa-tional system, and its contested relationship with thewomen’s rights movement in the country.

PATRICIA LAWRENCE received aPh.D. in cultural anthropology in 1997from the University of Colorado atBoulder, where she now teaches.Lawrence’s work explores how the Tamilminority living in Sri Lanka’s easternwar zone copes with torture, disappear-ance, poverty, displacement, and viola-

tions of fundamental human rights through creative formsof religious rituals. Lawrence focuses, in particular, on therole of Hindu oracles. Her articles and chapters in editedvolumes present fine-grained studies of altered lives andeveryday realities changed by years of ethnic violence. Shehas received several awards, including an SSRC-MacArthurFoundation Fellowship and a Fulbright-Hayes Fellowship. She also has served as consultant for documentary filmsbased on her ethnographic research, and has been a con-sultant to organizations in the region working on develop-ment, peacebuilding, women’s issues and human rights.

MONIQUE SKIDMORE received aPh.D. in anthropology from McGillUniversity in Montreal in 1999. Herresearch earned several awards andgrants including a Wenner-Gren disser-tation fieldwork grant and the H.B.M.Murphy Prize for MedicalAnthropology. Skidmore is currently a

lecturer at the School of Anthropology, Geography andEnvironmental Studies at the University of Melbourne,Australia. She will examine how Burmese women engageTheravada Buddhism and Nat Spiritism to mediate fear,violence, and vulnerability in everyday life. She is one ofonly a few scholars who has been able to conduct field-work in rural and peri-urban Burma (Myanmar), and haspublished articles on women’s health, violence and fear inBurma, and on Buddhist methods of peacebuilding andcommunity reconciliation in Cambodia.

2002-03 Rockefeller Visiting Fellows Study Religion, Women and Conflict in South Asia

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In the thirteenth century, when the non-Muslim Mongols had taken possession of Baghdad,

their ruler Hulegu Khan is said to have assembled the religious scholars in the city and posed a

loaded question to them: according to their law, which alternative is preferable, the disbelieving

ruler who is just or the Muslim ruler who is unjust? After moments of anguished reflection, one

well-known scholar took the lead by signing his name to the response, “the disbelieving ruler who is

just.” Others are said to have followed suit in endorsing this answer.

respect for honest, reasoned dissensus within the Islamictradition; this attitude finds reflection in the saying attrib-uted to the Prophet, “There is mercy in the differences ofmy community.”

With historical insight and interpretive rigor, one candiscover common ground between the modern Westernideal of democratic pluralism and the praxis of various pre-modern Muslim societies. Long before the first ten amend-ments to the United States Constitution were formulated,medieval Muslim jurists developed what may be called anIslamic bill of rights meant to ensure state protection ofindividual life, religion, intellect, property, and personaldignity. Non-Muslims such as Jews and Christians (laterZoroastrians and others as well) also had specific rights inthe Muslim community. Above all, they had the right topractice their religion upon payment of a poll-tax to theIslamic state (from which priests, other clerics, and thepoor were exempt) and were consequently freed from serv-ing in the military. The Qur’an after all counsels, “There isno compulsion in religion.” Within roughly twenty yearsafter the Prophet’s death, Islam lay claim to the formerdomains of the Byzantine and Persian empires in Persia,Syria-Palestine, Iraq, and Egypt.

It is important to point out that territorial expansiondid not mean forcible conversion of the conquered peo-ples. The populations of Egypt and the Fertile Crescent,

Tolerance and Diversity in IslamA S M A A F S A R U D D I N

Just — and accountable — government has long beenconsidered a desideratum in Islamic political and religiousthought. The Qur’an states that the righteous “inherit theearth,” righteous in this case referring to the morallyupright rather than the members of any privileged confes-sional community. A righteous and just leader ruling by atleast the tacit consent of the people and liable to beingdeposed for unrighteous conduct remained the ideal formost Muslims through much of the Middle Ages, eventhough dynastic rule replaced limited elective rule onlyabout thirty years after the Prophet Muhammad’s death in632 CE. That thirty year period of non-dynastic rulebecame hallowed, however, in the collective Muslim mem-ory as the golden era of just and legitimate leadership.

The consequences of this memory could have poten-tially far-reaching repercussions for the reshaping of theIslamic world today. The Qur’anic concept of shura refersto “consultation” among people in public affairs, includingpolitical governance, and was practiced in particular by thesecond caliph Umar during the critical thirty year period.It is a term that resonates positively with many contempo-rary Muslims who wistfully recognize the intrinsic value ofthis sacred concept but find it rarely applied in the politiesthey inhabit today. Contrary to certain popular caricatures,Muslims are not somehow genetically predisposed toaccept tyranny and religious absolutism. There is a healthy

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for example, remained largely Christian for about two cen-turies after the early Islamic conquests. IndividualChristians and Jews sometimes obtained high positions inMuslim administrations throughout the medieval period.Syriac-speaking Christians were employed by their Muslimpatrons in eighth and ninth century Baghdad to translateGreek manuscripts into Arabic; their inclusion in the intel-lectual life of medieval Islam helped preserve the wisdomof the ancient world. Centuries later, Jews fleeing from the“excesses” of the Spanish Reconquista would find refuge inMuslim Ottoman lands and establish thriving communi-ties there. Clearly, the Qur’an’s injunction to show toler-ance towards people of other, particularly Abrahamic,faiths was frequently heeded by those who revered it assacred scripture.

To deny these lived realities of the Islamic past, whichpoint to what we would term in today’s jargon a respectfor pluralism and religiousdiversity, is to practice akind of intellectual vio-lence against Islam. Islamicmilitant radicals who insistthat the Qur’an calls forrelentless warfare againstnon-Muslims without justcause or provocation mere-ly to propagate Islam andcertain Western opinion-makers who unthinkinglyaccept and report theirrhetoric as authenticallyIslamic are both doing his-tory a great disservice.Radical Islamist fringegroups with their desperatecult of martyrdom areoverreacting to currentpolitical contingencies andnot obeying any scriptural imperative. It is worthy of notethat the Qur’an does not even have a word for martyr; theword “shahid,” now commonly understood to mean “amartyr,” refers only to an eye-witness or a legal witness inQur’anic usage. Only in later extra-Qur’anic tradition, as aresult of extraneous influence, did the term “shahid” cometo mean bearing witness for the faith, particularly by lay-ing down one’s life, much like the Greek-derived Englishword “martyr.”

The question thus remains: if there is much in the his-tory of Muslims that may be understood to be consonantwith the objectives of civil society, how and why did it goawry? Zeal for political power and corruption on the partof many ruling elites throughout history, and debilitatingencounters with Western colonialism and secular moderni-ty in recent times are prominent among the constellationof reasons advanced to explain this current state of affairs.Another possible, and partly facetious, response is to saythat we are only 1400-plus years into Islamic history; ittook a fractious Christian Europe almost two thousandyears, after all, to develop civil society in the modern sense.By this reckoning, the Islamic world still has another half amillennium to go.

But clearly time is not on its side. There has in factnever been a better time for collective introspection andmoral housecleaning. A contrite Christian Europe after the

debacle of the Holocaustwas forced to questionsome of its interpretive tra-ditions and their moral andsocial consequences. Afterthe atrocities of September11, the virulently militantunderbelly of politicalIslam can and should beeviscerated by debunkingthe interpretive strand that,in clear violation of themost basic precepts ofIslam, fosters the glorifica-tion of violence and self-immolation. In its stead,reflective Muslims mustengage in a process ofrecovery and re-valorizationof genuine Islamic core val-ues, such as consultative

government, religious tolerance, respect for pluralism andpeaceful coexistence with diverse peoples, that are under-stood by them to undergird the best of their tradition. Thecompatibility of these core values with those of civil societyimparts both urgency and legitimacy to this process.

Asma Afsaruddin is Assistant Professor of Classics at NotreDame and a Fellow of the Kroc Institute. Her scholarly researchfocuses on the early religious and political history of Islam,Qur'an and hadith studies, and classical and modern Arabic literature. She recently published Excellence and Precedence:Medieval Islamic Discourse on Legitimate Leadership (Leiden:E.J. Brill, 2002). This article is adapted from “Recovering theCore Values of Islam,” published in Muslim Democrat, vol.4, no. 1, January 2002, p. 8.

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Just two days after the horrific September 11, 2001 attacks, Thomas Friedman of the New York

Times noted that the task ahead for an America faced with a new type of war would be “to fight the

terrorists as if there were no rules, and preserve our open society as if there were no terrorists.”

Ethics and Law in a New Type of War

G E O R G E A . L O P E Z

What moral and legal rules have applied in this newtype of war? Immediately after September 11, the prevail-ing U.S. government approach to the rules pertaining tothese concerns was to claim that the unprecedented natureand form of the attacks warranted unprecedented means inresponse. In short, new threats and actions by a newenemy demand new rules. At the same time, as these rulestake form and are implemented, they will continue to beadapted to the unique threat and war, or so suggested theBush administration.

Prisoners The designation of those captured in the fighting —

and then the nature of their internment — has been amatter of substantial controversy. Human Rights Watchhas led the way in taking the U.S. government to taskregarding the intentionally ambiguous legal status of thosecaptured in Afghanistan. The administration’s characteriza-tion of those held has varied from “the enemy” to “illegalcombatants” to “detainees.” Even as Washington consis-tently resists calling these people “prisoners of war,” lestour ability to garner intelligence from them about alQaeda be compromised, two ironies have developed.

