THEKNIGHT

WHOSAVEDENGLANDWilliamMarshalandtheFrenchInvasion,1217

RICHARDBROOKS

CONTENTS

ListofIllustrations

Preface

Introduction

Chronology

Maps

I:AngevinInheritance

II:FinestKnight

III:BeforetheLongbow

IV:KingJohnandtheDauphin

V:William’sWar

VI:LincolnFair

VII:TheBattleofSandwichandtheTreatyofKingston

VIII:NuncDimittis

Glossary

SelectBibliography

LISTOFILLUSTRATIONS

PLATESECTION

Closelyformedconroisofknightspursuefleeingopponentswithlancescouchedformaximumimpact.(M.736f7v–LifeofStEdmund,twelfthcentury.New

York,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

TheYoungKing’seffigyatRouencathedral.Theinscriptionreads:

WhosebrotherwascalledtheLionHeartHenrytheYoungersoughtaplaceinNormandybyrightofarmsIntheyear1183crueldeathtookhimhence(Author’sphoto)

EffigyofRichardIinRouencathedral:onlyRichard’sheartisatRouen;hisbodywasburiedatFontevraudbesidehisparents.(Author’sphoto)

ThekeepandruinedinnerwardofKingRichard’s‘saucycastle’atChâteauGaillard,perchedhighabovetheRiverSeine.(Author’sphoto)

OneofKingJohn’sfavouriteobjects,adenierorsilverpenny.(Author’sphoto;originalcoincourtesyofMarkWingham)

TheovergrownruinsofTancarvilleCastlewhereWilliamlivedasasquire.(PhotocourtesyofMarcelBarbotteandLesAmisduChâteaudeTancarville)

Anineteenth-centuryimpressionofaCrusader’sfirstsightofJerusalem.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

ChepstowCastleontheRiverWyeintheearlytwentiethcentury.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

TheMarshal’sToweratChepstow

Castle,seenfromthebarbican.(Author’sphoto)

William’scastleatKilkennyconvertedintoaneighteenth-centuryIrishAscendancymansion.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

ThemurderofThomasBecketin1170,afterathirteenthcenturyimage.(Author’scollection)

Twelfth-centuryblacksmithsforgingthetoolsofwar,includingararerepresentationofhorsearmour.(MS0.9.34f24r,bykind

permissionoftheMasterandFellowsofTrinityCollegeCambridge)

NolongbowmenarerecordedfightingateitherbattleofLincoln,butoneappearsamidstthedecorationofthecathedral’swesternporch,areminderoftheirubiquityinEnglishsociety.(Author’sphoto)

RochesterCastlefromthesideattackedbyKingJohn,engravedintheeighteenthcentury.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

DoverCastlefromtheeastshowingthedepthofthefortifiedarea:theFrenchattackedfromrighttoleft.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

KingSaul’sbattlewiththeAmalekitesfromaFrenchOldTestamentc.1250:knightsandsergeantsleadoffboundprisoners,drivingsheepandcattlebeforethem.(M638f24v–NewYork,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

NewarkCastle,thesceneofKingJohn’sdeathandtheMarshal’slastmilitaryenterprise.(Author’sphoto)

GoodrichCastlewasinthefrontlineoftheWelshuprisingof1215–17.(Author’sphoto)

Joshua’sConquestofAishowingallthehorrorsofamedievalsiege.(M638f10v–NewYork,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

TheBishopofWinchester’sWolveseyCastle.BoththestructuresseenherewerebuiltduringthereignofKingStephen.(Author’sphoto)

Lincolnfromthesouth-westintheeighteenthcentury,hardlyalteredsincetheMiddleAges.(ImagecourtesyofTheCollection:ArtandArchaeologyinLincolnshire(UsherGallery,Lincoln))

OneofthefinemedievaltownhousesattributedtoLincoln’sthirteenth-centuryJewish

communityperchedontheaptlynamedSteepHill.(Author’sphoto)

LincolnCastleandCathedralinthetwelfthcentury,showingtheformer’sWestGateenteredbyPeterdesRochesandFawkesofBréautéduringthebattle’sopeningmoves.(DrawingbyDavidVale;courtesyoftheSocietyforLincolnshireHistoryandArchaeologyandtheUsherGallery)

Lincoln’snortherngateatNewportArch,thelastRomangatein

Englandstillinusefortraffic.(Author’sphoto)

TheWestGateofLincolnCastleretainsitsoriginalbox-likestructure,beyondthemodernbridge.(Author’sphoto)

TheexterioroftheLucyTowerafteraneighteenth-centurysketchmadebeforehousingblockedtheview.(OriginalwatercolourcourtesyofEileenBrooks)

LincolnCastle’sEastGatethroughwhichFawkesattackedtheFranco-

rebelknightsonCastleHill.(Author’sphoto)

CastleHill,thesceneofthemainactionviewedfromthecastlewalls:Fawkessortiedbottomleft,tobejoinedbyWilliamfromBailgate.(Author’sphoto)

TheSiegeofLincolnasimaginedbyMatthewParis:acrossbowmandirectsapartingshotatfleeingrebels,whiletheAngevinleopardsflyoveranexpiringCountdelaPerche.(MS1655v,bykindpermissionoftheMasterand

FellowsofCorpusChristiCollegeCambridge)

Theprobablesiteoftherebels’attempttorallyatthejunctionofSteepHillandChrist’sHospitalTerrace.(Author’sphoto)

AmodernimpressionoftheEastBargateafteraneighteenth-centurysketch.(OriginalwatercolourcourtesyofEileenBrooks)

ThequayatSandwichwasstillincommercialuseattheturnofthetwentiethcentury.Thiswouldhave

beenthenearestpointforWilliamtohaveobservedtheprogressofthebattle.(CourtesyofSandwichMuseum)

TheRiverStour’swindingcoursetoday,lookingbacktowardsSandwich:intheMiddleAgesthesereedbedswereopensea.(Author’sphoto)

AmedievalboardingactionpicturedbyMatthewParis,resultinginwholesaleslaughterofthelosers:missileweaponsincludeastaff-slingandlongbow

projectingajarofsomeunspecifiedsubstance.(MS1656v,bykindpermissionoftheMasterandFellowsofCorpusChristiCollegeCambridge)

Anearlytwentieth-centuryreconstructionofthecaptureofaFrenchvesselbyHenryIII’sgreatshiptheQueenintheBayofBiscayin1225.(Author’scollection)

ThechapelatStBartholomew’sHospital:materialevidenceforthebattle’slocationoffSandwich.

