the kinnoull aisle and monument

SAHGB Publications Limited

The Kinnoull Aisle and MonumentAuthor(s): Deborah HowardSource: Architectural History, Vol. 39 (1996), pp. 36-53Published by: SAHGB Publications LimitedStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1568606 .

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The Kinnoull Aisle and

Monument by DEBORAH HOWARD

INTRODUCTION

Inside the rubble-walled chapel known as the Kinnoull Aisle, across the Tay from the city of Perth, stands one of the most remarkable funeral monuments ever erected in Scotland (Fig. I). Now abandoned and desolate, the monument commemorates the life of Sir George Hay, who was created Earl of Kinnoull in 1633, the year before his death, at the end of a brilliant career as a courtier, politician and industrialist. The burial chapel (Fig. 2) was originally attached to the former parish church of Kinnoull.1 Like the more celebrated Montgomery Aisle and Monument at Skelmorlie, near Largs, erected in the same years, it is now freestanding; the adjoining church was demolished in the nineteenth century, probably in 1826 when a new church was erected on a different site to serve the parish of Kinnoull.2 Before turning to the monument itself, it is expedient to introduce the formidable statesman whose memory it enshrines.

GEORGE HAY, FIRST EARL OF KINNOULL (I572-I634) Those of the Hays are famous all Europe over, upon the Account of their Rise, which our Historians generally have given the Name and Arms; who tell us, That in the Reign of King Kenneth III, about the Year 980, when the Danes invaded Scotland, and prevailing in the Battle of Lancarty, a Country Scotsman with his two Sons, of great Strength and Courage, having rural Weapons, as the Yoaks of their Plough, and such Plough Furniture, stoped the Scots in their Flight in a certain Defile, and upbraiding them of Cowardice, obliged them to Rally, who with them renewed the Battle and gave a total Overthrow to the victorious Danes: And 'tis said by some, after the Victory was obtained, the Old Man lying on the Ground wounded and fatigued, cryed Hay, Hay, which word became a Sirame to his Posterity.3

The legendary origin of the Hay family may not be historically credible, but it bequeathed to the descendants a sense that almost anything could be achieved with enough resilience and determination. George Hay himself, one of the most enterprising Scotsmen of his age, was generously endowed with these characteristics.

Unlike his legendary forefathers, Hay was no rustic yokel. He was the second son of Peter Hay of Megginch, his mother Margaret being the daughter of Sir Patrick Ogilvy of Inchmartine.4 Hay was given a Catholic education at the Scots College at Pont-a- Mousson in France, although he seems never to have been destined for the priesthood.

On the death of his father in 596, Hay returned to Scotland and was introduced to the court of James VI by his influential cousin, Sir James Hay of Kingask. George



THE KINNOULL AISLE AND MONUMENT

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Fig. i. Monument to Sir George Hay, ist Earl ofKinnoull, Kinnoull Aisle, Perth (Photo: Crown Copyright: Royal Commission on the Ancient & Historical Monuments of Scotland)

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Fig. 2. Kinnoull Aisle, 1635, exterior (Photo: Historic Scotland)

seems to have possessed all the talents of a successful courtier and rose rapidly to become a Gentleman of the Bedchamber by I598/99. In addition to the lands of Errol previously held by his father, he was granted the lands of Netherliff and the estates of the former Charterhouse of Perth. In I6o5 he was involved in a forestry scheme for the island of Lewis which ultimately proved unsuccessful. During the reign of James VI - although he continued to acquire lands from the Hebrides to Fife - he was generally known at court as Sir George Hay of Netherliff [or Nethercliff].

Hay's Catholic origins left him with an anti-Presbyterian stance which allowed him to give loyal support to James VI in religious matters. In I6o0 he played a key role in rescuing the King from the ultra-Protestant Gowrie conspiracy. In recognition of this support, Hay took over Gowrie's Perth estates, including the palatial Gowrie House on the corer of South Street and Speygate, with its gardens stretching down to the banks of the Tay (Fig. 3).5 Laid out like a French hotel around three sides of a court, the house was entered through a rusticated portal in a screen wall along the fourth side. The house survived until it was demolished in i805 to make way for the County Buildings. At the back, on the south side of the garden, was a harbour, recently excavated.6 Hay added, or remodelled, a stylish little oval banqueting house on the river bank, decorated inside with an emblematic painted ceiling bearing his family arms.7 The building known as the Kinnoull Lodging, a house fronted by wooden

37



ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 39: 1996

galleries in the Watergate which was demolished as late as 1966, also belonged to George Hay.8

After the departure of the King to London in 1603, Hay remained an influential courtier in Scotland. Loyal and trusted, he became a Privy Councillor in 1616 and was appointed Lord Clerk Register, or keeper of court records, in the same year. In the following year, at the Whitsunday service held at Holyrood during the king's long- awaited return visit to Scotland, Hay was one of the King's loyal subjects who took communion kneeling.9 The significance of this anti-Presbyterian gesture did not go unnoticed, although it is unclear whether he remained faithful to his Catholic upbringing.

Meanwhile Hay was branching out into daring industrial initiatives. He was Scotland's only recorded large-scale producer of iron ore in this period. His furnaces were situated at Letterewe on the shores of Loch Maree, using local supplies of timber and bog-ore.10 His adventurous foray into glass manufacture began with his acquisition of the licence granting him a monopoly in I6I2.11 Hay's factory was established in a little bay near Wemyss on the coast of Fife, where there was an abundant supply of the necessary raw materials - sand, coal and kelp. Hay took advantage of his position at court to devise ways of resisting the competition of his chief English competitor, Sir Robert Mansell, himself a favourite at James's English court. Hay himself employed the Venetian glass-makers, Giovanni dell'Aqua and Bernard Tamerlayn, whom Mansell had brought to England from Italy.1 In I619 the Scottish Privy Council persuaded the King to allow the free import of Scots glass into England, by threatening to cut off the supply of coal for English glass manufacture. Mansell complained in 1624 that the artificially high price of imported Scottish coal was favouring the Wemyss glassworks. Hay's factory produced high quality window glass, in sheets measuring about 18 by 27 inches, an unusually large size for this period.l3 It is tempting to assume that the profusion of window panes excavated in 1993 at Archbishop Spottiswoode's nearby seat at Dairsie Castle may have been procured from Hay's works.14 The manufacture of bottles and tableware at Wemyss was less successful; the Royal Commission set up to examine the Scottish glass industry in 1621 concluded, reluctantly, that English drinking ware was superior.1

These industrial adventures do not seem to have lessened Hay's active participation in politics. In 1621 he devised a tax on annual rents, the first time that direct taxes had affected the increasingly prosperous middle classes.16 Introduced for a three-year period, this new tax soon became a permanent source of revenue for the crown. Hay is credited not only with financial acumen, but also with steering the 'Five Articles of Perth', ratified at the General Assembly at Perth in I618, through the Scottish Parliament. The Five Articles were a list of five Anglican-style religious observances, including kneeling at communion and confirmation by bishops.