First, despite protests that these detainees were notprisoners of war, the evidence about prisoner treatmentshows the United States to be in virtual compliance withthe Geneva Conventions, save on prisoner access to legalcounsel. What appears to hold the United States backfrom articulating its full compliance is the fear of entrap-ment by such criteria if unexpected developments occurlater in the war. This hesitancy has led to a second and

most intriguing development. The U.S. government groupmost concerned about such ambivalence regarding Genevastandards has been the U.S. military, who do not want adangerous precedent set for their own treatment in somefuture conflict.

Military Tribunals For all the ambiguity of definition and rules for dealing

with those captured in Afghanistan, the Bush administra-tion staked out very clear ground early in the conflictregarding the justice component of the new war. Thosewho would be brought to trial either for involvement in 9-11 or as members of al Qaeda, would be tried in new mili-tary tribunals. The administration’s declaration quicklysparked a counter argument for the utility and relevance ofusing the criminal court system to try terrorists. Thisdebate about tribunals dominated discussion on NationalPublic Radio and played substantially in other areas of thepress. The strong critique of the administration positionled it to an evolving re-assessment.

By January 2002 and with the Taliban toppled, theBush administration was talking openly about modifica-tions that would occur should military tribunals be need-ed. Then without much political fanfare, the indictment,arraignment, and pretrial procedures for the suspectedtwentieth hijacker of September 11, Benjamin Moussaoui,proceeded through the existing U.S. federal court systemin Virginia. And John Walker Lindh, whom so manybelieved would come before a tribunal, was handed over tothe U.S. Justice Department and has since been convictedand sentenced — all within the normal criminal justice

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system. This “learn aswe go” approachregarding courts andlegal proceedings forthe crimes ofSeptember 11 doesappear more democ-ratized. But theresults come lessfrom administrationleadership and conceptualization than from the steadfastpressure of the broader civil society.

Civilian Casualties The U.S. approach to dealing with the death of Afghan

civilians deserves closer scrutiny. As President Bush statedin his address to the General Assembly in November 2001,firmly embedded in the U.S. heritage of political andmoral concerns is the rule to limit the death of civiliannationals. Any fair assessment would conclude that in anumber of ways, the first phase of the war was demonstra-bly more humane — certainly in design, and in much ofits execution — than any previous U.S. war-waging enter-prise. The commitment to limit loss of civilian life duringthe massive bombing that opened the U.S. military cam-paign in October was so strong that pilots often checkedwith command headquarters in Florida to obtain up-to-date intelligence for certain targets. This practice led somepolitical figures and news analysts to suggest that suchefforts were overly scrupulous and may have permitted keymembers of the enemy to escape.

However admirable this behavior was during the earlyphases of the war, as conditions began to shift on theground, so too have the rules that apply to Afghan civiliancasualties. Since the installation of the interim govern-ment, there have been more civilian casualties from U.S.attacks than during the war to overthrow the Taliban.Frustrated by the continued elusiveness of the very topleadership of both the Taliban and al Qaeda, and stillengaged in various actions of a police nature against pock-ets of resistance, the Pentagon has now selected new tar-gets, many located in more populous areas. In addition,there have been a few serious mistakes in targeting — suchas the wedding fiasco — which have fueled further con-cern about slipping down a slope fraught with increasedcivilian casualties.

Particularly difficult to understand is the obstinacy ofPentagon officials to discuss these developments. Detailsabout new missions of ground troops and Special Forcesare hushed. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld

discusses civiliancasualties only inresponse to directquestions aboutthem. Since mid-December these“answers” have reiter-ated two themes: theresponsibility forcivilian casualties

rests squarely with the Taliban and al Qaeda as they seek tohide among the general population; and the Pentagon isnot going to keep track of civilian casualties or talk aboutthem. The implication is that no one is counting the deadbecause the numbers do not matter.

This may be the area of greatest slippage in the law andethics of fighting the new war. Such a situation does notbode well for a democracy now on the edge of war withIraq.

ConclusionIn a style that can only be labeled “making the rules as

we go along,” the U.S. administration’s approaches to thenew war on terrorism, from its inception to its currentpolice-style actions, have been modified — sometimes bychanging circumstances, sometimes by the heat of criticismor the light of open discussion within the wider bodypolitic. But some areas of the war on terrorism have notevolved so productively. Despite the early U.S. commit-ment to limit collateral damage, under the interim Afghangovernment, U.S. forces are killing more civilians thanduring the air and ground war. Continuing drama andlegal ambiguities dominate the holding and interrogationof the diverse fighters and former Taliban operatives whoare prisoners of the United States. Only in the area of mili-tary tribunals have the wider civil society and the mediahad an impact on deciding which rules apply to this newwar.

This may give us some cause for celebrating the virtuesof democracy. But the fact that placing the war more cen-trally within the standards of Western law and ethics mustbe achieved from the bottom up, rather than throughadministration leadership, continues to spark grave con-cern among peace and human rights groups.

George A. Lopez is Director of Policy Studies and Senior Fellow atthe Kroc Institute. His research focuses on economic sanctionsand repression. Several recent publications by Lopez are featuredon the Kroc Institute’s webpage. “Alternatives to War with Iraq:Kroc Institute Resources on Policy and Ethics,”<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/media/iraq.html>.

The administration’s characterization of prisoners held at Guantanamo Bay

has varied from “the enemy,” to “illegal combatants,” to “detainees.”

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September 11, October 1, and December 13 are all significant dates in recent history. While the

first ended in the war against terrorism in Afghanistan by the international coalition led by the

United States, the latter two events almost resulted in a war between India and Pakistan.

The terrorist attacks on the United States and Indiahave brought these two nations closer together in address-ing the common enemy of terrorism. India had been high-lighting the dangers of terrorism to the internationalcommunity since the early nineties, and had also identifiedits main source to be located in Pakistan and Afghanistan.Such warnings fell on deaf ears, and only the attacks ofSeptember 11 made the world community fully appreciatethe scope of the threat.

At the same time, the United States is deeply indebtedto Pakistan for General Musharraf ’s courageous standagainst the Taliban and the use of bases in Pakistan for itsoperations. Of course, greater U.S. presence in Central andSouth Asia as a sequel to the “war against terror” is not apositive development in terms of regional stability andpeace. There are indications that U.S. presence in thisregion will be of a long duration, which could trigger thedevelopment of a second Cold War — with the UnitedStates and the West on one side, and China, Russia andIndia on the other.

Both India and Pakistan belong to the internationalcoalition against terrorism — both signed the UN SecurityCouncil Resolutions 1368 and 1373 condemning theattacks of September 11 and reaffirmed their commitmentto work together to eliminate the threat of terrorism. Theattacks on India of October 1 and December 13 thus infu-riated India. India mounted a huge diplomatic offensiveagainst Pakistan to cease cross-border terrorism and returnthe twenty terrorists that India claimed were on its wantedlist.

Reducing the Nuclear Threatin South Asia

A D M I R A L ( R E T . ) R A M U R A M D A S

This resulted in an eyeball to eyeball confrontationinvolving nearly a million armed forces of the two coun-tries along their common border. Compounding the dan-ger, both sides are capable of delivering nuclear weapons,yet have only rudimentary command, control, communi-cation and intelligence systems. The exchange time for amissile flight between the two countries is on the order of2-3 minutes, which does not leave much time for under-standing, analyzing, and reacting to perceived attacks.

Domestic compulsions both in India and Pakistan gaverise to much of the rhetoric exchanged between the twocountries. In the case of Pakistan, its rhetoric helped man-age its radical turn against the Taliban and fundamentalistIslamic groups, which Pakistan and the United Stateshelped to create during the Cold War. In India, the publicrhetoric was largely determined by the impending electionsto the state assemblies in four states, including the largest,Uttar Pradesh.

General Musharraf ’s courageous address of January 12,2002 included the banning of two groups identified byIndia as responsible for attacks on its democratic institu-tions. The General’s plan to contain fundamentalism andterrorism within Pakistan and also to stop their implemen-tation of terrorist activities outside Pakistan, including inJammu and Kashmir, was well received in both govern-ment and civil society circles in India and elsewhere.However, the Government of India still maintains thatthese commitments by General Musharraf have not beentranslated into action on the ground and therefore the dialogue is not a possibility at present.

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General Musharraf followed this up with an offer toenter into a ‘no-war’ pact with India, and to discuss thede-nuclearization of South Asia. Unfortunately, this offerto discuss nuclear matters has also been rejected by India.India’s test of the Agni II solid-fueled rocket in January2002 was an inadvisable and unfortunate complication.

Despite all this apparent hostility between the twocountries at official levels, peoples’ groups and peace coali-tions on both sides of the border made substantial effortswith their respective governments to avoid war and toresume a dialogue. Diplomatic interventions at the highestlevels from various countries, such as those by U.S.Secretary of State Colin Powell, supplemented these ongo-ing efforts by civil society groups to ensure restraint. Thevisit to the United States by General Musharraf inFebruary reaffirmed the lowering of tensions.

As these events make clear, both India and Pakistanmust do everything possible to return to normalcy. Despitethree well-meant agreements between the two countries —namely, the Tashkent Declaration of 1965; the SimlaAgreement of 1972; and the Lahore Declaration of 1998,wherein both countries had agreed to settle all their out-standing issues only by peaceful means — they failed to doso. This has been mainly due to the absence of a neutralmonitoring and implementation authority, which shouldnow be put in place to ensure that the next agreement,whenever it materializes, does not meet the same fate asthose before it. Perhaps a few countries within the SouthAsian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC)could perform this role.