(Author’sphoto)

ThecircularnaveoftheTempleChurchwasinspiredbytheChurchoftheHolySepulchreinJerusalemthatWilliamvisitedinthe1180s.HenryIIIaddedtheGothicchancelinthe1240s.(Author’sphoto)

InsidetheTempleChurch:William’seffigyliesnearestthefontaccompaniedbyhissonsWilliamandGilbertonhisleftandathisfeetrespectively.(PhotobyChristopherChristodoulou;courtesyoftheTempleChurch)

William’ssorelydamagedeffigysufferedworseinjuriesduringtheBlitzthantheMarshaleverdidinhislifetime.(Author’sphoto)

TheFlowerofChivalry:partofamoderntapestrycelebratingtheMarshal’spartinthefoundationofNewRossinLeinster.(ReproducedbykindpermissionofTheRosTapestryProjectLtd.©TheRosTapestryProjectLtd)

WPREFACE

illiam Marshal,Earl of PembrokeandStriguil,wasa

survivor. Born in the 1140s,he witnessed the loss ofNormandy under King John,and set his seal to MagnaCartain1215.Havingservedfour kings, hebecame regent

on the death of King John,and ruled England until hisowndeathin1219.Atanagewhen most men of his daywere long dead, he won twoof themost important battlesof the Middle Ages toconfirmEngland’s separationfrom Europe and preserveMagna Carta’s revolutionaryguarantees of personalfreedom. Younger son of aminor baron distinguishedchiefly for his brutal

opportunism, William hadgained celebrity on thetournament field, coming tosymbolise the knightlyqualities of prowess, loyalty,and wisdom. Time has laidhismemorywaste,but tracesremain: ruined castles eitherside of the Channel;references in chronicles andgovernment records; theStatute Book’s most ancientclauses; a battered effigy inthe City of London. Most

illuminating of all, the epicHistory of William Marshalsurvived six centuries ofoblivion to provide anunparalleled portrait of thelife of a feudal magnate. Itssurvival is typical of theMarshal’s good fortune.Without it none of themodern studies of William’slife could have been written;our understanding of hiscontribution to a crucialperiod of English history

wouldbesadlydiminished.

CURRENCY,MEASURES,AND

NAMINGCONVENTIONS

Medieval money wasspecifiedinthreeunits,rather

thanthemoderntwo:

Pounds(£)Shillings(s)attwentytothepound, worth 5 new penceeach.Pence (d) at twelve to theshilling, worth 0.42 newpenceeach.

Amounts were expressedusingoneormoreoftheseasappropriate, e.g. £5 3s 7d(£5.18), or 2s 6d (12.5p), or

8d. All financial settlementsrequired the physical transferof hard cash. There was nopapermoney.Theonlycoinswere silver pennies, ordeniers as the History callsthem. Pounds and shillingswereforaccountingpurposesonly.Manytransactionsweredenominated inmarks,worth13s 4d each (67p). Thesuperior silver content ofEnglish pennies resulted intheone-to-fourexchangerate

between English money andtheAngevincurrencythattheHistoryoftenused.

ForlinearmeasurementsIhave used miles, yards, andfeet, giving metricequivalents in parentheses.There are 1,760 yards to amile (1.6km), and 3 feet tothe yard (30.48cm and0.9144mrespectively).

Englishwasnotawrittenlanguage during William’slifetime. Most personal

nameshavecomedowntousin Latin or French forms.King John’s contemporariesknewhimasJeanSansTerre,but it seems pedantic to callhis father Henri II (sic).Cultural and politicalaffiliations were fluid,compromising efforts toassign names according totheir owner’s modernnationality. Many NormansandPoitevinswereanglicisedafterthelossofNormandyin

1205,butstillspokeFrench.Ihave, therefore, renderedpersonal names into theirEnglish forms throughout,hence Baldwin of BéthuneandKing Philip Augustus ofFrance. Few people, otherthan William Marshal –named after his father’soccupation – had fixedsurnames. Most were knownfrom their place of origin,attached to their Christiannames by ‘de’. I have

generally rendered this as‘of’. Complex forms such as‘des’ I have left, as inWilliam des Roches, whileHubert de Burgh is too wellknowntoalter.

ThepoliticalcomplexitiesoftheFirstBarons’Wardefysimple labelling of opposingsides. ‘Rebels’ is a fairdescription of the baronialoppositiontoKingJohnuntilFrench intervention in theautumn of 1215, after which

‘Franco-rebel’ is moreappropriate. Many sourcesspeakofEnglish(i.e.royalist)and French (i.e. rebel), inorder to discredit the latter.The fleets at the battle ofSandwich were, however,unequivocally national. TheWelsh referred to theirEnglish enemies throughoutasFrenchorFlemings.

I have, with oneexception, avoided footnotes,identifying the sources of

quotations in parentheses orin the text. Moderncommentatorsarenamedwithbrief introductions, theirworks listed in the SelectBibliography. This has twosections. The first listsmedieval sources by theEnglish name under whichthey are commonly known,followed by the title underwhich they have beenpublished. The second listsmodern works by author, in

the conventional manner.Translations aremine,whichhas allowed me to presentquotations from the Historyas blank verse or prose asappropriate. Dr Gregory’stranslation for the Anglo-Norman Text Society is ofcourse definitive.Interpolations within quotesareshownbysquarebrackets‘[e.g.]’.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The author would like tothank the following for theirinvaluable assistance:MarcelBarbotte of the Amis deTancarville; Ken Brooks;David Carson; John Curry;KateMoore,MarcusCowperand Laura Callaghan atOsprey; Dr Geoff Denton ofthe Winchester MuseumsService; Ian Drury; NigelDrury; Jo Fletcher; RayHarlow of SandwichMuseum; Colin Harris; Jeff

James; Matthew Little; Peterand Wendy Smith; MarkWingham; the staff at thePortsmouth History CentreandtheBritishLibrary.