On the death ofJames's Chancellor, Alexander Seton, Earl of Dunfermline (himself an open Catholic) in 1622, it was George Hay of Netherliff who was appointed to succeed him.17 Thus, at the age of 50, he achieved the highest position in the Scottish administration, a post he was to hold until his death. In his role as Chancellor he actively promoted the Scottish colonization of Nova Scotia.18 He is known to have visited London on the occasion of KingJames's funeral in 1625, and must have made

38




Fig. 3. Gowrie House, Perth (demolished), engraving by R. Gibb, 1827. Reproducedfrom Penny's Traditions of Perth,facingp. 272 (Photo: Michael Clifford)

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Fig. 4. Kinnoull Monument, detail offigures (Photo: Dr W. H. Findlay, Perth)

39



ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY 39: I996

the journey many more times.19 On the king's death, Hay bought from the crown the feudal rights to Orkney,20 and in the same decade he became involved in whaling and the export of coal.21

Hay was retained as Chancellor of Scotland by Charles I, who awarded him the title of Viscount Dupplin in 1627. Although Charles is said to have remarked irritably on his visit to Scotland in 1633 that he would not 'meddle further with that ald cankered gootishe man', it was in that very year that Hay was granted the title of Earl of Kinnoull.22 In the same year his wife died, and was buried in the church at Kinnoull. Her husband did not long outlive her; he died of apoplexy, after years of agonies from gout, in I634. His epitaph, penned by DrJohnston, described him as:

... the wise Licurgus of our Time, The great and grave Dictator of our Clime.23

Lycurgus was the wise, self-denying law-giver of Sparta, who, according to Polybius, 'combined together all the excellences and distinctive features of the best constitutions, that no part should become unduly predominant.'24 In Renaissance culture he was revered, too, as a famous champion of education.25

As Elizabeth Rawson observed, 'It is obvious that the Renaissance was fated to admire Sparta.'26 In making the analogy between Kinnoull and Lycurgus, the author of the epitaph, Dr Arthur Johnston, physician to Charles I and celebrated Latin poet, probably intended to remind his public of Polybius's claim that Lycurgus not only succeeded in checking the power of the monarchy, but also restrained the people 'from a bold contempt of kings' through their own assembly.27 After all, these were the very years in which the status of Scotland's Parliament was receiving bold affirmation through the construction of Edinburgh's new Parliament building, begun in I632.28 Significantly, Lycurgus, as deviser of a constitution so effective that it offered inspiration to Renaissance republics and monarchies alike, also promoted the idea that its laws were divinely inspired.29 As the 'wise Lycurgus' of his time, Kinnoull's position was therefore strategically ambiguous: a democratic ephor who appeared at the same time to reinforce the Stewart monarchy's belief in the divine right of kings.

THE KINNOULL AISLE

As a member of an old Perthshire family who himself acquired further important estates in and around Perth, Hay chose to be buried, like his wife, in the family aisle which adjoined the parish church of Kinnoull. The parish lay on the far side of the Tay from Perth itself, at the foot of Kinnoull Hill.30 It was linked to the city by John Mylne's short-lived bridge, completed in 1617 but washed away in I62I.31 After this catastrophe, King James, Prince Charles and George Hay himself were among those who contributed to a fund for the bridge's restoration, but the initiative came to nothing.32 Thereafter the crossing could only be achieved by ferry until the erection of a new bridge in I766-7I.33 The church was visible from the gardens of Gowrie House across the Tay, and lay about five miles from the Earl's country seat of Dupplin Castle on the slopes of Strathearn.34

40




The Aisle is dated 163 5 on the skewput nearest to the entrance door. It seems likely, therefore, that the Aisle in its present form is of the same date as the monument itself. However, the ceiling seems to have been raised and the direction of the roof pitch altered, in order to accommodate the great height of the monument. This is implied by the remains of a former eavesline along the outside of the gable wall behind the monument. Possibly Kinnoull had inherited a Gowrie family aisle which was converted to house his grandiose memorial. The demonstration of status in this period could be dramatically emphasized by the sheer height of the monument - this was a trend particularly noticeable in England,35 but also apparent elsewhere in Scotland, for instance in the monument to another great industrialist, Sir George Bruce (d. 1625) at Culross.

The entrance to the Kinnoull Aisle from the kirkyard is through a chamfered doorway surmounted by an armorial panel in the centre of the north wall (Fig. 2). The monument, just over 20 feet high, rises from floor to ceiling on the west gable end wall, lit by two large rectangular windows on either side, both now shuttered. Above a high base embellished with a profusion of arms and trophies rises a two-bay classical-style canopy surmounted by a projecting cornice supported on three columns (Fig. 4). The left-hand bay of this 'stage' is occupied by a life-size (over six feet tall), standing effigy of the Earl of Kinnoull in his earl's lace cap, wearing a bulky cloak over his doublet and breeches, and enormous rosettes on his shoes. His head is inclined slightly towards the entrance door, as if to meet the spectator's gaze eye-to-eye. In the right-hand bay, framed with equal dignity, is the privy purse on a table, propped up against the wall to reveal the royal arms embroidered on it, and unveiled with baroque immediacy by the two hovering angels above.