In addition, for any nuclear disarmament to happen inSouth Asia, the major nuclear powers must also participateon an equal basis. As a starting point for such a process, Isuggest that all nuclear weapons states should “de-alert”their weapons under the auspices of an internationalagency. De-alerting would require that the warheads bephysically separated from the missile or other vector fordelivering the warhead. Since this process would be underinternational supervision, no weapon could ever be usedaccidentally — or even intentionally — outside thepurview of this international monitoring agency.

Unfortunately, recent steps taken by the five nuclearweapon states, and the United States in particular, haveundercut the credibility of their calls for India andPakistan to refrain from developing and deploying nuclearweapons. The decision by the Bush administration to uni-laterally withdraw from the Anti-ballistic Missile (ABM)Treaty is not helpful, nor are the administration’s plans forthe possible use of nuclear weapons against non-nuclearweapon states, its research and development of newnuclear weapons, and the resumption of nuclear testing, alladvanced recently in the U.S. Nuclear Posture Review.These decisions are likely to influence other countries’ per-ceptions of the military utility of nuclear weapons anddamage international and regional efforts toward nonpro-liferation and disarmament.

It is time, therefore, that the over 180 non-nuclear sig-natories to the Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) demandthat the United States, along with the remaining fournuclear weapon states, demonstrate their commitment tothe legal obligations of complete and general disarmamentunder this treaty. The non-nuclear signatories also need topresent a united opposition to nuclear weapon programs inIndia and Pakistan. The non-nuclear weapon states inSouth Asia — Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Bhutan— must especially unite in opposition to plans by Indiaand Pakistan to develop and deploy nuclear weapons in theregion. The use of these weapons by either India orPakistan would have impacts beyond the boundaries ofthese nations and would threaten the survival of them all.

Admiral (ret.) Ramu Ramdas is former Chief of the Indian Navy.He and his wife, Lalita, are both active in international peaceefforts, and they serve as national leaders of India’s Coalition forNuclear Disarmament and Peace. They presented a joint lectureat the Kroc Institute on February 28, 2002.

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| r e c e n t h i g h l i g h t s |

The Kroc Institute’sProgram inReligion, Conflictand Peacebuilding(PRCP) convenedits first major con-ference on April12-13, 2002 at the

University of Notre Dame. The conference, entitled InMultiple Voices: Challenges and Opportunities for IslamicPeacebuilding After September 11, explored the heterogene-ity within the house of Islam by surveying and analyzingthe disparate reactions to the events of September 11.Participants also identified the renewed opportunities forpeacebuilding and conflict transformation available withinthe Islamic tradition.

The conference was the culmination of the PRCP pro-gram for the 2001-02 academic year. Each of the PRCP’sfour Rockefeller Visiting Fellows, seven Notre Dame facul-ty and seven invited scholars presented papers at the con-ference. Participants addressed various aspects of Islamicpeacebuilding and presented case studies of local Muslimresponses to the events of September 11 in conflict areassuch as Palestine, Chechnya, Daghestan, Pakistan, Kashmirand the Philippines.

In his keynote address, UCLA Professor of Islamic LawKhalid Abou El-Fadl called on Muslims to take up theinvitation of the Qur’an to engage in “a collective enter-prise of goodness” with non-Muslim societies that is builton a desire for respect rather than fear. Louay Safi,President of theAssociation of MuslimSocial Scientists(AMSS), in a paperentitled “Islam’s Jihadfor Peace,” argued thatit is “very crucial toexpose the confusion ofthose who insist thatjihad is a holy war andwho place doubts onIslam’s ability to sup-port global peace.”

In Multiple Voices

Conference exploresIslamic peacebuilding

after September 11

According to Safi, the broader Qur’anic concept of jihad is“consistent with world peace.”

In one of the more provocative papers, which broughtinto sharp relief some of the most contentious issues in thestudy of contemporary Islam, Rockefeller Visiting FellowThomas Scheffler argued that contrary to current academicopinion, “the jihadi ideology developed by Bin Laden andhis lieutenants is neither apocalyptic, fringe or apolitical.”He furthermore suggested that Bin Laden’s popularity isnot rooted in “apocalyptic terrorism,” but, on the contrary,“in its appeal to well-established innerworldly eschatologi-cal thought in orthodox Sunni mainstream Islam.”Scheffler’s conclusion was that the reluctance of main-stream Islamic theology to “accept the loss of temporalpower and/or to cultivate other, spiritual, sources ofpower” is a major obstacle in the way of sustainableIslamic peacebuilding.

In her response, Asma Afsaruddin, Assistant Professorin the Department of Classics at Notre Dame, argued that“many Muslims share the extremist’s resentment over spe-cific American foreign policy measures that result inunqualified support for Israeli occupation and repressionof the Palestinian people.” However, she contended, thevast majority of Muslims have not resorted to terror toexpress their sorrow and outrage in these cases. “To statethat there is no difference between those who espouse anduse terror and those who do not and would not condoneits usage to redress these injustices is a gravely flawed conclusion.”

Graham Fuller, former vice chairman of the NationalIntelligence Council atthe CIA, called for ashift and re-orientationof American foreignpolicy in the MiddleEast in order to providean antidote to Islamicextremism. Heobserved that the waron terrorism has threeobjectives: to punishthose who have com-mitted or supported

Khaled Abou el Fadl (left) discusses Islamic peacebuilding with

Graham Fuller (center) and other conference participants.

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Conference ProgramKeynote AddressA Just Peace and itsRequirements: The ClassicalSources of Islam

Khaled Abou El Fadl

“Regional” Responses toSeptember 11 (Part 1)

Palestine: Mohammed Abu-Nimer

Chechnya: Anna Zelkina Daghestan: Tamara SivertsevaResponse: Patrick Gaffney

“Regional” Responses toSeptember 11 (Part 2)

Pakistan: Muqtedar Khan Kashmir: Cynthia MahmoodPhilippines: Amina

Rasul-BernardoResponse: Daniel Philpott

Changing Views of Violence with-in Islam Islam’s Jihad for Just Peace:Transcending the Classical Notionof Jihad

Louay Safi

Apocalypticism, InnerworldlyEschatology, and IslamicExtremism

Thomas Scheffler

Sufi Conceptions of JihadHakan Yavuz

Response: Asma Afsaruddin

Islamic Resources andOpportunities for PeacebuildingMuslim Women and Peacebuilding

Azza Karam

Inter-religious Solidarity andPeacebuilding: The Case ofMuslims in South Africa

A. Rashied Omar

Islamic Resources forPeacebuilding

Mohammed Abu-Nimer

Response: John PaulLederach

Closing Address Foundations and Implications ofthe U.S. War on Terrorism

Graham Fuller

Rockefeller Fellow Mohammed Abu-Nimer examines Palestinian responses to

September 11 as Anna Zelkina (left) and Rockefeller Fellow Tamara Sivertseva listen.

terrorism, to deter future acts of terror, and to address the socio-economic envi-ronment which leads to acceptance of terrorism. While U.S. policy will likely succeed in achieving its punitive goals, and may have some success at deterrence,virtually no attention is being given to addressing the root causes of terrorism.Thus, “the net affect may be to exacerbate problems in the long term,” he concluded.

The PRCP Co-ordinator, A. Rashied Omar, presented a paper on interreligiouspeacebuilding which argued that the dramatic events of the past year have ironical-

ly created renewed opportunities forinter-religious solidarity in theUnited States. He identified a number of critical challenges, whichinter-religious activists need to facein order to transform this newfoundinterest and energy into a sustainablemovement for peace. “The inter-religious movement in the UnitedStates has contributed to the difficultprocess of healing in the postSeptember 11 period. However, itneeds to become a grassroots move-ment and to find intrinsic sources of

religious inspiration in order to make a difference to relations within the broadersociety” he said.

The success of this inaugural PRCP conference will no doubt provide a usefulmodel for future events. The PRCP plans to publish the revised papers presentedat the conference. According to Kroc Institute Director Scott Appleby, who willedit the volume, “The volume will provide a state-of-the-art discussion of thethemes addressed in the conference. Our primary audience is the educated generalpublic.”

The success of thisinaugural PRCP

conference will nodoubt provide a useful

model for future events.

15


Although the pursuit of science and technology is often atodds with the pursuit of social justice, theoretical physicistFreeman J. Dyson of the Institute for Advanced Study inPrinceton believes that scientists can collaborate produc-tively with social justice advocates for the sake of theworld’s poor.

A native of England who emigrated to the UnitedStates in 1951, Professor Dyson delivered the eighth annu-al Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C. Lectures on Ethics andPublic Policy, sponsored by the Kroc Institute, on April 9-10, 2002. That he stands in a minority regarding thehumanitarian potential of science and technology does notconcern the 79-year-old Dyson, now Professor Emeritus ofthe same institute where Albert Einstein worked.

“I hold it to be ethically unacceptable to tolerate thegross inequalities that prevail in the world today betweenrich and poor countries,” Dyson told a crowd in theHesburgh Center Auditorium. “And I hold it to be intel-lectually unacceptable to abandon scientific knowledge andthe technological power that scientific knowledge brings.”

Dyson is the author of many books which haveappealed to both scholarly and popular audiences.Disturbing the Universe (1979) is his scientific autobiogra-phy while Weapons and Hope (1984) received the NationalBook Critics Circle Award for general non-fiction. Hisglobal justice orientation earned him the Templeton Prizefor Progress in Religion in 2000.

At Notre Dame, Professor Dyson gave two lectures:“Eight Tales for Technophiles: Successes and Failures inUsing Technology to Help the Poor” and “The WorldEconomic Forum Debates: The Future of Science andTechnology.”