T

INTRODUCTIONDEATHATTHECATHEDRAL

he English rode tobattle gaily, as if to atournament. The

morning sunshine of the first

Saturday after Pentecostshone on the white crossesstitched to their surcoats, forthese men were Crusaders,newlyshrivenandassuredofheaven if they fell in action.Before them lay thesprawling mass of LincolnCastle, much battered byhostile siege engines, for theblockading army in the citybeyond included Frenchknights and engineers, thebest in Europe. But where

were the French, usually soforwardinatourney?Perhapsthey had miscounted thestrength of the approachinghost, less than a thousand alltold, misled by the spareshields and banners flyingfrom the wagons thatfollowedthefightingmen.

Scouts rode to and fro,speaking with the castle’sloyal defenders, probing theancient townwalls forawayin. Crossbowmen infiltrated

the castle’s outer gate, butthatwastoonarrowapathforknights.TheEarlofChester’svanguard veered off to thenorth gate, while the mainbody of the relieving armyrode straight on towards thewest wall. There the warlikeBishop of Winchester hadfound an undefended gate,carelesslywalledup,toonearthecastlefor thebesiegers towatch closely. When theleading sergeants,

professional men-at-armsserving for pay, dismountedtopull away the loose stonesstackedagainstthetimbersoftheoldWestGate,therewerenohostileeyestoseethem.

The attackers burstthroughsosuddenlythattheirownleaderhadstilltoputonhis helmet.WilliamMarshal,Earl of Pembroke, ‘TheMarshal’, was seventy yearsold but vigorous enough tohavebeenchosenguardianof

the realm and its boy king,Henry III. ‘Wait for me,’ hecalled out, ‘while I get myhelm.’William’smendidnotstop, however. They pressedon into the city, killing thebesiegers’ chief engineer asheplacedafreshstoneinthesling of his machine. Not tobe left behind, the Marshalspurredonhis horse, carvingapaththreelancesdeepintheenemy ranks, driving allbefore him. Surging past the

castle, the English turnedright into the open spacebeforethecathedral,tofindagreat mass of French andrebelEnglishknights.OneofthelatterbrokehislanceuponWilliam Longsword, Earl ofSalisbury, but the Marshaldealthimsuchablowthatheslid off his horse, and slunkaway to hide. Crossbowmenappeared on the castle wallsandrooftops,pickingoffthehorses of the enemy knights

below like so manyslaughteredpigs.TheEarl ofChester’s men, havingsmashed their way throughanother gate, threw theirweight into the battle.Unhorsedridersweredraggedaway in chains. Sparks flewasswordsclashedonswords,orglancedoffhelmets.

As the opposing knightsrecoiled, William seized thebridle of their commander,Thomas,Count de la Perche,

‘amanstrenuousinarmsanddrawnfromroyalblood,whohadnotyetreachedtheageofthirty’ (Waverley Annals).Called on to surrender, herefused to do so, swearinggreatoaths.Provokedbeyondendurance,SirReginaldCroc,avaliantknight, lostpatienceand ran his sword pointthrough the count’s helmeteye-holes. In a last spasm,Thomas smote the Marshalthree double-handed blows

over the head, denting hishelmet, and fell down dead.This was an unexpecteddeparture from the script:leading knights were rarelyslain out of hand; Williamand the count were firstcousins, and everyonegrievedtoseehimkilled.

The loss of theircommanderwas a fatal blowfor the besiegers, whoretreated down the steepslope towards the River

Witham. They ralliedhalfway, only to break againas the Marshal’s menemerged from between thecastle and cathedral, and theEarl of Chester appeared ontheir right flank. The brokenarmy fled south down theHigh Street to the Bargate,fortuitously blocked by astray cow. Over 300 Frenchand rebel knights werecaptured, though only threemenofnotewerekilledinthe

fighting.Twohundredpanic-stricken knights escaped toLondon, seeing Marshals inevery bush. The single mostdecisive battle of medievalEnglish history, afterHastings, had been won atless cost in human life thanmanytournaments.

FORGODAND

THEMARSHAL

William Marshal’s helter-skelter victory at Lincoln onSaturday 20 May 1217 wasthefinalexploitofoneofthemost remarkable men of anagefilledwithlargerthanlifefigures: Henry II, King ofEngland, his consort Eleanorof Aquitaine, and their sons:Henry ‘The Young King’,

Richard ‘Coeur deLion’ andJohn ‘Softsword’. Moredubious characters includedJohn’s mercenary leaderFawkes of Bréauté, namedfrom the scythe he allegedlyused to kill his first man, orthe French master pirate andnecromancer Eustace theMonk,whoseability tomakehimselfinvisibledidnotsavehim from summarydecapitation in the bowels ofhisflagship.

Williambeganlifeduringthe so-called Anarchy of themid-twelfth century, thepenniless younger son of aWiltshirelandowner:arobberbaron described by a localbishopas ‘a limbofhell androotof all evil’.Williamhadto make his own way,combining a strong armwitha calculating eye and coolhead. We know about hisascent from an epic poem:l’Histoire de Guillaume le

Maréchal, referred to belowas the History. Composedsoon after its subject’s deathin 1219, this is the firstsurviving vernacularbiography of medieval timestofeatureanon-royallayman.Written by a professionalpoet or trovère named John,probably from Touraine, itssourceswere recollections oftheMarshal’sowntalesofhisearly days, the eyewitnesstestimony of his intimate

followers, and long lostdocuments. Together thesemake the History a uniquerecord of the life of a knighterrant and great feudalmagnate.

Narrowly escaping deathas a hostagewhen aged five,William was apprenticed toarms in Normandy, makinghis fortune on theinternational tournamentcircuit, where he earned areputation as ‘the finest

knight in the world’. SuchpraisefromaFrenchobserveris remarkable: joustingwasaFrench-dominated sport.England was considered apoor country for breedingknights. William’s careertook off with his entry intoroyal service. He waswounded defending QueenEleanor against Poitevinrenegades, ransomed, andappointed military tutor toHenryII’sheir,knownasthe

‘Young King’, acting as histournament manager. Afterthe Young King’s prematuredeath, William wore hisCrusader’s cloak to theHolyLand. When the futureRichard I rebelled in 1189,William was one of the fewtostandbythe‘OldKing’ tothebitterend.

Despite this, Williambecame a key figure atRichard’scourt,marryingtheheiress to vast estates in

WalesandIreland,andactingas royal justiciar during theking’s absence on Crusadeandasmilitaryadviser in thenever-ending war with KingPhilip Augustus of France.On Richard’s death,Williamplayed a leading role in theaccessionofhisbrotherJohn,being rewarded with theEarldom of Pembroke. Hisreputation and restrainthelped him surviveaccusations of treachery

following the loss ofNormandy. Despite John’senmity, William remainedfaithful throughout thedisturbances that brought theunwilling king to make theunprecedented concessionsenshrinedinMagnaCarta.