THE EFFIGY

The starting point for the startlingly realistic figure of the deceased Earl, as Benjamin Tindall deduced with the help of Dr Rosalind Marshall, was the full-size portrait by Daniel Mytens which is still in the family's possession (currently housed in the Scottish National Portrait Gallery in Edinburgh)(Fig. 5).36 The portrait, like the statue, shows Hay in a peer's bonnet, and must therefore date from the last seven years of his life, though the erect pose disguises the effects of his crippling gout. Thus the monument literally presents a tableau, a theatrical set-piece preserving for posterity the life and achievements of the Earl.

Such vivid realism was rare in British funeral monuments of this period.37 The figure is shown alive - he is not a reclining effigy, seen at the moment between life and death, nor even devoutly kneeling in prayer. He is portrayed actively engaged in his court position as Chancellor of Scotland, the head of the king's administration north of the border. This is a monument not to record his death, nor even to assure succeeding generations of his religious salvation through virtue, but instead a triumphantly secular image to perpetuate the memory of his energetic and enterprising life.

The realistic depiction of the deceased as if engaged in the conduct of his profession was especially unusual in such an aristocratic figure. So far, only the effigies of scholars

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Fig. 5. Daniel Mytens, Portrait of Fig. 6. Monument to DeanJohn Boys (d. 1625), George Hay, ISt Earl of Kinnoull, fom Canterbury Cathedral (Photo: RCHME ? the collection of the present Earl (on loan to Crown Copyright) the Scottish National Portrait Gallery)

and writers had been depicted in this guise.38 One of the earliest examples in England is the monument to John Stow, author of the Survey of London (d. i605), in St Andrew Undershaft, London, where he is shown frontally, seated at a table. More relaxed and lifelike images came soon afterwards. In the monument to Dean John Boys (d. 1625) in Canterbury Cathedral, the Ionic canopied aedicule is transformed into a study interior, lined with books and furnished with a table draped with a fringed cloth, remarkably similar to Kinnoull's own table (Fig. 6). This mise-en-scene is loosely derived from a vignette on the engraved frontispiece of the deceased's collected Works, published in I622.39 Dean Boys, a renowned bibliophile, is said to have died suddenly 'among his books'.40 In St Michael's Church at St Albans, Sir Francis Bacon (d. 1626) is portrayed seated pensively in a demurely plain niche, but in the careful realism of the clothes, down to the huge 'Tudor' rosettes on the shoes, this effigy, too, bears comparison with the Scottish Earl's statue.

In the depiction of a standing effigy, too, this monument is at the forefront of funerary art. Kneeling (rather than reclining) figures had begun to appear in English memorials, in the wake of such prominent continental prototypes as the tomb of Louis XII and Anne of Brittany in Paris (I 5I 5-3 ).41 In Protestant tomb sculpture in

42




Germany and Holland kneeling figures on tombs were becoming increasingly alert, under the impact of Calvinism's more positive approach to death.42 Pensive, seated tomb effigies, among them the studious worthies already mentioned, grew in popularity in Jacobean funerary art, following the conspicuous precedent of the Michelangelo's two seated magnifici in the Medici chapel in San Lorenzo in Florence, and more recently Hendrick de Keyser's tomb of William the Silent in Delft (I6I4-23).43

But standing figures were still rare (except in subsidiary figures, rather than the main effigy) - and this despite their frequent appearance on classical sarcophagi. In the chapel at Magdalene College Oxford, Nicholas Stone portrayed the two Lyttelton boys in upright poses. The youths, who died in 1635 when one tried to save the other from drowning, adopt idealized classical poses, half-draped like all'antica marbles. The same sculptor's standing figure of John Donne in St Paul's, of 163I, displays the shrouded corpse in a vertical position, rising at the moment ofJudgement.44 Standing figures in armour sometimes crown monuments of the period, where one would expect to find the heraldic display; but these are knightly symbols, not visual enactments of the active life of the persons commemorated.45 The only other known instances of realistic, standing effigies in Britain before this date are two provincial English monuments of the early I63os, both of them tightly confined within niches: those of Sir John Northcote (d. 1632) at Newton St Cyres, Devon, and Sir William Slingsby (d. 1634), at Knaresborough, North Yorkshire.46

In this sense the Kinnoull monument can be seen to be in the vanguard of invention in British funerary art, even if the effigy was in effect a petrification in stone of an existing painted portrait. Its illusionistic realism even anticipates developments in seventeenth-century Italian tomb sculpture. The standing effigy on Bernini's Tomb of Countess Matilda in St Peter's (1633-37) is exactly contemporary with the Kinnoull Monument (though, of course, the monument commemorated an historical figure whose likeness Bernini had to invent). The same artist's lifelike marble renderings of deceased members of the Comaro family in Santa Maria della Vittoria in Rome are from the following decade.

THE ARCHITECTURE OF THE MONUMENT

The monument's architectural setting reveals a similar awareness of artistic 'modernity'. The framing of standing figures between columns surmounted by an elaborate classical cornice had a conspicuous royal precedent in the large court portrait of the Family of Henry VIII, painted by an unknown artist in about 1545 and still in the Royal Collection. Since that time the art of book frontispieces had generated a rich repertoire of figures in architectural surrounds. A pertinent example is Elstrack's frontispiece for The Workes of the most High and Mighty Prince James, first published in London in 66.47 Figures of 'Religio' and 'Pax', framed by Corinthian columns, flank the title-

plate, within a profusion of heraldry and erudite architectural ornament as ostentatious as that of the Kinnoull Monument. The derivation of the design of the monument to Dean Boys from the frontispiece of his own works has already been noted.

43




Even more intriguing is the parallel that can be drawn between our monument and the frontispiece of Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World, first published in London in 1614 (Fig. 7). This title-page, apparently designed by Raleigh but executed by Elstrack, the author of the king's Workes, shares with the Kinnoull Monument the distinctively differentiated decoration of the shaft of each column, though all have Corinthian capitals in both cases. In the Raleigh frontispiece the reason for their heterogeneous treatment is explained by the labels at the foot of each column: the column adorned with books is inscribed 'TESTIS TEMPORVM', that bearing hieroglyphs 'NVNCIA VETUSTATIS', the column licked by spiralling flames as 'LUX VERITATIS' and the fourth one, wreathed in vines, as the 'VITA MEMORLE'.48 These are quoted from Cicero's De Oratore, which Raleigh's text invokes to assert that history teaches by example. BenJonson's verses introducing the book underline this belief in the force of history:

From Death and dark Oblivion (near the same) The mistress of Man's life grave History Raising the World to good or evil Fame, Doth vindicate it to eternity ...