Dyson said that he preferred to state the case for tech-nology‘s humanitarian potential with case histories — notscientific theories. He shared case histories of eight moderntechnological projects to alleviate poverty. Some were suc-cess stories, but several failed. The benefits of some — likethe emerging green revolution — must still be assessed.

SELF, the Solar Electric Light Fund, a private founda-tion in Washington, D.C., supplies solar panels to generateelectricity from sunlight. Small, inexpensive solar panelsystems generate enough electricity in homes to run fluo-rescent lights, a radio, phone and a television. Childrenread and study more. Adults can lengthen their work-dayand add to family income by producing marketable

T e c h n o l o g y a s a T o o l f o r J u s t i c e a n d P e a c ePhysicist Freeman J. Dyson Delivers 2002 Hesburgh Lectures

products. In rural schools, larger solar collectors broughtnot only electric light into classrooms, but also computers,satellite links and the internet.

Professor Dyson also described the contribution of theGrameen Bank, the brainchild of economist MohammedYunus of Bangladesh. Developing a concept of micro-cred-it banking, Yunus made small loans to village women forincome-generating projects such as cellular phones. Thesewomen sold phone service by the minute and made profits.

But well-intentioned attempts to raise living standardsthrough technology can fail just as dramatically, Dyson insisted.

He spoke about the massive, tragic failure of Mao TseTung’s “Great Leap Forward” in China in the late 1950s.Mao attempted to transplant industrial production toChina’s villages in order to shift wealth from the cities.Agricultural output plunged; millions of peasants starved.

In this third millennium, according to Dyson, the timehas come for science and technology to meet the needs ofthe underdeveloped communities of the world. “Both ourethical and intellectual ideals must be sustained if we are tofulfill our obligations as stewards of a vulnerable planet.”

Freeman Dyson with Fr. Theodore Hesburgh, C.S.C.

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The legacy of John Howard Yoder can be found not onlyin his writings; he also had a knack for creating fora forintellectually-rich dialogue on issues involving deep per-sonal values.

Many of these initiatives continue to the present day. AKroc-ROTC discussion group that he helped to establishat Notre Dame continues to meet regularly during the aca-demic year to discuss issues of ethics and the military. AtNotre Dame’s Tantur Ecumenical Institute, Yoder played arole in promoting inter-religious dialogue. David Burrell,Professor of Theology and Philosophy and director of thestudy abroad program at Tantur, describes Tantur as“Father Hesburgh on the outside, and John Howard Yoderon the inside.”

Yoder also made substantial contributions to the devel-opment of the “Believer’s Church Conferences.” The term“Believer’s Church” was coined by Max Weber to empha-size the voluntary character of several radical Protestantgroups, and the term gained currency in the literature byand about these groups. The conferences draw togethertheologians, ministers, and lay people, predominantly from Mennonite, Brethren, and Quaker traditions, andobservers from other denominations, to discuss issues atthe intersection of theology and practice. Yoder helped

organized the first con-ference in 1967 andco-convened severalsubsequent conferenceswith D. F. Durnbaugh.

It was thus a fittingtribute that the four-teenth conference, heldat the University ofNotre Dame on March7-9, 2002, addressedthe theme “Assessingthe Theological Legacyof John HowardYoder.” The confer-ence, which attracted

A L e g a c y o f D i a l o g u eConference explores theological legacy of John Howard Yoder

more than 300 participants, was co-sponsored by severalacademic institutions with which Yoder had been affiliated:the Institute for Mennonite Studies at AssociatedMennonite Biblical Seminary (AMBS), Goshen College,and the Kroc Institute and Theology Department at Notre Dame.

Mark Thiessen Nation of the London MennoniteCenter opened the conference with a keynote addressexploring Yoder as Mennonite, Evangelical, and Catholic.John Paul Lederach, Professor of InternationalPeacebuilding at the Kroc Institute, described the influenceof Yoder on his own approach to peacebuilding, notinghow Yoder’s expansive view of history as moving towardreconciliation has provided a basis for hope in the midst ofseemingly intractable conflicts. David Burrell emphasizedYoder’s communal model of doing theology as a corporateendeavor of “faith on the way.”

In addition to plenary sessions, the conference featuredpresentations by more than 30 participants. Topics rangedfrom Yoder’s views of the Nicene Council and his dismissalof Constantinianism to the influence of his views onProtestant ethics and contemporary ecumenism.

During a closing plenary session, panelists noted sever-al important themes which emerged at the conference.Gayle Gerber Koontz, Professor of Theology and Ethics atAMBS, observed that North American Mennonites canbenefit from a stronger dialogue between pietism andevangelicalism. Michael Baxter, Assistant Professor ofTheology at Notre Dame, highlighted the role Yoderplayed in identifying resources for peace in the Catholictradition and at Notre Dame. “John pointed out thingsthat were there that we didn’t see,” Baxter said, referring toYoder’s observation that the relics of Saint Marcellus, athird century centurion beheaded for refusing to serve inthe Roman army, can be found beneath the altar at NotreDame’s Basilica.

Stanley Hauerwas, Professor of Theology at DukeUniversity and a former colleague of Yoder, observed in hisconcluding comments that an important achievement ofthe conference was to put Yoder’s ideas into dialogue withthe classical tradition — including Augustine, Niebuhr,and others. “This is the start of some important work thatstill needs to be done,” he said.

John Paul Lederach reflected on

the influence of John Howard

Yoder on his approach to

peacebuilding.

17


Thirty-five staff members and partners from CatholicRelief Services (CRS) in 25 different nations attended the2002 Summer Institute in Peacebuilding, held from June23 to July 4 at the Kroc Institute.

SIP was founded and piloted in 2001 to strengthenpeacebuilding skills of Catholic Relief Services (CRS) per-sonnel who work in developing regions that are frequentlyconflict zones. At the institute,participants explore crucial issuessuch as the role of religion in con-flict and peacebuilding, andstrategies for delivering aid inconflict situations. Typically, CRSstaff members provide relief inemergency situations and work tobreak the cycle of poverty throughinitiatives such as communitybanks, health education and cleanwater projects. This year’s SIPparticipants came fromMadagascar, Cameroon, Sudan,Rwanda, Kenya, Pakistan, India,East Timor, Indonesia, Bosnia,Yugoslavia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and Colombia. The partic-ipants included country representatives, program managersand technical advisors for CRS, which now has 2,800employees worldwide. Also attending were two Catholicchurch officials from Haiti.

The summer institute was designed with three basicgoals in mind. SIP trains participants in conflict resolu-tion, deepens their understanding of Catholic social teaching and alerts them to new issues in economic development.

The first seven days of the 2002 institute focused onpeacebuilding concepts and skills. John Paul Lederach,Professor of International Peacebuilding at the KrocInstitute, presented the fundamental framework and prin-ciples of peacebuilding. He described peacebuilding toolsand their use in various settings. Using case studies andanecdotes about peacebuilding, Lederach also employed avariety of engaging, interactive exercises to help partici-pants experience the impact of reconciliation methodolo-gies and tools. Lederach also led a workshop on creativearts as a peacebuilding tool.

P a r t n e r s i n P e a c e b u i l d i n g CRS Workers from 25 Nations Study Peacebuilding at Second SIP

Four shorter half-day presentations about the religiousdimensions of peacebuilding complemented Lederach’s 5-day “core course.” Andrea Bartoli of the Community of St.Egidio, an international Catholic community, talked abouthis community’s peacebuilding intervention inMozambique in the early 1990s. Kroc Fellow ToddWhitmore, Associate Professor of Theology at Notre

Dame, discussed Just War Theoryand Catholic Social Teaching.Kroc Institute Director ScottAppleby explored religion as aninspiration for both violence andpeace. Rashied Omar, Coordinatorfor Kroc’s RIREC and PRCP pro-grams, discussed peacebuilding asan inter-religious effort. A popularnew feature at the 2002 SIP wasthe “Peacebuilding Marketplace,”which allowed participants totrade peacebuilding ideas, lessonsand tools.

During the last two days ofthe institute, participants exam-

ined peacebuilding programs within CRS. Participants alsocritiqued and reviewed a draft document entitled “CRSApproach to Peacebuilding: Guidelines for CRS Staffersand Partners,” which is being developed to help guidefuture CRS peacebuilding efforts.

SIP is a joint effort of the Kroc Institute and CRS, anagency founded by the American Catholic Bishops in1943 to resettle European refugees. SIP was co-directedagain this year by Jaco Cilliers, CRS Technical Advisor forPeacebuilding, and George Lopez, the Kroc Institute’sDirector of Policy Studies.

After just two summers, the program has proven to bemutually beneficial for CRS and the Kroc Institute. TheSIP provides opportunities for CRS workers to developpeacebuilding skills and enlarge their global support net-work, while also giving Kroc Institute faculty and staff adeeper understanding of peacebuilding issues emerging inthe field.

Sinisa Milatovic (Yugoslavia) and Boris Peterlin

(Croatia) shared reflections on CRS projects in

the Balkans.

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C a t h o l i c P e a c e b u i l d i n g N e t w o r k New Working Group Studies the Roots and Potential of Catholic Peacebuilding

Tom Bamat (left), Executive Director of Maryknoll’s Center for Mission

Research and Study, joined panelists Jaco Cilliers (center) from Catholic

Relief Services, and John Paul Lederach from the Kroc Institute in a

discussion of Catholic experiences in peacebuilding.