It wasWilliam’s fidelity,as well as his prowess andlongevity, that persuaded theloyal barons of England toentrust himwith the regencyon John’s death. It was no

common emergency. Johnhaddrivenhisbaronsbeyondrevolt,tothepointofofferingthe crown to Louis theDauphin, eldest sonofPhilipAugustus. By the spring of1217,Frenchandrebeltroopsheld most of south-eastEngland including London,Windsor, and Winchester.Dover and Lincoln werebesieged. The crisisrepresented thegravest threatto England’s independence

between the NormanConquest and the SpanishArmada. Had Louissucceeded, England mighthave become a Frenchprovince,muchasLanguedochaddonefollowingthebattleofMuretin1213.Seizinghismoment, however, Williamsmashed the Dauphin’snorthern army at Lincoln,jousting down streets toosteep for modern traffic.Panic-stricken, Louis

withdrew from Dover, andsummoned reinforcementsfrom France. Two monthslaterthesewereinterceptedatsea and destroyed, forcingLouis to withdraw. Neveragainwould foreign invadersthrust so deep into Englishterritory.

WILLIAM’S

LEGACY

William’s victory was morethan just a military success.He had already reissuedMagnaCarta,withinamonthof John’sdeath,underminingthe rebels’ political platform.He confirmed it again afterLincoln, permanentlysubjectingthearbitrarypowerofthekingtotheruleoflaw.

Without Magna Carta,parliamentary governmentand English common lawwouldnothavedevelopedasthey did. American andFrench revolutionaries of theeighteenth century wouldhave had no constitutionalexample to inspire them.There might have been noGettysburg Address orEuropean Declaration ofHumanRights.Atthetimeofthe battle, England’s rulers

spoke French, as they hadsince1066.AFrenchvictoryat Lincoln might havedelayed the emergence of adistinctive English culturalidentity for another century.Without the patronage of anAnglophone nobility theremight conceivably have beenno Chaucer and, hence, noShakespeare.

William’s charge atLincolnelevateshimfromthestatus of an international

sportingchampion,oranotherself-seeking magnate, to thatof saviour of his country. Ifhis early career made him asuper-starinhisowntime,itsdramatic conclusion, with itslong-term significance forEngland and the world,should make him a nationalhero today. William’svictories, however, aremorally ambivalent. Likethose of Oliver Cromwell,they occurred during a civil

war between Englishmen,subverting traditionalnarratives of English historyas a glorious pageant. HenryIII was a peaceful king whopreferred paintings tojousting. He came to resentanddisparage the tournamentchampionwhohadpreservedhis throne. TheMarshal clanfell into disfavour, and,lacking male heirs, historicaloblivion.

Lincoln isa rareexample

of a medieval battle withlong-lasting consequences.Most wars in the MiddleAgeswerewon by raids andsieges. In the only majorbattle of his career, Williamshowedaremarkablegraspofthe military principles ofmobility, concentration, andsurprise, striking at Lincolnwhile the Dauphin’s forceswere divided; gaining accesstothecitythroughanoldgatethe enemy had overlooked.

Once inside, he successfullycombined missile action bycrossbowmen on roof topswith shock action in thestreetsbelow.Lincolnismoreindicative of how Englishsoldiers fought in the highMiddle Ages than theultimately pointless victoriesof the Hundred Years Warwhich attract so muchattention.

Existing studies of theMarshal pay insufficient

attention to the militaryaspects of his life. SidneyPainter’s William Marshal:Knight Errant, Baron andRegentofEnglandpresentsaromanticised view of theMarshal’scareer:hischivalrywas calculating andsometimes brutal. GeorgesDuby’s Guillaume leMarechal ou le meilleurechevalier du monde(translated as The Flower ofChivalry) treats the Marshal

as a muscular simpleton.David Crouch’s William theMarshal: Knighthood, WarandChivalry focusseson thepolitical and administrativeaspects of William’s career,treating battles andcampaignsasincidental.

None of thesemakes useof the History’s extensivedetailofrealandshamfightstosetWilliam’scareer in themilitarycontextofhisday,orlooks beyond the Marshal

family narrative to evaluatehis contribution to theinterminable Anglo-Frenchwarsofthe1190sand1200s.Whatweretherelationsofthe‘finest knight’ with thosedevious monarchs John andPhilipAugustus?Howdidheresolve the contradictionbetween the individualism ofthe knight errant and theprudence demanded of theroyal counsellor? Thebaronial class has often been

depicted as consisting ofobtuse reactionaries. TheHistory’s lucky survivalprovidesauniqueopportunityto challenge this caricature.Previously available only inMiddle French, or in anineteenth-century précis, ithas recently appeared inmodern English verse withevery scholarly facility. AsLincoln’s 800th anniversaryapproaches, the time seemsright to reconsider the

reputation of England’sforgottenchampion.

CHRONOLOGY

1141

RoutofWinchester:burningofWherwellAbbeyWilliamMarshalprobablybornatMarlborough

1152 SiegeofNewbury:Williamheldhostage

1159WilliamleaveshometobecomesquireinNormandy

1166KnightedbeforebattleofDrincourt;scoresfirst

tournamentsuccesses

1168 WoundedandcaptureddefendingQueenEleanor

1170CoronationofYoungKing;Williamappointedtutor-in-arms

1173 YoungKing’sRevolt

1176 Beginsseven-yeartournamentcareer

1182WilliamlosesYoungKing’sfavourandleavescourt

1183 ReturnstowitnessYoungKing’sdeath;takesCross

1184 PilgrimagetoJerusalem

1185 JoinsHenryII’shousehold

1188Angevin-Capetianwar:WilliammastermindsHenryII’sraidingstrategy

1189DefenceofLeMans;WilliamstandsbyHenryIIinfinalillness

AccessionofRichardI;WilliammarriesIsabelofClare

1190RicharddepartsonThirdCrusade;WilliamappointedjusticiarRichardreturns;William

1194becomesMarshalofEnglandAccompaniesRichardtoNormandy;commandsrearguardatFrétéval