His final lines translate the Ciceronian inscriptions on the columns: Time's Witness, Herald of Antiquity, The light of Truth, and Life of Memory.49

When we realize that the columns on the Kinnoull monument are versions of three of the four columns in Raleigh's frontispiece, we can begin to read a plausible intention behind the monument (Fig. 4). On the left is a column wreathed in leafy branches, by analogy representing Cicero's 'VITA MEMORISE'; and on the right a spiral 'solomonic' column alluding to the 'LVX VERITATIS'. If so, the central column clasped by emblematic strapwork is presumably to be regarded as equivalent to the hieroglyphs of the Ciceronian 'NVNCIA VETVSTATIS'. As in the frontispiece, death, in this case the sarcophagus, lies below, metaphorically trampled underfoot by Kinnoull's triumphant figure. Pursuing Raleigh's imagery, providence may be recognized in the Earl's family arms at the summit of the monument, thus assuring the future success of the heirs. Kinnoull himself can be taken to represent 'MAGISTER VITIE', the male equivalent of the central figure in the frontispiece; he is the personification of history, teaching future generations by example.

On a ribbon spiralling around the central column are traces of a Latin inscription, at the level of the Earl's head. Formally unrecognizable because of its incomplete transcription, this inscription can now be identified as a quotation from Virgin's Aeneid, Book VI, line 620: 'DISCITE IUSTITIAM MONITI' (Be warned, learn justice), underlining the moral message.50

If we are correct in assuming that the concept of Ciceronian civic virtue is embodied in the design of the Kinnoull Monument, by analogy with the Raleigh frontispiece, how apparent, then, was this 'meaning' to the spectator of the time? As in the case of the heraldic display, such an interpretation was the preserve of the literate spectator. Raleigh's History was, however, enormously popular in the seventeenth century. It acquired intellectual prestige through having being written under the patronage of the

44




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Fig. 7. Elstrack, frontispiece to Sir Walter Raleigh's The History of the World, London, 1614

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young Prince Henry, whose premature death in I6I2 had deprived the court of a formidable cultural leader. Although King James is said to have resented its lack of respect for the Divine Right of Kings (he described it as 'too saucy in censuring princes'), the book ran to ten editions between 1614 and I687.51 The Earl ofMontrose, for instance, is known to have owned a copy, and taken it to St Andrew's as a student.52

The privileged viewers who could share this erudite literary conceit were the educated nobles and courtiers. On a more direct level the three columns could be interpreted as the three pillars of Hay's career: agriculture and forestry in the column wreathed in oak branches; manufacturing initiatives in the central column with its metallic-looking strapwork; and politics in the twisting column on the right, a familiar allegory of solomonic wisdom. For the least enlightened of all, the monument impressed merely through architectural richness, sculptural virtuosity and startling realism.

THE HERALDRY

The heraldic panel over the door is so badly weathered that it is no longer legible (Fig. 2). The original inscription - presumably an epitaph (perhaps DrJohnston's) -

45




in the florid strapwork surround on the base of the monument has suffered a similar fate (Fig. I). It had already disappeared by the eighteenth century, through the effects of rising damp on the stone. However, two prominent heraldic displays survive on the monument. The privy purse on the table is embroidered with the royal arms supported by the lion and unicorn.53 This device enabled royal heraldry to be displayed, even though Hay himself had no royal blood, but more importantly it served as a record for posterity of the Earl's high court position and loyalty to both Kings.

The coat-of-arms at the top of the monument betrays careful study of the science of heraldry (Fig. 8).54 The Elizabethan and Jacobean periods saw the publication of a series of erudite treatises on the subject, of which the principal titles were those of Legh (1562), Bossewell (1572), Feme (1586), Guillim and Bolton (both of i6io).55 A new edition ofGuillim's A Display ofHeraldrie appeared in 1632, and must have offered the most up-to-date text book for the Lord Lyon, who devised the new coat-of-arms when Hay was elevated to the Earldom of Kinnoull in I633. Guillim classified the science into a series of compartments and sub-compartments, ranging from the broadest categories of Blazoning and Marshalling down to the finest points of detail. These elements, when combined in the proper way, allowed the most subtle delineations of rank and status to be expressed. To an audience familiar with the learned precepts of the art and science of heraldry, such nuances acted like a verbal language to convey a clearly expressed statement of the holder's position in the hierarchy. To the uninitiated, the very abundance of painted and sculpted detail on a coat-of-arms in the expected place on a building or monument was enough to convey rank and authority.

The close affinity between heraldry and the classical language of architecture (that is to say, the Renaissance refinement of Vitruvius's discipline of the orders) was often articulated in early seventeenth-century Britain.56 Both 'grammars' were carefully laid down in learned treatises replete with classical allusion and references to chivalric codes of honour, propriety and rank. Heraldry and architecture, like the ranks of the military, had to be brought to order. Guillim writes of his attempts to impose order on the 'chaos-like' subject of heraldry:

to give unto this erst unshapely and disproportionable profession of Heraldry, a true Symmetria and proportionable correspondence of each part to the other.57

The heraldry on the monument corresponds closely with the description of the Earl of Kinnoull's arms in Nisbet's A System of Heraldry .. . of the most considerable Sirnames and Families in Scotland, published in Edinburgh in 1722.58 The main shield is quartered, with a rearing unicorn on the first and fourth quarters, and the three silver escutcheons of the Hays, set in a border of half-roses and half-thistles, on each of the other two diagonals (Fig. 8).