A new working group, made up of more than 30 practi-tioners and scholars from several disciplines, is examiningreligious peacebuilding through a Catholic lens. The groupintends to take inventory of the rich (and often underde-veloped) resources of Catholicism for peacebuilding,including the ubiquitous presence of local churches andCatholic relief, development and social justice agencies inconflict settings.

Through this “mapping” exercise, the group seeks todevelop greater understanding, articulation, self-awareness— and, eventually, collaboration — among the diverseCatholic groups and agencies already engaged in work forpeace and justice. This would be a first step toward enlarg-ing the ranks of “Catholic peacebuilders” and promotingdeeper collaboration with other religious and secularpeacebuilding groups. At a fall meeting of the workinggroup held at Maryknoll Mission Center in Ossining, NewYork, the group decided to call itself the CatholicPeacebuilding Network.

The group is currently composed of representativesfrom the Kroc Institute, the United States Institute ofPeace, the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops,Maryknoll Research Center, Catholic Relief Services, theCommunity of Sant’Egidio, Catholic University ofAmerica, Pax Christi, America magazine, CatholicCharities, and the Catholic Theological Union, Chicago.

Kroc Institute director Scott Appleby hopes the groupwill nurture a fresh examination of the peace tradition

within Catholicism and thereby prepare Christian peace-makers for effective engagement with the new challengesarising from the present distinctive historical moment ofconflict and global unrest. He particularly welcomes theopportunity to explore these issues with participantsinvolved in religious peacebuilding on the ground.

“My own scholarship and that of several colleagueshere at the Institute builds upon peacebuilding as a grassroots phenomenon,” Appleby said. “Every society has areligious dimension, with people of faith who can beresources for community building and nonviolent conflictresolution.”

Todd Whitmore, Associate Professor of Theology atNotre Dame, thinks the group will generate new perspec-tives on the relevance of Catholic teaching to contempo-rary issues. Whitmore, who specializes in moral theology,particularly social ethics, is the director of Notre Dame’sProgram in Catholic Social Tradition.

Today, Whitmore says, Catholicism requires a morehighly developed and nuanced vision of peace. Peace is notsimply the absence of war. Peace, he says, is linked to thecommon good. “It seeks a certain quality of relationshipbetween persons or between nations.” From a Catholicperspective, Whitmore contends, the violent attacks ofSeptember 11, 2001 exposed underlying global inequitieswhich need to be addressed.

John Paul Lederach, Professor of InternationalPeacebuilding at the Kroc Institute, and a Mennonitemember of the working group, sees the Catholic Churchas a significant untapped resource for peacebuildingaround the globe. Based on his many years of experiencein peacebuilding, Lederach maintains that the CatholicChurch is uniquely positioned as a transnational actor toserve as a locus for peacebuilding. Since the Church func-tions on every level of society in many different regionsaround the world, it fosters cross-cutting ties and relation-ships critical to peacebuilding.

Prior to the fall 2002 meeting at Maryknoll, the groupgathered, for the first time, in conjunction with a NotreDame conference on “The New ‘New Things’: CatholicSocial Teaching and the Twenty-First Century.” Held onApril 4-6, the conference was organized by the Program onCatholic Social Teaching and was cosponsored by the KrocInstitute, the Kellogg Institute, and the Henkels VisitingScholars Series. Talks on Catholic peacebuilding wereoffered as joint sessions of the conference on Friday, April 4.

19


| s t u d e n t a n da l u m n i a c t i v i t i e s |

For almost three years, Kroc Institute undergraduateand graduate students have made their own efforts toaddress the problem of violence in the schools. In 2001-02, about 50 Notre Dame students — many of whomwere students at the Institute — volunteered with “TakeTen” an innovative peacebuilding program for students ingrades 4 through 6.

In South Bend schools, program volunteers workedweekly with children who become Take Ten’s “peaceambassadors” in their own schools. Take Ten ambassadorsshared lessons about peacemaking through lunch-hourskits, posters and announcements. They are encouraged tocreatively expand on Take Ten principles or guidelines,such as “Weapons have no place in solving conflicts inschool,” or “School should be a violence-free zone,” or“No one has the right to hurt someone or destroy some-thing because of the way he or she feels.”

Take Ten was introduced in South Bend by JayCaponigro, Director of the Robinson CommunityLearning Center, a project of Notre Dame’s Center forSocial Concerns. Caponigro first observed the program inChicago and felt that every school could use it. “In oneschool, violence might be swearing and name-calling; inanother, it’s punching,” he explained.

Jim Kapsa, principal of 700 students at DardenElementary School in South Bend, agreed that school vio-lence is a growing concern. “One question that parents askwhen I meet them is ‘Howsafe is your school?’” hesaid. Both students andparents are afraid of gangsand shootings. But, Kapsasays, there are fewer vio-lent incidents since TakeTen came to Darden twoyears ago.

Sister Dian Majsterek,principal of 103 studentsat St. Adalbert School,also saw improvement. “Ido lunchroom duty in thecafeteria,” she said.

T a k e T e nNotre Dame Students Take Peacebuilding Program to South Bend Schools

“Students would come and say: ‘he threw this or that’ or‘she’s calling me this or that.’ Now, I just remind them ofthe Take Ten motto: “Talk It Out, Work It Out, Walk ItOut.”

Notre Dame freshman Bill Coffey was so impressedwith the program at Muessel School that he volunteered tobe Take Ten’s student coordinator in 2002-03. Coffeythought that one of Take Ten’s simulations on verbal vio-lence and the value of dialogue was particularly effective.

“We had two kids stand back to back. One was verbal-ly abusive while the other remained silent.” Coffey said.“Victims” felt threatened, fearful or even guilty, Coffeyrecalled. Later, kids faced each other and shared their feel-ings. Dialogue and mutual respect emerged where onemight have expected name-calling or anger.

Notre Dame senior Beth Krause was Take Ten’s studentcoordinator for 2001-2002. Though Peace Studies was herminor, Krause knew it would be difficult to teach nonvio-lence to kids who sometimes faced violence at school,home or in their neighborhoods. “I soon found that I waslearning along with students that nonviolence is a viablemeans to address conflict and a better way to live life,” shewrote in a term-paper about Take Ten.

During the 2002-2003 school year, South Bend’s TakeTen program will have a new Project Director. KimOverdyck, a 2002 M.A. graduate of the Kroc Institute,would like to see Take Ten in every South Bend school.

But Overdyck also under-stands that peace educa-tion takes time.

“I want children tohave an alternative to vio-lence when faced with aconflict, and I believe thatTake Ten is that alterna-tive,” commentedOverdyck. “We need tostop the cycle of violencein our society, and the bestplace to start is with ourchildren. Children need toknow that the bravestaction is a non-violentaction.”

Notre Dame students and Take Ten peace ambassadors build

relationships during an informal gathering. (Photo by John Kleiderer)

20


Over 110 undergraduates from the United States andCanada gathered March 22-23 at the Hesburgh Center atNotre Dame to talk about peace topics presented by peersfrom 14 colleges or universities.

This year’s conference theme — “Be the Change” —was taken from the writings of Mahatma Gandhi: “Be thechange you want to see in the world.” The ’02 conferencefeatured fourteen workshops on such topics as securityissues, Islam and inter-religious dialogue, religious founda-tions of peace, teaching peace in elementary schools, andthe media's role in reporting peace issues.

The keynote speechand conference work-shop were delivered byformer Washington Postcolumnist and veteranpeace educator ColmanMcCarthy. McCarthy,the director of theCenter for TeachingPeace in Washington,D.C., observed thatpeacemaking requirescommitment, prayer,adherence to non-vio-lence and service —with an emphasis onprayer and service.“Experiential knowledgeis crucial for peacemak-ers,” he said. McCarthy

himself jumped feet first into peace education in 1982. Heapproached a public high school in Washington, D.C. andoffered to teach peace studies when asked to teach journal-ism. Since then, McCarthy, whose latest book is I’d RatherTeach Peace (Orbis 2002), has taught peace studies atGeorgetown, American University, the University ofMaryland and in a juvenile prison.

B e t h e C h a n g e Student Conference emphasizes Gandhian theme

In a workshop on “Religious Foundations of Peace,”four undergraduates spoke about witnessing inter-religiousefforts for peace. Notre Dame senior Kate Diaz talkedabout attending the January 24, 2002 inter-religious gath-ering called in Rome by Pope John Paul II. Buddhists,Sikhs, Muslims, Jews, Catholics, Protestants, Orthodoxand even Voodoo practitioners went to Rome for dialogueand prayer. The pope invited them all to travel by train toan all-night prayer vigil for peace in Assisi, the home of St. Francis.

“What I saw,” recalled Diaz, “ is that God is the primewellspring of peace. Prayer can unleash new energies forpeace.”

In a workshop on Islam and Inter-Religious Dialogue,one presenter, Rashied Omar, an Imam from South Africaand the Coordinator for Kroc Institute research programsor religion and ethnic conflict, talked about how inter-religious dialogue has a new priority in the aftermath of September 11. This new emphasis on inter-religiousdialogue has made iteasier to dispel nega-tive stereotypesabout Islam andMuslims, Omar said.

“There are anumber of diversearticulations andunderstandings ofIslam,” he said.However, the foun-dations of religioustolerance are foundin the authenticsources of Islam —the Qur’an and thehadith (the tradi-tions of the ProphetMuhammad). “Ifyour Lord had sodesired, all the people on the earth would surely havecome to believe, all of them; do you then think that youcould compel people to believe.” (Qur’an, 10:99).