1197

MilliraidandsiegeofArrasDeathofRichard;WilliamsupportsJohn’saccession

1202RenewedCapetianaggression;siegesofArquesandMirebeau

1203

MurderofArthurofBrittanyandlossofNormandy

1205Williamlosesroyalfavourafterrefusingtoserveoverseas

1207 WilliamwithdrawstoIreland

1208William’sknightsfightproxywaragainstJohn’sIrishjusticiar

1210 John’sIrishexpedition

1211 John’sWelshexpeditions(x2)

1212PlottomurderJohn;WilliamralliesIrishbaronstoking

1213 Williamrestoredtofavour

1214BattleofBouvinesconfirmsAngevinlossofNormandy

1215

Baronialrevolt;JohnissuesMagnaCartaCivilwarandsiegeofRochester

1216

Frenchinvasionoverrunssouth-eastEnglandDeathofJohnandaccessionofHenryIIIWilliamelectedregent;reissuesMagnaCartaBattleofLincoln:William

1217

destroysFranco-rebelarmyBattleofSandwich:FrenchreinforcementsinterceptedatseaTreatyofKingston:FrenchwithdrawMagnaCarta:secondreissue

1218 Restorationoforder;siegeofNewark

1219 William’sillnessanddeath

T

I

ANGEVININHERITANCE

he battle of Lincolnwas only the latest ina series of dramatic

shifts in England’s politicalfortunes. Over the preceding

150 years, the country hadendured foreign occupationandanear-collapseofcentralgovernment. For a while, itemerged as the financialpowerhouse of an empirestretching from the Cheviotsto the Pyrenees, only to fallvictimoncemoretocivilwarandforeignaggression.

AFTER

DOMESDAY

William the Conqueror’svictory at Hastings in 1066brought an unsoughtattachment to the Duchy ofNormandy and a wholesalepolitical and culturalrealignment. Anglo-SaxonEngland had lookednorthwards.Hastingswas thelast leg of a three-cornered

contest for the thronebetween an Englishman, aNorwegian, and a NormanFrenchman. ScandinavianintrusionsintoEnglishaffairsdid not cease for anotherthree decades, whenMagnusBarelegs of Norway shot aNorman Earl of ShrewsburydeadonanAngleseybeachin1098,beforesailingawayforever.NormanEnglandwouldlooksouth.Fiveofhersevenkingsbetween1066and1216

werebornoverseasinmodernFrance, and four died there.The English Channel was aninternal waterway for over acentury. William Marshalcrossed it repeatedly, first asa young squire in 1159,finally as an elder statesmanin April 1216. The mobilityof twelfth-century elitesreflected the fluidity ofWestern European politics.Borders were porous,governments migratory,

lordshipdiscontinuous.Thechiefbeneficiariesof

England’s new arrangementswere the Conqueror’sNorman followers. Theirdukebecameaking,equalinstatus to his suzerain, theKing of France. French-speaking Normans displacedAnglo-Saxon landholders.Latinateecclesiasticsimposeda new liturgy, extinguishedthe Old English literarytradition, and rebuilt Anglo-

Saxon churches in theRomanesque style that theEnglish still call Norman. Inthe courts, trial by combat,blinding, and castrationreplaced oath-taking andfines.

The most concretesymbols of subjection werethe defensive structuresknown as castles that sprangup at strategic points acrossthe country. Usually theytook the form of a conical

moundormotte, toppedwitha wooden blockhouse, asillustrated in the BayeuxTapestry. Sometimes motteswere associated with earthringworks or baileys.Sometimes they reinforcedexisting enclosures like theAnglo-Saxon burgh atWallingford, or the Romanwalls at Lincoln andChichester. Earlier Englishfortificationswererefugesforthe population. The new

structures were small, aquarter of an acre (0.1ha) atthe base, safe deposits forwives and other valuables,easily held by a few againstthe many. The mostimportant, like the Tower ofLondonorthoseatRochesterand Colchester, were greatsquare-facedstoneslabs,withentrances on the first floor.The ‘bones of the kingdom’,they were the largest secularbuildingsoftheirday,90feet

(27m) high, with walls 15feet (4.5m) thick. Known inmodern English as ‘keeps’,their French name donjonrelates linguistically todungeon, domination, anddanger. They wereuncompromising, verticalexpressions of dominance.William Marshal heldseveral, notably at Chepstowand Goodrich. Cheap andeasy toconstruct, thesimplermotte and bailey spread

quickly.DomesdayBook,theinventory that William Imade of his conquests in1086, named forty-nine.RobertofTorigny,writing inthe late twelfth century,counted 1,115 at theaccession of Henry II, fewsubject to any centralauthority.

The spread of castlesacross north-west Europe inthe eleventh century was aphysical manifestation of the

extreme fragmentation ofpolitical power characterisedasfeudalism.Aterminventedmuch later and taken up byKarl Marx, ‘feudal’ hasbecome a byword for thearchaic. In the medievalcontext it relates to a systemof holding land in return formilitary service thatdeveloped around the turn ofthe first millennium. Awould-be tenant did homagetoalandholder,becominghis

man or vassal, and receivinga piece of land, a feodum orfief, complete with itsagriculturalists, on whoseproduce they all lived. Forthis the vassal undertook toserve his lord or seigneurwith horse and arms, andmount guard in his castle. Inreturnthelordprovidedmanyoftheservicesof themodernstate: physical and legalprotection,evenameasureofsocial security. It was a

practical response to thecollapse of central authorityfollowing the Viking attacksof the tenth century, thebreakdown ofcommunications and urbanlife,andthedisappearanceofmoney.