The three shields of the Hay arms, probably originally painted azure, refer to the bravery of the family's legendary ancestors in the battlefield of Lancarty.59 The unicorn, as Guillim explains, conveyed equally impressive characteristics:

This Charge may well bee a representation both of strength or courage, and also of vertuous disposition and abilitie to do good.60

46




Their silver colour was symbolic not only of 'innocency, cleanenesse of life and

chastity' because of its resemblance to water, but also of high rank since 'Emperors, Kings and Princes had, and yet have their vessels ofchiefe use of Silver.'61

On the main escutcheon rests the Earl's coronet, distinguished by its points bearing five pearls and four strawberry leaves, and by its jewelled base and ermine lining. In the helmet above, the armorial display very nearly breaches the rules of propriety, for only those of ducal rank or higher are allowed to display a full-face helmet with an open grill over the eyes. The helmets of those ranging from earls to barons should be shown in profile, or occasionally in half-profile.6 On the Kinnoull monument the helmet is turned sideways so slightly that its inclination could pass unnoticed!

The supporters of the Kinnoull arms are two erect hawks. According to Nisbet these should be 'armed and belied Or', that is to say, arrayed with gilded beaks, claws and bells.63 The very presence of supporters conveyed nobility, while the choice of the falcon refers to the old tradition that the first lands in the Carse of Gowrie given to the Hays by the King after the Battle of Lancarty were to stretch as far as a single falcon could fly without lighting.64 A falcon also provides the crest to the whole display, resting on a tree which itself forms the mantle, or backdrop.

On either side of the central armorial display stand two statues of rearing unicorns, underlining the principal Kinnoull addition to the Hay family arms (Fig. 8). These fine beasts (one of which has lost its horn) are here shown frontally, each bearing an elaborated strapwork shield and turning its head protectively towards the armorial panel. On the outer ends of the cornice rise elements that appear at first sight to be conventional classical obelisks,65 but on closer inspection they resemble outsized arrowheads, as if once more alluding to the family's first triumph on a medieval battlefield (Fig. i).

AUTHORSHIP

To whom should we attribute the design and execution of the Kinnoull Monument? As we have already seen, the whole monument is rich in allusions to the literary and artistic culture of the time, not only in England but also abroad. It also shows a subtle awareness of the potential of the monument as a vehicle of communication, at a time when court culture was becoming increasingly conscious of the analogies between written and visual languages, and of the links between texts and images. It is therefore inconceivable that the inventor of the design could have been anyone divorced from the cultural vanguard. Despite links to English books and monuments, its polychromed stonework sets it apart from the monuments of the leading sculptors in England such as Maximilan Colt, Nicholas Stone and the Southwark School, where the use of highly polished alabaster and coloured marble was becoming the preferred medium for aristocratic memorials. The flamboyant polychromy of late Elizabethan monuments, seen to best advantage in the great array at Westminster Abbey, was beginning to fall out of fashion. The taste for rich marbles had already begun to permeate Scottish funerary art, most notably in the in the monuments to George Home, ist Earl of Dunbar (d. I6II), and David Murray, Ist Viscount Stormont (d. 1631; monument begun 1618), both by Maximilian Colt.66 Significantly, though, the recent publication

47




Fig. 9. Nicholas Stone,

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of Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments in 163 I had reminded the elite of the

importance of a knowledge of, and respect for, tradition in funerary displays. Meanwhile, painted stonecarving remained the medium of secular heraldic display on civic and private buildings.

Who, then, designed and executed the monument and carved the effigy? The

Mytens portrait was presumably hung in Gowrie House or Dupphn Caste, or perhaps Hay's house at Balhousie.67 The Statistical Account of Scotland in the late eighteenth century described the effigy as 'a very striking likeness of that great man, if we can

judge from the best portraits of him in Dupplin Caste'.68 (By this time Gowrie House had returned to the crown.) Disconcertingly, the one feature of the effigy which does not resemble the portrait is the head, with its rounded cheeks, receding forehead and close-set, blankly staring eyes (Fig. 4). The head itself is curiously reminiscent of Nicholas Stone's bust of Sir Heneage Finch of 1632, formerly at Eastwell in Kent, but now in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Fig. 9).

This intriguing similarity leads one to consider whether Stone could have been involved in the design of the monument. As the leading tomb sculptor in England, patronized by the court and the nobility alike, he would certainly have been the most highly regarded candidate. The difficulty was the distance from London. Stone kept careful accounts and notebooks during this period,69 and there is no mention of any work for the Hay estate (though he did on one occasion omit to list a known work). In the same years he did, however, execute a monument to another high courtier, Sir Richard Wyn, as far afield as Wales.70

Nicholas Ston'""uto i eeg ic fI3, omrya ateli et u now in the Victoria and Albert Museum (Fig. 9).~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Thsitiungsmlrt/lasoet/cnie hthrSoecul aebe involved in the design of he monument. As the leadin tomb sculptor in England

patronized by the court and the nobility aike, he would certainly have been the:mos

highy rgared anddat.Tedfiut a h itnefo Lno./Son'kp

careful~~~~~~ accunt and noebok duin this .......6 .... 'here .is no. mentio of"an work for the Hayestate (though h did on one occsion omit to lis a knonvn work)

In .h sam year ... did '..'er exeut '" monumentt .nte hihcutiri Richard Wyn, as far afield as .:' "' '

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Stone had been to Scotland in 1616, to prepare forJames VI's visit in the following year, but he is not known to have travelled north again. On the other hand Stone possessed all the abilities that would qualify him for such a task. As the son-in-law of the prominent Dutch architect Hendrick de Keyser and an associate of Inigo Jones, he was knowledgeable and inventive when it came to designing architectural settings for monuments.71 He was also a gifted portrait sculptor and an expert in heraldic displays. He was so interested in Berini's art that he sent his sons to Italy, where one of them met the great Italian master -and we have already remarked on the Baroque illusionism of the lifelike effigy and the hovering angels at Kinnoull. However tempting it may be to suggest that Stone sent a drawing or model from London, he is not known to have supplied designs for other workshops.

More probably, Scots masons using local stone executed the monument. Although its poor condition makes it appear provincial, in reality the execution is polished, the design sophisticated, and the concept erudite. The carving of the architectural ornament, in particular, is of superb quality, from the abundant fruits on the frieze to the exuberant putti on the rear portions of the base.72 The classicism is neither pedantically Italianate nor all'antica, as one can see from the broad frieze and the tightly curled leaves on the capitals; but it is inventive and festive.