Colman McCarthy with Rev. Theodore

M. Hesburgh, C.S.C.

21


Lynne Woehrle (’88), from the United States, has beenappointed Assistant Professor of Sociology at Mount MaryCollege in Milwaukee, Wisconsin.

Rosette Muzigo-Morrison (’93), from Uganda, is thelongest-serving legal officer with the United NationsInternational Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), havingworked with the ICTR in The Hague, Arusha, Tanzania andRwanda. She is currently serving in the Appeals ChamberSupport Unit of the ICTR in The Hague. She visited NotreDame in August 2002 to share her experiences with KrocInstitute faculty and new graduate students.

Nina Balmaceda (’96), from Peru, is working for a humanrights NGO, Institute for Legal Defense, in Lima and teachingat the university.

Rohan Gunaratna (’96), from Sri Lanka, research fellow atthe Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence,University of St. Andrews, Scotland, published Inside AlQueda: Global Network of Terror, a comprehensive analysis ofthe structure and development of the organization. When thebook was published in June, Rohan conducted over 50 inter-views and media appearances. The book was featured in tel-evised interviews on the CBS Evening News, ABC’s Nightline,and CNN, and in articles in Newsweek, New York Times, theWashington Post, the Chicago Tribune, and the Los AngelesTimes.

Oana-Cristina Popa (’96), from Romania, earned a Ph.D.(magna cum laude) in History and International Relationsfrom “Babes-Bolyai” University of Cluj, Romania, in May2001, with a dissertation entitled Cooperation and RegionalSecurity in Southeast Europe after 1989. After serving fouryears as director of the Bucharest office of the FulbrightCommission, Oana joined the Romanian Ministry of ForeignAffairs in February 2002 as Adviser to the Minister on NATOand EU integration. She now serves as Deputy Director of theDepartment of Early Warning Analysis in the Foreign Ministry.

Charles Muwunga (’00) returned to Uganda in January2002 and now serves as a Regional Investigation Officer withthe Uganda Human Rights Commission. In addition to receiv-ing complaints of human rights violations, he also initiatesinvestigations in such areas as working conditions in facto-ries, refugee rights, children’s rights, corporal punishment inschools, domestic violence, and rights of prisoners.Information on the work of the Commission is available atwww.uhrc.org.

A l u m n i N e w s

Regina Saffa (’01), from Sierra Leone, completed a reporton Sierra Leone NGOs for the Geneva-based HumanitarianAccountability Project. She is now in the Foreign Service,working with the American Embassy in Freetown as thePolitical/Economic specialist, and sits on the steering com-mittee of the Anti-Corruption Commission. Corruption is a keyissue for both the government and the international commu-nity because it has been identified as one of the root causesof the 11-year civil war. Regi also works with disenfranchisedwomen, mostly ex-female combatants or abductees/victimswho have not benefitted from the disarmament package,through the British-sponsored Community ReintegrationProgram.

Blendi Kajsiu (’01), from Albania, is a research fellow withthe Albanian Institute for International Studies (AIIS) inTirana. He is currently working on a public survey regardingAlbania's membership in the European Union (EU), as well asa project that aims to improve local governance in Albania,financed by the National Endowment for Democracy inWashington. Blendi co-authored a 2002 AIIS report on thestate of democracy in Albania entitled "Albania: A WeakDemocracy, A Weak State,” which is available from the website http://www.aiis-albania.org. Blendi has also been teach-ing an introductory political science course at the Universityof Tirana.

Anastasiya Kushleyko (’01), from Russia, is now workingfor the International Committee of the Red Cross in Moscow.With support from the Kroc Institute, Anastasiya completed a 3 month internship at the ICRC after finishing her M.A. She is pleased that this has turned into a more permanent position.

Elton Skendaj (’01), from Albania, is National ProjectCoordinator for the UN Department for Disarmament Affairs(UNDDA). In partnership with the Hague Appeal for Peace, theUNDDA is implementing a project on "Developing Peace andDisarmament Education Initiatives to Disarm Children andYouth.” This collaborative effort focuses on communities inAlbania, Cambodia, Niger, and Peru. Elton is the in-countryproject partner for Albania.

Tetty Uli Naiborhu (’02), from Indonesia, received KrocInstitute funding for a six month internship with the Center forSecurity and Peace Studies in Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Marco Garrido (’02), a Filipino US citizen, is serving a sixmonth internship with Focus on the Global South in thePhilippines, where he works on agrarian reform, alternativetrade, common property rights, communal ownership and thefight for the rights of indigenous peoples.

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Inequalities in the Light ofGlobalizationby Denis Goulet (Kroc InstituteOccasional Paper #22:OP:2)

Great inequalities have risen alongsideincreasing globalization in recent years,giving rise to the question: what is therelation between the two? Inequalitieshave always existed, and are not causeddirectly by globalization, which servesas the vehicle of flawed development.Calls for “another globalization,” asrecently heard at the Porto Alegre(Brazil) World Social Forum, thereforerequire “another development” prizingequity over economic growth and par-ticipation over elite decision-making.Inequalities previously accepted weredelegitimized by historical forces —European colonization, the IndustrialRevolution, and development’s promiseof technological deliverance frompoverty; globalization is the latestdestructuring and destabilizing histori-cal force. Anti-globalization move-ments have moved beyond negativeprotest to build alternative solutions.Under certain (difficult) conditions, itmay become possible to negotiate“another globalization.”

Denis Goulet is the O’Neill Professor ofEducation for Justice and Professor ofEconomics, and a Fellow of the KrocInstitute, University of Notre Dame

An E-parliament to DemocratizeGlobalization: An Idea WhoseTime Has Comeby Robert Johansen (Kroc InstituteOccasional Paper #22:OP:3)

Johansen argues that an e-Parliamentwould be a major step toward more democratic global governance andaccountability for powerful interestsand actors throughout the world. Forthe first time, it is possible to create aparliamentary forum, held primarilyon the Internet, for the world’s demo-cratically-elected legislators to engageeach other and members of civil socie-ty. The e-Parliament would assist gov-ernments and citizens in seeking moreeffective ways of addressing globalproblems, such as limiting weapons ofmass destruction, discouraging terror-ism, ending hunger, and protecting theenvironment. The e-Parliament wouldthus address four underlying globalproblems: a democratic deficit in glob-al decisionmaking, an action deficit ininternational institutions, a resourcedeficit in meeting human needs, and avision deficit in nurturing a sense ofhuman solidarity.

Robert Johansen is Professor of PoliticalScience, and Director of GraduateStudies and Senior Fellow at the KrocInstitute, University of Notre Dame.

| p u b l i c a t i o n s |

The Campaign Against Terrorismby Daniel A. Lindley (Kroc InstituteOccasional Paper #22:OP:1)

Lindley argues that the main purposeof the war on terrorism is to reduce theprobability that terrorists will useweapons of mass destruction (WMD).While the events of September 11 werea catalyst, this threat is the real reasonthe United States and its allies mustfight against terrorism. In addition toforce, Lindley recommends a numberof other steps in the campaign againstterrorism: the United States mustincrease domestic preparedness againstWMD attacks, limit proliferation ofWMD, reduce enmity towards theUnited States, decrease dependence onMiddle East oil, increase foreign aid,and employ legal tools. Lindley alsoassesses and sometimes rebuts critiquesof the use of force and the war inAfghanistan.

Daniel Lindley is Assistant Professor ofPolitical Science, and a Fellow of theKroc Institute, University of NotreDame.

Institute Publications

Occasional Papers

All Kroc Institute Occasional Papers are available in full-text at <www.nd.edu/~krocinst/ocpapers/>.

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Policy Briefs

All Kroc Institute Policy Briefs are available on the web at<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/polbriefs/>.

Winning Without War: SensibleSecurity Options for Dealing withIraq, by David Cortright, George A.Lopez, and Alistair Millar, KrocInstitute/Fourth Freedom ForumPolicy Brief F5 (October 2002).

The Aftermath of the Israeli-Palestinian War of 2002, by ArieKacowicz, Policy Brief #10 (June2002).

Nonviolent Voices in Israel andPalestine, by Mohammed Abu-Nimer, Policy Brief #9 (June 2002).

Sanctions, Inspections, andContainment: Viable PolicyOptions in Iraq, by David Cortright,Alistair Millar, and George Lopez,Kroc Institute/Fourth Freedom ForumPolicy Brief F3 (June 2003).

Other PolicyPublications

Our new webpage, “Alternatives toWar with Iraq: Kroc InstituteResources on Policy and Ethics,”<www.nd.edu/~krocinst/media/iraq.html>, features current commen-tary by Kroc Institute scholars on theproposed war against Iraq.

Iraq and Just War ThinkingGeorge A. Lopez, Commonweal(September 27, 2002).

Disarming Iraq: NonmilitaryStrategies and OptionsDavid Cortright and George A.Lopez, Arms Control Today (September2002).

Stop the War Before it StartsDavid Cortright, The Progressive(August 2002).

The Power of NonviolenceDavid Cortright, The Nation (18February 2002): 13–14.

Proposed: A More Effective andJust Response to TerrorismDavid Cortright, USA TodayMagazine, (January 2002): 10–12.

A Hard Look at Iraq SanctionsDavid Cortright, The Nation (3December 2001): 20, 22, 24.

A Stark Vision of the WorldDavid Cortright, Sojourners(November-December 2001): 25, 27.

FacultyPublications

Books

Smart Sanctions: TargetingEconomic Statecraft David Cortright and George A.Lopez, (eds.) (Lanham, Md.: Rowmanand Littlefield, 2002).