Feudal society at itsheight consisted of threebroad classes of person:menof prayer,men of the sword,and men of the countryside.Womenwereoflittlepolitical

account. Few feature in theHistory, except as closerelations or props for someexploit.Theclergyenjoyedaself-conscious moralsuperiorityasrepresentingtheonly social hierarchy tosurvive the break-up of theRoman Empire. Unable tobear arms, they monopolisedlearningand themysteriesofthe sacraments. Their viewsshape modern perceptions ofthe Middle Ages, as the

Church’s institutionalcontinuity favoured thepreservation of ecclesiasticalrecords. William Marshal’slife coincided with the greatage of chronicles, making itpossibletoverifymanyofhisbiographer’s statements.Originally written bycloistered monks, laterchronicles were oftenproduced by secular clergy,who might be very worldlyindeed. Roger, Vicar of

Howden in Yorkshire,travelled toFrance,Scotland,and Palestine in the king’sservice. A royal judge, spy,and diplomat, Roger’sworksinclude unique copies ofofficial correspondence, suchas Richard I’s reports of hisvictories at Arsuf andCourcelles. Even monkishchroniclers were notnecessarily cut off from theworld, as theygatherednewsfrom travellers taking

advantage of monastichospitality. Ralph ofCoggeshall’s account ofRichard I’s death probablycame from the dying king’schaplain. Ralph was aCistercian, an order whosenetwork of monasteries wasparticularly effective atcollecting and disseminatinginformation. King John’salienation of the whitebrothers was not his leastmistake. Clerics in royal

households lay behind thetwelfth-century explosion ofdocumentaryevidence–legalwrits and accounting records–hardevidencetobackuporrefute chroniclers and poets.Inthe1170sWilliamMarshalemployedaclerkoftheroyalkitchens to track histournament winnings, areminder of the mass ofdomestic records that havebeenlost.

The men of the sword

contested clerical pre-eminence,assertingtheirownmoral worth as the hands ofthebodypolitic, carryingoutthe directions of justlyconstituted authority. Theirleaders were the barons ormagnates, who in NormanEngland held their landsdirectly from the Crown,hence theexpression tenants-in-chief. Senior ecclesiasticalfigures, bishops, and abbotswere also tenants-in-chief,

expected to maintain theirown military following. TheArchbishop of York sentsixty knights to fight in thebattle of the Standard in1138.WhileWilliamMarshalwas learning his trade in the1160s,HenryII’sinquestintoknight service in Englandidentified 270 lay tenants-in-chief.Anothersurveyin1199listed 165, among themWilliam Marshal, Earl ofPembroke. A fluid class

varyingwidely inwealthandinfluence, barons enjoyedbroad judicial and fiscalpowers and controlled mostof the nation’s materialassets. Often misrepresentedas ignorant reactionaries andinveterate opponents of royalgovernment, they were theking’s natural advisers andcompanions, sharing similareconomic and culturalinterests.

The physical exercise of

royal and baronial powerdepended on a broader classofarmedfollowers,knownasknights fromtheOldEnglishcniht. Of ambiguous socialorigins, by the eleventhcentury their possession ofsuch expensive items asarmour and horses clearlydifferentiated them from thepeasantry. Chroniclersdescribed them as soldiers,milites in Latin. The 1166survey identified some 6,278

knights’ fees – the territorialunits owing a mountedwarrior’s service – inEngland. Allowing forwastage this representedsome 5,000 actual knights.Some were vavassours orlanded knights, married menwholivedontheirestates,butwere still available formilitaryduties.Youngermenorbacheliers,whohadyet tosettle down, formed themilitaryhouseholdsorfamilia

of kings and magnates.Sleepingtogetherontheflooroftheirlord’shall,theyliveda roistering life. Often thebastard or younger sons ofgood families, unable tomarryunlessanelderbrotherdied or an heiress camealong, they were ripe fortrouble. Well fed, physicallyfit, and boiling over withrepressedsexualenergy, theyswarmed out of their castlesin times of unrest like angry

wasps, to pillage and burn.Unsympathetic clericspunningly labelled themmalitia, malice not soldiery.The Anglo-Saxon Chroniclesaw little difference betweenthe destructive passage ofHenry I’s royal household,andtheravagesofaninvader.William Marshal spenttwenty-two years as ahousehold knight beforeleapingintotheupperreachesof the nobility by his

marriage to Isabel of Clare,bypassing the vavassours’staidranksinonebound.

The great mass of thelabouring population,society’s feet incontemporarysocialanalysis,livedoutsidethepoliteworldof theHistory. Total Englishnumbers are uncertain,perhaps two million at theConquest, doubling by theearly thirteenth century.Boundtothesoil,theyplayed

no part in early medievalpolitics, except as victims.Magna Carta’s famousguarantee of due legalprocess applied only to freemen, entitled to bear arms.The rejoicing in France afterthenation-definingvictoryofBouvines in 1214 wasconfined to the court andtowns.

The twelfth-centuryeconomic revival created anew class of burgesses or

townsmen, who had escapedthe bonds of serfdom tosupply goods and servicesthatthecountrysidecouldnotprovide. Magnates likeWilliam Marshal tookadvantage of this new urbanwealth. Fresh in London tomarry his heiress, heborrowed from his aldermanhosttofinancethefestivities.Towns were small.DomesdayBooksuggeststhatLondon’spopulationwasjust

12,000 in 1086. Winchesterwas next at 6,000. Townswould increasingly asserttheir independence, as theirnumbers and prosperityincreased. The Historyrecords burgesses joininghesitantly in the defence oftheir town during William’sfirst battle at Drincourt,emboldened by his example.Fiftyyearslater,Londonwasthe mainspring of theopposition to John, inserting

commercial clauses intoMagna Carta, and resistingthe regent to the very end.William was more than apassive consumer of urbanwealth. He founded newtowns in Ireland, notably atNew Ross, secured tradingprivileges for Pembroke, andreduced feudal reliefs atHaverfordwestandKilkenny.

TheAnglo-Normansocialmodel did not applythroughout the British Isles.

Astoday,EnglandsharedtheBritish mainland with twoother entities: Scotland andWales. When William wasborn, the former was fastbecomingaunitarykingdom,theScottishkingsperformingabalancingactbetween theirpowerful southern neighbourand an inflammable mixtureof English-speakingLowlanders and Gaelic orNorse speakers in GallowayandtheHighlands.Anelastic

border that sometimesreached as far south as theRivers Tees and Ribbleprovoked sporadic conflictthroughout William’s life.TheHistory reflects the newsouthern orientation,however. It records just oneencounter with Scottishknights, at a tournamentnearLeMans.

The Marshal’s dealingswith Wales were moreextensive, following his

marriageintooneofthegreatMarcher families. UnlikeScotland, Wales remained apatchworkofmutuallyhostilechiefdoms. Welsh annalistsstyled their warlords Dux orleader,notprince.Dividedbygeography, united only byculture, the principal WelshpoliticalunitswereGwyneddin the north, Powys in thecentre, and Dyfed in thesouth. Inheritance practicesensured deadly family

rivalries. Six members ofPowys’ ruling dynastybetween1100and1125werekilled, blinded, or castratedby relatives, one every fouryears. Political disunity andeconomic backwardnessmadeWalesa temptingprizefor land-hungry Normans,whopushedup to thefootofthe mountains and along thesouthern Welsh coast. WhenWilliamMarshal appeared inthe 1190s, the frontier had

stabilised along the WelshMarches, a military borderrunning from Chester downto Hereford, and around byMonmouth intoPembrokeshire.Violencewasendemic. William of Braosemassacred his Welsh dinnerguests at Abergavenny in1176, as revenge for hisuncle’s killing the yearbefore. Such vendettasdemanded constant militarypreparedness.