The memorial to the King's Chancellor would not have been entrusted to a mere country artisan. A possible candidate is John Mylne II (d. 1657), who as Royal Master Mason held appropriately high prestige. Moreover, he had local connexions, for he was born and brought up in Perth, and had assisted his father, also called John (d. 1621), in the erection of the late lamented Tay bridge.73 In I616 he had made a statue ofJames VI for the Netherbow Port in Edinburgh and probably met Nicholas Stone who was in Edinburgh at that time. With his sons John and Alexander he created the magnificent polyhedron sundial for the gardens of Holyrood Palace in I633. Alexander, too, was an expert in figure sculpture, carving the royal arms and statues for Parliament House in the same years.

Although it is impossible to propose a certain attribution on account of the subsequent deterioration of the stonework, circumstantial and artistic evidence would seem to favour the hypothesis that the monument was executed (using the painted likeness by Daniel Mytens) by John Mylne II, perhaps with the help of his sons John III and Alexander.

CONCLUSION

The Kinnoull Monument is a physical manifestation of the late Earl's precise place in society at the time of his death in I634. As John Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments recommended in I63I, 'Sepulchres should bee made according to the qualitie and degree of the person deceased, that by the Tombe euery one might be discerned of what ranke hee was liuing'.74 The Earl's court position, as the King's supreme authority in the land, is enacted in the dramatic set-piece beneath the canopy, and his position within the hierarchy of Scotland's nobility is exactly defined in the heraldry above. In this period high birth alone was not enough to assure a life of honour: as Feme remarked in The Blazon of Gentrie (I586), 'let not a Gentleman thinke it

49




sufficient to the perfecting of his gentrye, to have the liuinges and coat-armour of his first auncestor, except also he posses his vertues'.75

Although the hovering angels hint at Hay's Catholic origins and High-Church proclivities, this is essentially a secular memorial. In the activation of the figure, the allusion to intellectual culture, and the emphasis on the biography and virtues of the deceased, the tomb reflects qualities that Panofsky identified across Europe in this period.76 Hay was a man of his time, who rose to the apex of society entirely by his own efforts and abilities. The achievement of his secular ambitions, rather than his piety, was glorified in his monument to inspire future generations. The comparison with Lycurgus, drawn in Dr Johnston's epitaph, reminds us that Sparta's lawgiver actively encouraged the burial of the dead 'within the city, and even round their temples'.77 According to Plutarch, 'He filled Lacedaemon [Sparta] all through with proofs and examples of good conduct; with the constant sight of which from their youth up, the people would hardly fail to be gradually formed and advanced in virtue'.7 Through the erudite reference to Raleigh's History, and thence to Ciceronian civic virtue, the monument self-consciously preserved - and sought even to elevate- the memory of the Earl of Kinnoull's place in the history of Scotland.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

For help in the preparation of the article, I am grateful to Professor Christy Anderson, Bill Beaton, ProfessorJohn Crook, Kitty Cruft, John Freeman, Ian Gow, Dr Nigel Llewellyn, Dr Malcolm Schofield, Veronica Steele, Benjamin Tindall, not to mention the two anonymous readers of my typescript. My greatest debt is to DrJean Wilson, whose enormous generosity in sharing her expertise in English Renaissance monuments has been invaluable.

NOTES

I For general information on the Kinnoull Aisle and Monument see David McGibbon and Thomas Ross, The Ecclesiastical Architecture of Scotland, mI (Edinburgh, 1897), pp. 580-8I; David Graham-Campbell, Scotland's Story in Her Monuments (London, 1982), pp. I20-2I; W. H. Findlay, Heritage of Perth (Perth, 1984), p. 76; J. Gentles, Kinnoull Aisle, Perth: Monument to George Hay, first Earl of Kinnoull, Historic Scotland Conservator's Report, unpublished (Edinburgh, 1992); Benjamin Tindall and Graciella Ainsworth, Kinnoull Aisle and Monument, Restoration Feasibility Study, unpublished (Edinburgh, 1992); Deborah Howard, Scottish Architecturefrom the Reformation to the Restoration 1560-1660 (Edinburgh, I995), pp. 205-07. 2 David B. Taylor (ed.), The Third Statistical Account of Scotland: The Counties of Perth and Kinross (Coupar Angus, I979). 3 Alexander Nisbet, A System of Heraldry ... of the most considerable Sirnames and Families in Scotland, 2 vols. (Edinburgh, 1722), I, p. I84. 4 For biographical information see especially Sir James Balfour Paul (ed.), The Scots Peerage,v (Edinburgh, I908), pp. 219-23; The Dictionary of National Biography, ed. Sir Leslie Stephen and Sir Sidney Lee (London, 1921-22), IX, pp. 258-60.

5 Descriptions of Gowrie house and gardens are to be found in Francis Grose, The Antiquities of Scotland,ii (London, 1791), p. 244; and George Penny, Traditions ofPerth . . . during the last century (Perth, 1836); facsimile reprint (Coupar Angus, 1986), pp. 3-4. 6 David Bowler and Ray Cachart et al., 'Tay Street Perth: the excavation of an early harbour site', Proceedings of the Society ofAntiquaries of Scotland, 124 (I994), pp. 467-89. 7 See Grose, Antiquities,II, pp. 244-45; Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. 10I-02.