In this edit-ed collec-tion ofessays, threeof which areby LopezandCortright,the editorspresent thestate ofknowledge

regarding targeted, or so-called“smart,” sanctions which aim to pres-sure leaders while avoiding coercion ofthe general population. Chaptersexamine the historical, economic andlegal dimensions of arms embargoes,travel bans and financial controls.Other essays detail the U.S. practice

for capturing financial assets of targetsand how smart sanctions were usedagainst the Milosevic regime in 2000.With colleague Alistair Millar, the edi-tors have written a concluding chapterthat details a smart sanctions strategywhich might be used against Iraq.

Sanctions and the Search forSecurity: Challenges for UNActionDavid Cortright and George A. Lopez(Boulder, Co.: Lynne Rienner, 2002).

Following on the publication of TheSanctions Decade — lauded as thedefinitive history and accounting ofUnited Nations sanctions in the 1990s— Cortright and Lopez continue theircollaboration to examine the changingcontext and meaning of sanctions andthe security dilemmas that the SecurityCouncil now faces. They note that,despite widespread disagreement aboutthe effectiveness of UN sanctions andthe need for reform, the SecurityCouncil continues to impose sanctions,and it maintains ongoing measures ineight countries. Exploring the dynam-ics of recent developments, the authorsassess a range of new multilateralapproaches to sanctions and economicstatecraft, review the heated debateover the humanitarian impact of sanc-tions, and consider the increasinglyimportant role of NGOs in UN poli-cymaking. They conclude with a framework for future policy, as well as specific recommendations forenhancing the viability of “smart sanctions” strategies.

Achieving our WorldFred Dallmayr (Lanham, Md.:Rowman and Littlefield, 2001).

In an age marked by global hegemonyand festering civilization clashes,Dallmayr charts a path toward a cos-mopolitan democracy respectful oflocal differences. He draws upon and

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develops insights from a number offields: political theory, the study ofinternational politics, recentContinental philosophy, and an arrayof critical cultural disciplines to illustrate and elucidate his thesis.Dallmayr concludes that a genuinelyglobal and plural democracy and ‘civicculture’ is the only viable and promis-ing path for humankind in the new millennium.

Guns and Government: TheManagement of the NorthernIreland Peace ProcessJohn Darby and Roger MacGinty(Basingstoke, England:Palgrave/Macmillan, 2002).

What factors facilitate or obstructpolitical movement during a peaceprocess? Darby and MacGinty dividethe Northern Ireland peace processinto its constituent parts, allowing athorough analysis. Chapters are devot-ed to political change, violence andsecurity, economic factors, externalinfluences, popular responses, and therole of symbols. Issues such as thesequencing of concessions, lending andborrowing between contemporarypeace processes, and whether the peaceprocess is top-down or bottom-up, arealso covered. Drawing on interviewswith key players (politicians and poli-cymakers) in the peace process, theauthors offer insights into the prob-lems faced by those charged with nego-tiation in a deeply divided society. Thebook steps beyond a simple account ofthe Northern Ireland case, placing theconflict in the context of other con-temporary peace processes. Judged inthis light, Northern Ireland's peaceprocess is more successful than thedaily headlines would suggest.

A Sea of Orange: Writings on theSikhs and IndiaCynthia Mahmood (Philadelphia:Xlibris, 2001).

Sikhism, a religion of twenty millionpeople with its heartland in India, is

one of theleast-under-stoodtraditionsin theworld.The stateof Punjabin which

the majority of Sikhs live has been thesite of a serious conflict in the past twodecades. This book contains ten essayson Sikh militancy, religious conflict inIndia, and human rights. Drawing onsources used in judicial, political andacademic arenas, as well as a grass-rootsperspective rooted in anthropology,Mahmood explores the complex mazethat is contemporary India and theIndian diaspora.

Fritz Steppat: Islam als Partner:Islamkundliche Augsätze 1944-1996Thomas Scheffler (ed.), (Würzburg:Ergon Verlag / Beirut: Orient-Institut,2001 [= Beiruter Texte und Studien;vol. 78]).

The volume presents thirty essays onMiddle Eastern history, literature, andpolitics by Fritz Steppat, a formerdirector of the German OrientInstitute in Beirut (1963-68) and chairprofessor of Islamic Studies at the FreeUniversity of Berlin (1969-88).Influenced by the theologian PaulTillich and the Orientalist CarlHeinrich Becker, Steppat’s work wasdevoted to understanding Islam as a“partner” in an overarching worldcommunity and not as an “exoticobject.” Scheffler, who was aRockefeller Visiting Fellow at theInstitute in 2001-02, contributed anintroduction to the volume entitled“Fritz Steppat – erkbiographischeEinf¸hrung,” [“Fritz Steppat – Workand Biography: An Introduction”].

The Prevention of HumanitarianEmergenciesRaimo Väyrynen and E. WayneNafziger (eds.) (Houndmills,Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave inassociation with the United NationsUniversity/World Institute forDevelopment Economics Research,2002).

Since the end of the cold war, civilwars and state violence have escalated,resulting in thousands of deaths. Thisbook, the third volume in a series forthe United NationsUniversity/WorldInstitute forDevelopmentEconomics Research(UNU/WIDER),provides a toolboxfor donors, interna-tional agencies, anddeveloping countriesto prevent humani-tarian emergencies.The emphasis is on long-term develop-ment policies rather than mediation orreconstruction after the conflict ensues.Policies include democratization,reforming institutions, strengtheningcivil society, improving the state’sadministrative capability, agrarianreform, accelerating economic growththrough stabilization and adjustment,reducing inequalities, and redesigningaid to be more stable.

Chapters

R. Scott Appleby, “The Quandary of Leadership,” in The Place ofTolerance in Islam, ed. Khaled Abou ElFadl (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002), 85-92.

Appleby presents an assessment of religious leadership in the areas of tolerance and cross-cultural dialogue,written in response to Khaled Abou ElFadl’s lead essay on the current situa-tion of Islam in this regard.

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R. Scott Appleby, “Religions,Human Rights and SocialChange,” in The Freedom to do God’sWill: Religious Fundamentalism andSocial Change, ed. Gerrie ter Haar andJames J. Busuttil (New York:Routledge, 2002), 197-229.

Appleby offers a comparative analysisof religious communities in their open-ness to, and incorporation of, “univer-sal” human rights discourse, includinga discussion of the obstacles to fullerparticipation and possible strategies forovercoming such obstacles.

R. Scott Appleby, “Religion as anAgent of Conflict Prevention andResolution,” in Turbulent Peace: TheChallenges of Managing InternationalConflict, ed. Chester A. Crocker, FenOsler Hampson, and Pamela Aall(United States Institute of Peace,2001), pp. 821-840.

This edited volume is the latest effortby the U.S. Institute of Peace to pro-vide comprehensive introductory mate-rial in the fields of conflict resolutionand peacebuilding in settings of inter-national conflict. Appleby’s chapterexplores the role of religious actors inpeacebuilding efforts.

Dennis Goulet, “Ethical Analysis inDevelopment Economics,” inCrossing the Mainstream, ed. AmitavaK. Dutt and Kenneth P. Jameson(Notre Dame: University of NotreDame Press, 2001), 29-51.

Development engages economic, polit-ical, social, cultural, environmental,and ethical issues. Because it simulta-neously creates and destroys values, itis seen by some as a good thing, byothers as a destructive historical force.This ambiguity affects how economistsstudy it. Emerging paradigms of development which reject maximumeconomic growth in favor of compre-hensive human development as thegoal call for a new way of doing eco-nomics. This leads economists to put

values back into all dimensions of eco-nomics — theories, methodology,analysis, and prescription.

John Paul Lederach, “Civil Societyand Reconciliation,” in TurbulentPeace, ed. Chester Crocker, FenHampson, and Pamela Aall(Washington DC: U.S. Institute ofPeace Press, 2001).

This edited volume is the latest effortby the U.S. Institute of Peace to pro-vide comprehensive introductory mate-rial in the fields of conflict resolutionand peacebuilding in settings of inter-national conflict. Lederach’s chapterprovides an overview of how to buildcivil society and reconciliation in post-accord settings where protracted con-flicted has created deep animosities anddivisions.

John Paul Lederach, “Five Qualitiesof Practice in Support ofReconciliation Processes,” inForgiveness and Reconciliation, ed.Raymond Helmick and RodneyPetersen (Radnor, PA: The TempletonFoundation, 2001).

This edited volume emerged from aconference on reconciliation sponsoredby the Templeton Foundation. Thebook chapters cover a wide array ofapproaches and understandings of rec-onciliation. Lederach’s chapter providesa practitioner’s view of attitudes andapproaches for supporting reconcilia-tion that have proven useful. He cau-tions against reducing reconciliation to a formula or technique-basedmethodology.

John Paul Lederach, “Levels ofLeadership,” in Peacebuilding: AField Guide, ed. Luc Reychler andThania Paffenholz (London: LynneReinner Publishers, 2001).

This field guide is oriented toward providing tools for developing peace-building processes on the ground by providing practical advice and

conceptual models. In his contribu-tion, Lederach provides an overview ofthe different levels of leadership insociety, with discussion of the top,mid-range and grassroots levels of ini-tiative. He also discusses the types ofpeace initiatives each level can under-take and provides descriptive tools for developing interdependent peaceprocesses which connect initiatives atdifferent levels.

John Paul Lederach, “TheChallenges of Terror,” in WhereWas God on Sept. 11? ed. Don Kraybilland Linda Gehman Peachey (Scottdale,PA: Herald Press, 2002).