Beyond Wales layIreland, 80 miles (120km)across the sea from the greatland-locked harbour ofMilfordHaven.Unconqueredby the Romans, Ireland wasan unknown quantity before1169. Then Normanadventurers sailed fromPembrokeshire to exploit theinternecine wars that, in theIrish chronicler’s expressivephrase, made all Ireland ‘atrembling sod’. Four decades

later, Ireland would provideWilliam with a refuge fromKingJohn’sdisfavour,andanalternativepowerbase.

Historians dislike theomnibus expression ‘CelticFringe’, with its spuriousimplication of culturaluniformity. From an Englishperspective, however, theseareas represented a hostile‘other’,withseveralcommonfeatures.TheauthorofGestaStephani, the Deeds of King

Stephen, contrastedEngland’ssettledsocietywiththebarbaricworldbeyond:‘acountry of woodland andpasture … [which] breedsmen of an animal type,naturally swift footed,accustomed to war, volatilealwaysinbreakingtheirwordas in changing their abode’.RichardofHexhamdescribedtheScotskingatthebattleofthe Standard surrounded byhis knights, ‘the rest of the

barbarianhostroaringaroundthem’. Except in southernScotland, social structureswere heroically pre-feudal,marital customs unspeakable,andspeechincomprehensible.Populations were smalleroutside England: perhaps amillion in Scotland and300,000inWales,withhalfamillion Irish. Their potentialformischiefwasbynomeansnegligible, asWilliam’s finalyearswouldshow.

ATIMEOFWAR

The feudal combination ofweak government and amilitarised ruling classensured chronic politicalinstability. The mostnotorious English exampleoccurred during Stephen’sreign (1135–54) when theAnglo-Saxon Chronicleclaimed with gloomy

hyperbole thatChrist and hisangels slept for nineteenwinters. The expression‘Anarchy’ exaggerates thebreakdown of government,but it shared much with theconflicts of John’s reign: adisputed succession, aninadequate king, andoverwhelming militarychallenges.

KINGSOFENGLAND

1066–1272

The Conqueror’syoungestson,HenryI(1100–35), consolidated the Anglo-Norman realm by defeatinghis elder brother RobertCurthose in the battle of

Tinchebrai (1106), andimprisoning him for life inBristolCastle.Amanagainstwhom the Welsh annaliststhought that ‘none couldcontendexceptGodhimself’,Henryoncemadehispointbythrowing an opponent offRouen Castle. He was lesseffectiveatprovidinganheir.His only legitimate sondrowned off Barfleur in thewreck of the White Ship,leaving an elder sister.

Matilda was female,vindictive, and married to aforeigner, Count Geoffrey ofAnjou, whose Latin nameAndegavia gave the nameAngevin to her supporters.The family did not acquirethesurnamePlantagenetuntillater.WhenHenrydied,aftereating toomany stewed eels,the Anglo-Norman magnatesbroke their oaths to supportMatilda, and acceptedHenry’s nephew, Stephen of

Blois,asKingofEnglandandDukeofNormandy.

Stephen’s unfortunatereputation derives from hisenemies, who controlled thehistorical narrative after hisdeath. William ofMalmesbury was anunashamed panegyrist ofRobert Earl of Gloucester,Matilda’s half-brother andleading supporter. WalterMap,who described Stephenas ‘a fineknight but in other

respects almost a fool’, wasan Angevin courtier.Stephen’s successor, HenryII, denied the legitimacy ofhis predecessor’s reign,which he disparaged astempus guerrae, the time ofwar. Angevin denigration ofthe last Anglo-Norman kingresembles the Tudorpropaganda that inspiredShakespeare’s Richard III.Less prejudiced authoritiespresentStephenasapowerful

warrior – bellatorrobustissimus–onlysubduedatthefirstbattleofLincolnin1141 after being hit on thehead with a rock. GestaStephani described him asmunificus et affabilis –generous and pleasant. Thatplayed to William Marshal’sadvantage when he fell intoStephen’shandsasahostage,but it was not the stuff of asuccessful twelfth-centuryking.TheOldFrenchHistory

of the Dukes of Normandyand the Kings of Englandagreed. Stephen wasdebonaire et moult piteus,admirable qualities, butunlikely to ensure firmgovernment.

Stephen’s ineffectualimage was well establishedby the 1220s when theHistory of William Marshalwaswritten: ‘inhis timewasEngland in great sorrow andstrife, and the kingdom in

great discord, for no peacenor truce nor agreement waskeptnorjusticedone’.Itwasnot only Angevinpropagandists, like WilliamofMalmesbury,whorecalled‘a land embittered by thehorrors of war’, whenfreebooters flocked toEnglandforplunder.Williamof Newburgh reckoned therewere‘asmanykingsorrathertyrantsas…lordsofcastles’.Their methods resembled

those practised in KingJohn’s time: pillage ofchurchyards where peopleplaced their property underecclesiastical protection,torture of anyone suspectedof possessing hidden wealth,systematic blackmail ofreligious and localcommunities.

Like John, Stephen faceda coalition of powerfulenemies,makingitdifficulttoconcentrate against any of

them. Magnates, includingsome bishops, resisted royalattempts to constrain theircastle-building, ‘eachdefending, or more properlyspeaking, laying waste theirneighbourhood’ (William ofMalmesbury). Stephendefendedhimselfwellenoughatfirst,butnevercrushedhisopponents, a precociousillustration of Clausewitz’sprinciple that while thedefensiveisthestrongerform

of war, it is unlikely toachieveadecision.Stephen’sdefeatandcaptureatLincolnin February 1141 wasdisastrous.TheHistorysawitasamajorblowtotheking’sprestige, leavinghimnothingbutthecrown.