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8 Geoffrey Stell, 'Scottish Burgh Houses 1560-I707', in Town Houses and Structures in Medieval Scotland; A Seminar, ed. Anne Turner Simpson and Sylvia Stevenson (Glasgow, I980), pp. 1-31 (pp. 17-18); Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. 152, 155; Perth Museum and Art Gallery, Reflections of Old Perth (Perth, I979), p. 35. 9 Maurice Lee, jun., Government by the Pen: Scotland underJames VI and I (Urbana, Chicago and London, I980), p. 164. Io S. G. E. Lythe, The Economy of Scotland in its European Setting 1550-1625 (Edinburgh and London, I960),

pp. 44-45. 1 On Hay's glass-making activities see Gordon Donaldson, Scotland:James V-James VII (Edinburgh, I987), p. 245; A. Fleming, Scottish andJacobite Glass (Glasgow, I938), pp. 95-99; A. and N. L. Clow, The Chemical Revolution (London, 1952), pp. 26-27; Lythe, The Economy, pp. 41-43; Lee, Government, p. I96. 12 Fleming, Scottish andJacobite Glass, p. 97. 13 Fleming, Scottish andJacobite Glass, p. 98 (with the measurements translated from Scots ells and nails). 14 Colleen E. Batey (ed.), Discovery and Excavation in Scotland 1993, Council for Scottish Archaeology (Edinburgh, I994), p. 30. 15 Fleming, Scottish andJacobite Glass, p. 98. I6 Lee, Government, pp. 206-07.

17 Lee, Government, pp. 2 2-13. 18 Balfour Paul, The Scots Peerage, p. 222. 19 Balfour Paul, The Scots Peerage, p. 222.

20 Lee, Government, p. I30. 21 Lee, Government, p. 162. 22 Dictionary of National Biography, IX, p. 260. 23 George Crawfurd, The Peerage of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1716), p. 249. 24 Polybius, The Histories of Polybius, transl. Evelyn S. Shuckburgh, I (London and New York, I889), p. 467 (Book VI, Io). 25 Elizabeth Rawson, The Spartan Tradition in European Thought (Oxford, I969), pp. 131-34. 26 Rawson, The Spartan Tradition, p. Io. 27 Polybius, The Histories, p. 467 (Book VI, Io). Dr Arthur Johnston (1587-1641), MD Padua I6Io, also published a translation of the Psalms into Latin verse in I637. In the same year he edited and contributed to the Deliciae Poetorum Scotorum hujus Aevi, and became rector of Aberdeen University. The identity of Dr Johnston was kindly pointed out to me by Dr Jean Wilson, together with biographical details. For further information see Dictionary of National Biography, x, pp. 946-48. 28 Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. 129-3 I. 29 Rawson, The Spartan Tradition, pp. 130-69. 30 See the view of the River Tay and Kinnoull Hill in Penny, Traditions, unnumbered plate. 3 The Revd Robert Scott Mylne, The Master Masons to the Crown of Scotland and their Works (Edinburgh, I983), pp. 80-Ioo. 32 Mylne, The Master Masons, pp. I00-03. 33 Sir John Sinclair (ed.), The Statistical Account of Scotland 1791-8, xi: South and East Perthshire, Kinross-shire (Wakefield, I976), pp. 295-97. 34 Dupplin was not part of the Gowrie estates, but was transferred to Hay soon after it was sold by its owners, the Oliphants, to the 8th Earl of Morton in c. 1623. Service wings were added to the Castle in c. 1720-25 by James Smith (Howard Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects 1600-1840 [London, I995 edn], p. 896), and he may have rebuilt the main house from c. I707. The building was destroyed by fire in 1827 and rebuilt in the neo-Jacobean style by William Bum in 1828-32. It was demolished in 1967 (see Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary, p. 187; David Walker, 'William Bum: the country house in transition', in Seven Victorian Architects, ed. Jane Fawcett [London, I976], pp. 8-31 [pls 2 and 3]). I am grateful to the anonymous reader of my manuscript for information contained in this note. 3 5 The highest monument in Westminster Abbey, that of Lord Hunsden (d. 1596) in the Chapel of St John the Baptist, is 36 feet high (Pevsner, London & Westminster, p. 436). See also Adam White, 'Westminster Abbey in the early Seventeenth Century: A Powerhouse of Ideas', Church Monuments, iv (I989), pp. I6-53. 36 For examples of the use by Nicholas Stone of engravings and portraits in the design of monuments, see Adam C. F. White, The Sculpture of Nicholas Stone, (unpublished M.A. report, Courtauld Institute of Art, London University, 1979), pp. 6, I6, 21-22. DrJean Wilson informs me of an interesting earlier example of a

SI




tomb effigy based on a portrait, although in a different pose, in the monument to Elizabeth, Lady Russell (d. I609) at Bisham, Berkshire. 37 For surveys of Scottish funerary art in this period see Graham Campbell, Scotland's Story, pp. 101-43, and most recently Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. I98-209. General surveys of English tombs of the time may be found inJ. G. Mann, 'English Church Monuments, I536-I625', Walpole Society, xxI (I932-33), pp. 1-22;

Mrs Katharine A. Esdaile, English Church Monuments 1510-1840 (London, 1946); Margaret Whinney, Sculpture in Britain 1530-1830 (Harmondsworth, 1964). See also Adam White, 'Classical Learning and the Early Stuart Renaissance', Church Monuments, I, part I (1985), pp. 20-33; Nigel Llewellyn, The Art of Death: Visual Culture in the English Death Ritual c. 15oo-c. 1800, Victoria & Albert Museum exhibition catalogue (London, 1991); and Adam White, 'England c.I560-c.1660: A Hundred Years of Continental Influence', Church Monuments, vnI (I992), pp. 34-53. 38 On the Renaissance tendency to glorify intellectual achievement in continental funerary art, see Erwin Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, ed. H. W.Janson (London, 1964), pp. 69-70. 39 The Workes of Iohn Boys D.D., Dean of Canterbury, (London, 1622). The frontispiece byJohn Payne shows four scenes from the author's life. He is seen writing at his desk on the left side, reading in his library on the right, preaching at the foot of the page, and praying at the top. 40 Dictionary of National Biography, ii, pp. I036-37. 41 See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, p. 79 and figs 324, 346, 348-49. 42 Philippe Aries, The Hour of our Death, trans. Helen Weaver (New York, 1982), pp. 299-300. A fine example, of a knight startled at the sight of the Garden of Gethsemane, may be seen on a sixteenth-century tomb in the parish church of St Mary in Wittenberg, Luther's home town. On the activation of tomb effigies see Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, pp. 76-83. 43 See Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, pp. 86, 88, figs 413-I6. More Michelangelesque than the scholar effigies already mentioned is Nicholas Stone's statue of the Hon. Francis Holles of 1623/4-27 in Westminster Abbey. 44 The likeness is said to have been taken by Stone from a painting made during Donne's last illness. See Walter Lewis Spiers, 'The Notebooks and Accounts of Nicholas Stone', Walpole Society (Oxford, 1918-19), pp. 38-138 (p. 64). 45 Examples may be seen in the monument to Peregrine, Lord Willoughby and his daughter of 1611-12 in Spilsby, Lincolnshire, and that commemorating Sir George Holles in Westminster Abbey of c. 163 I. 46 A further example is the monument to Robert Graye, in St Mary Magdalene, Taunton, Somerset, though he died after the Earl of Kinnoull, in 1635. The standing effigy of John Cole (d. 1632) at Ottery St Mary, Devon, is depicted in armour. 47 Alfred Forbes Johnson, A Catalogue of Engraved and Etched English Title Pages ... to 1691 (Oxford, 1934); Margery Corbett and Ronald Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title-Page in England (London, Henley and Boston, 1979). 48 Charles H. Firth, 'Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World', Proceedings of the British Academy, III