This volume brings together essays,sermons, and articles written frommostly Mennonite and pacifist orienta-tions in response to the events ofSeptember 11, 2001. Written whileLederach was stranded in Guatemalaimmediately after September 11,Lederach’s essay was widely circulatedon the internet and is available on theKroc Institute webpage. He suggests anumber of lessons learned from peaceinitiatives where terrorism wasemployed as a tool of struggle and callsfor new approaches to combating thechallenge.

John Paul Lederach, “For OurHealing,” in Towards Healing, A SelfHelp Directory, ed.. Sean Coll.Fermanagh (Victims Programme,Fermanagh District Council, NorthernIreland, 2002).

The Directory is a first effort to bringtogether all the organizations inFermanagh District providing traumahealing and conflict transformation. Inthe opening chapter to the directory,Lederach discusses the challenges ofhealing in the aftermath of violenceand the need for authenticity ofapproach that respects each individualwhile recognizing several importantguideposts common to all.

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Martha Merritt, “Fragments ofEmpire and Baltic Integration:Lessons for Building Tolerance”in Minorities and Tolerance(Washington, DC: Woodrow WilsonInternational Center for Scholars,2001). Adapted and reprinted as thelead article for the Newsletter of theAssociation for the Study of Nationalities(“Fragments of Empire: Baltic Lessonsfor Building Tolerance,” ASN 7:1, Fall2001).

The Baltic states have unwittinglyserved as laboratories for the mediationof ethnic tension during the process ofstate-building. Their challenge hasbeen to transform isolated, culturallyRussian populations and localities intomore integrated parts of the nationaland international communities, whichis often as much a mental as a geo-graphical exercise. She discusses howfocusing on membership (whichincludes both national membershipand the ultimate mutual goal of join-ing Europe) rather than abstract quali-ties like loyalty allows for constructiveand often modest goals of integration.

Daniel J. Myers, “Social Activismthrough Computer Networks” inComputing in the Social Sciences andHumanities, ed. Orville Vernon Burton(Urbana: University of Illinois Press,2001).

This paper examines the contributionof computer-assisted communicationand computer networks to the forma-tion and functioning of social move-ments and collective behavior. Myersoutlines key characteristics of comput-er-mediated communication that haveramifications for social movements andidentifies potentially fruitful areas forresearch using the activist computerforum.

Victoria Sanford, “TruthCommissions” in Encyclopedia ofCrime and Punishment, ed. DavidLevinson (Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage,2002).

This essay presents a comparativereview of truth commissions and ana-lyzes the relationship between truth-telling and justice.

Thomas Scheffler, “Lebanon,” inElections in Asia and the Pacific: A DataHandbook, vol. I: The Middle East,Central Asia, and South Asia, ed. DieterNohlen, Florian Grotz, and ChristofHartmann (Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress, 2001), 169-197.

With 17 parliamentary elections heldsince 1920, Lebanon is one of the oldest and most fertile laboratories ofdeveloping democratic structures in amulti-religious and multi-ethnicMiddle Eastern setting. Scheffler’spaper, which he completed during aRockefeller Visiting Fellowship at theKroc Institute, provides an overview ofthe country’s political history andmajor societal and religious fault lines,a survey of current electoral provisions(as of 2000), and statistical data onLebanon’s electoral body, electionresults, parties, and governments since1943.

Articles

R. Scott Appleby, “History in theFundamentalist Imagination,”Journal of American History, vol. 89,no.2 (September 2002): 498-511.

Appleby presents a comparative analy-sis of attitudes toward history and thenarrating of history on the part of sev-eral Islamic, Christian and Jewish “fun-damentalist” groups, giving specialattention to Osama bin Laden and alQaeda. The article is part of a specialissue dedicated to “History andSeptember 11.” The issue will betransformed into a book for adoptionin college and university courses.

David Cortright, “The WinterSoldiers Movement: GIs andVeterans Against the VietnamWar,” Peace & Change, vol. 27, no. 1(January 2002): 118–124

After being overlooked and misunder-stood for decades, the war resistanceeffort of soldiers and veterans during the Vietnam era is finally receiving theattention it deserves. The clashbetween the traditional John Wayneimage of military heroism and the bit-ter experience of the Vietnam War ledmany soldiers and veterans to resist.Vietnam Veterans Against the Waremerged as an important voice in theanti-war movement. The organizationbecame the target of an intensiveopposition effort by the Nixon admin-istration, which infiltrated the organi-zation and indicted several of itsleaders. Recent scholarship on this lit-tle-known chapter of American historysheds new light on the trauma causedby the war, and on the “winter sol-diers” who served their nation doubly,as soldiers and then as advocates forpeace.

David Cortright and George A.Lopez, “Smarting UnderSanctions,” The World Today, March(2002), vol. 58, no. 3, 17-18.

This essay examines the debate over targeted sanctions, using the case ofEuropean Union sanctions against thegovernment of Zimbabwe as a focusfor discussion. Targeted measures havebeen applied with increasing frequencyin recent years by the UN SecurityCouncil, the European Union and theU.S. government. These sanctionsapply pressure on decisionmaking eliteswhile avoiding comprehensive traderestrictions that harm innocent popula-tions. The EU sanctions againstZimbabwe follow this model. Theyfreeze the overseas bank accounts andrestrict the travel of a designated list ofZimbabwean elites.

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Denis Goulet, “What is a JustEconomy in a Globalized World?”International Journal of SocialEconomics, 29:1/2 (2002):10-25.

This paper aims to address the ethicaland social issues raised by economicdevelopment in a globalized world. Itargues that development has not deliv-ered economic well-being to all nationsand peoples and questions the view ofdevelopment as the main achievementby economics. It attempts to definewhat a just economy is and examineshow economic justice can be achievedwhen the economic system is struc-turally unjust.

John Paul Lederach, “BuildingMediative Capacity in DeepRooted Conflict,” in The FletcherForum of World Affairs, vol. 26, no.1(Winter/Spring, 2002): 91-101.

Lederach suggests that mediation inprotracted conflict can be understoodas a process involving the creation ofsocial spaces between divided groups,as opposed to a process lodged in thework of an individual or small team. Inaddition to defining key concepts, heprovides detailed examples of media-tion processes, drawing on his experi-ences working with women’s groups inSomalia.

George A. Lopez, “The Style of theNew War: Making the Rules asWe Go Along,” Ethics andInternational Affairs, vol. 16, no. 1(Spring 2002): 21-26.

Lopez argues that in the new waragainst terrorism, the U.S. administra-tion has preferred to develop theparameters of the rules as eventsunfold. These rules — especially in thearea of civilian casualties, the treatmentof al Qaeda and Afghan prisoners, and regarding the establishment of amilitary tribunal — have drawn harshcriticism from the human rights community. The result has been debate

in some areas but not in others and agradual movement of the U.S. positionmore in accord with international lawin general.

Cynthia Mahmood, “Terrorism,Myth, and the Power ofEthnographic Praxis,” Journal ofContemporary Ethnography (October2001).

Cynthia Mahmood was invited to con-tribute the lead article in this journal’sspecial issue on the anthropology of violence. She reflects on the concept ofterrorism, and discusses her courtroomactivism in bringing results of her fieldresearch with religious militants tolegal settings.

Cynthia Mahmood,“Anthropological Compulsions ina World in Crisis,” AnthropologyToday, vol. 18, no. 3 (June 2002).

In a guest editorial, Mahmood exploresthe unique insights which anthropolo-gists can bring to the current globalcrisis. She suggests that anthropologyhas a spiritual component whichimpels ethnographers to seek face-to-face encounters with the other, often atgreat risk. Turning to the current crisis,she notes how mainstream efforts tostrengthen moderate voices withinIslam often avoid delving into thesocial structure or cultural context ofradical Islam. She encourages anthro-pologists to pursue this critical, butrisky, research.

Daniel J. Myers and Alexander J.Buoye, “Campus Racial Disordersand Community Ties, 1967-1969,” Research in Social Movements:Conflict and Change, vol. 23 (2001):297-327.

A common tactic in the analysis of theracial civil disorders of the 1960s hasbeen to eliminate from data sets thoseevents that occurred on university andcollege campuses. This procedure

assumed a disjuncture between urbanand campus collective violence, specifi-cally in that the former would be relat-ed to local economic and socialconditions and the latter would not.Contrary to earlier assumptions, ouranalysis shows a strong connectionbetween campuses and their local con-text. The authors conclude by dis-cussing the implications of omittingcampus events from past riot research.

Rashied Omar, “Muslims andReligious Pluralism in Post-Apartheid South Africa,” Journal ofMuslim Minority Affairs, vol. 22, no. 1(2002).

Omar argues that religious pluralism inpost-Apartheid South Africa continuesto make a difference to relations withinthe broader society. It has contributedto the reconciliation process, the sensi-tive transformation phase and, aboveall, nation-building. However, toremain relevant in the long term, reli-gious pluralism must become a grass-roots movement and to find intrinsicsources of religious inspiration.

N e w A d d i t i o n D e d i c a t e d

On May 22, 2002, the Kroc and Kellogg Institutes officially opened the new wing of the Hesburgh Center forInternational Studies. The occasion was marked by a dedication and blessing of the facility, with Fr. Ernest Bartell, formerdirector of the Kellogg Institute, and Fr. Theodore Hesburgh officiating.

The recently completed $2.5-million addition houses 24 new offices for the Kroc and Kellogg Institutes. The KelloggInstitute has moved its administrative offices to the first and second floors of the new wing, while the Kroc Institute has relocated its research program faculty offices on the third floor.

Father Ted cut the ribbon for the new wing of the Hesburgh Center.


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