(1917-18), pp. 427-46 (pp. 443-44); D. R. Woolf, The Idea of History in Early Stuart England (Toronto, Buffalo and London, 1990), pp. 45-55; Christy J. Anderson, 'Learning to read architecture in the English Renaissance', in Albion's Classicism: The Visual Arts in Britain 1650-1660, ed. Lucy Gent (New Haven and London, 1995), pp. 239-86 (pp. 253-55). 49 Firth, 'Sir Walter Raleigh's History', p. 434. 50 I am grateful for ProfessorJohn Crook for recognizing the correct reading of the inscription and identifying its source. 51 Firth, 'Sir Walter Raleigh's History', pp. 439, 441. 52 Firth, 'Sir Walter Raleigh's History', p. 439. 53 An earlier instance of the privy purse appearing on a funeral monument is to be seen in that of Sir John Puckering (d. 1596) and his wife in the chapel of St Paul in Westminster Abbey. 54 See Michael McLagan, 'Genealogy and Heraldry in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries', in English Historical Scholarship in the 16th and 17th centuries, ed. Leri Fox (Oxford, 1956), pp. 31-48; Thomas Woodcock and John Martin Robinson, The Oxford Guide to Heraldry (Oxford, 1988); Nigel Llewellyn, 'Claims to Status through Visual Codes: Heraldry on post-Reformation Funeral Monuments', in Sydney Anglo (ed.), Chivalry in the Renaissance (Woodbridge, 1990), pp. 144-160; J. E. R. Day, 'Primers of Honor: Heraldry, Heraldry Books, and English Renaissance Literature', Sixteenth CenturyJournal, xxI (1990), pp. 92-103.

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55 Gerard Legh, The Accedens of Armory (London, 1562); John Bossewell, Workes ofArmorie (London, 1572); John Fere, The Blazon of Gentrie (London, I586); Edmund Bolton, The Elements of Armories (London, I6I0); John Guillim, A Display of Heraldrie (London, I6I0); and John Guillim, A Display ofHeraldrie ... corrected and much enlarged by the Author (London, 1632). See also J. E. R. Day, 'Primers of Honor: Heraldry, Heraldry Books, and English Renaissance Literature', Sixteenth CenturyJournal, xxI (1990), pp. 93-103. 56 Vaughan Hart, ' "A peece rather of good Heraldry than of Architecture": Heraldry and the orders of architecture as joint emblems of chivalry', Res, 23 (Spring 1993), pp. 52-66; Anderson, 'Learning to read', pp. 261-62.

57 Guillim, A Display (1632 edn), preface. 58 Nisbet, A System, n, pp. 186-87. 59 Nisbet, A System, n, p. 184. 60 Guillim, A Display (1632 edn), p. 186. 61 Guillim, A Display, p. 18. 62 Guillim, A Display, p. 40I.

63 Nisbet, A System, p. 187. 64 Nisbet, A System, p. 184. 65 Crowning obelisks had become a popular convention on late Elizabethan monuments (several prominent examples can be seen in Westminster Abbey). 66 Graham Campbell, Scotland's Story, pp. II6-I7; David Howarth, 'Sculpture and Scotland 1540-1700', in Virtue and Vision: Sculpture and Scotland 1540-1990, ed.Fiona Pearson, National Gallery of Scotland exhibition catalogue (Edinburgh, 1991), pp. 27-37 (p. 28, figs I9 and 29). 67 David McGibbon and Thomas Ross, The Castellated and Domestic Architecture of Scotland, nI (Edinburgh, 1889), pp. 584-87. 68 Sinclair, The Statistical Account, XI, p. 304. 69 Spiers, 'The Notebooks', pp. 38-138. 70 White, The Sculpture, p. 3. The burial chapel is dated 1633, and the first payment for the monument is 1636. Wyn was Treasurer to Queen Henrietta Maria. 71 Stone's notebooks reveal that he remained in close contact with the de Keyser family, both professionally and socially. E.g. see Spiers, 'The notebooks', pp. 93, 116-17. On de Keyser see Wouter Kuyper, Dutch Classicist Architecture (Delft, 1980), pp. 8-14, 28-3 I. 72 As Kemp points out, 'garlands of leaves, fruit and flowers, masks, curtains, drapes and objects alluding to the profession of the deceased' became increasingly popular in English monuments after I6Io (Kemp, English Church Monuments, p. 90). 73 Mylne, The Master Masons, pp. 104-32. The clearest summary of the confusingly overlapping careers of the three seventeenth-centuryJohn Mylnes is in Colvin, A Biographical Dictionary (I995 edn), pp. 674-78. See also Howard, Scottish Architecture, pp. 216-17. 74 John Weever, Ancient Funeral Monuments, London, 163 I. 75 Feme, The Blazon, p. 26. 76 Panofsky, Tomb Sculpture, pp. 74-96. 77 Plutarch, 'Life of Lycurgus', in Plutarch's Lives, the Translation called Dryden's, ed. A. H. Clough (Liverpool, 1883), I, pp. 83-126 (p. 119). 78 Plutarch, 'Life of Lycurgus', p. II9.

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the kinnoull aisle and monument

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