The Angevin Rout ofStockbridge in Septembersaved Stephen from death incaptivity, but he remained alame duck, suffering majorterritoriallossesinNormandy

and northern England.Magnates, includingWilliam’s father, defected,seekingprotectionfromlordsbetter able to provide it.Royal revenue collapsedpreventing the king hiringmercenaries to replacedisaffected knights. Whenrival armiesmet, the leadingmen refused to fight. Thestalemate lasted a dozenyears, before the Churchbrokered a compromise

peace,allowingMatilda’ssonHenry to succeed onStephen’s death. Just asJohn’s baronial opponentsrallied to his successor, soStephen’s supportersacceptedHenryIIin1154.

DEVIL’SBROOD

Notorious for his deadly

quarrelwith ThomasBecket,HenryIIbetterdeservestoberemembered for hisrestorationoforderfollowingthe Anarchy. Flemishmercenarieswere sent home,unauthorised castlesdemolished, and the King ofScotsevictedfromEngland’sthree northern counties. Aseries of great Assizes oredicts laid the enduringfoundations of Englishjudicial practice. His

contemporariessawHenryasthe Alexander of the West,though Jordan of Fantômesaidhepreferredcrafttowar.The Victorian constitutionalhistorianBishopStubbsratedhim alongside Alfred theGreat and William theConqueror.SuchwasHenry’sspeed of movement thatLouis VII of France thoughthemust fly rather than travelby horse or ship. Henry’senergetic expansion of his

inheritance made him themost powerful ruler inWesternEuropebythe1180s,eclipsing his lacklustreFrenchsuzerain.

The core of Henry’spossessions were Englandand Normandy, which heinherited from his mother,Matilda.ThepaternalCountyof Anjou and its associatedterritoriesontheLoire,Henryinherited after a brother’slucky death. Brittany, a

longstanding target ofNorman acquisitiveness, hegained by marrying his thirdsonGeoffrey to itsheiress in1166.IrelandhewasgivenbythePope.Southof theLoire,from Poitou to Gascony,stretched the Duchy ofAquitaine, the patrimony ofHenry’swife Eleanor,whomhe married following herdivorce from Louis VII in1152. The latter, she said,was more of a monk than a

king. Molt vaillante etcourteise,gallantandcourtly,shewould play a key role inWilliamMarshal’srise.

Labelled the AngevinEmpire for modernconvenience, this personalunion of lordships comprisedthreestrategicareas:Englandand Normandy were richestandbestgoverned;Aquitainethe poorest andmost unruly,itsquarrelsomePoitevinlordsa byword for treachery –

WilliamMarshal sufferedhismost serious wound at theirhands.Anjouwasricher thanthesouthbut lessdocile thanthe north. Communicationswere assured by sea to thewest and by Roman roadsrunning up through Poitiersand Chinon to thecommercialandecclesiasticalcentres at Tours andAngers,bypassing the future Frenchheartland between OrleansandParis.Nationalist-minded

historians have emphasisedthe Empire’s linguistic andlegal disunity, and taken itscollapseforgranted.

The attractions of Frenchadministration and culturewerelessapparentinthemid-twelfthcentury.TheCapetiankings who claimed to ruleFrancia, the northern Frenchlands settled by the Franks,took their name from HughCapet, who usurpedCharlemagne’smantlein987.

They struggled even tocontroltheirdemesnelandsinthe Ile-de-France; theirresources were dwarfed bythe great feudal principalitiesof Normandy, Champagne,and Flanders. Eleventh-century Paris with apopulation of 3,000was halfthe size of Winchester. Itsrise to political and culturalsignificance only began afterLouis VI, known as the Fat,made it his capital in the

1120s.Therewas no compelling

reason in 1170 whygovernment from London orRouen should have appearedless inviting than fromParis.Nevertheless, the AngevinEmpire’s components werevulnerable. Dispersed aroundtheFrenchperiphery,theylayopentoattackdowntheSeineandLoireValleys,unableandunwilling to come to oneanother’s help. Two days’

march fromParis,Normandywas especially exposed.BrittanyandEngland’sCelticneighbours were a constantliability. Only Englandprovided support in depth.The chief weakness of theAngevins was their inabilitytosinkpersonaldifferencesinthe family interest. Henry’smarriage broke down in thelate 1160s, his four sonsbecoming weapons in theparentalbattle.

The king’s initial planseems tohavebeen todividehis empire among them,underoveralldirectionof theeldest, another Henry. Inearnest of this, the king hadthe latter crowned in 1170,aged fifteen, imitatingcontemporary Frenchpractice. Feudal customsought to ensure that landsinherited from the father’slineage remained intact.Younger sons were

compensated elsewhere. TheYoung King would receiveall his patrimonialinheritance: England,Normandy, and Anjou.Richardthesecondsonwouldhavehismother’sAquitanianinheritance, as Count ofPoitiers, while Geoffrey wassettled with his Bretonheiress. Only John, theyoungest, was unprovidedfor, his father dubbing himJeanSansTerreorLackland.

Young Henry stood togainmostinthelongrun,butmeanwhile had less realauthority than his brothers.An annual allowance of£3,500ayear,theearningsof2,300footsoldiers,gavehimwealthwithoutresponsibility.It was a morally corrosivecombination. Robert deTorigny, Abbot of Mont StMichel, commented that itwas insufficient for thegreatness of his heart; the

History said he could denyno-one.Fecklessandfeather-brained, the Young Kingbecame a rallying point forHenry II’s enemies: a wifeembittered by royalinfidelities; a French kingnervous of Angevin power;dissident barons smartingfrom years of firmgovernment. All lookedtowardstherisingstar.

Shortly before Easter1173, the Young King left

court and fled to Paris, thefirst Angevin to seek akingdom by dismemberinghis inheritance. With Frenchsupportandwildpromises,heconjured up a four-front waragainsthisfather:FrenchandFlemish in northernNormandy, Scots in northernEngland, mutinous barons inBrittany and East Anglia.Henry II with his loyalknights and 10,000Brabançon routiers – paid

infantrymen – saw them alloff. The Count of Flanderswent home after an archershot his brother; Louis VIIwithdrew, having burntVerneuil and abducted itscitizens; the Scots investedCarlisle but were scared offby rumours of a relief force;Henry’s Brabançons chasedthe Breton lords into Dol,killing over a thousand oftheir supporters, and forcingeighty of their leaders to

surrender. Meanwhile theEnglish rebels were beatenoutside Bury St Edmunds atFornham, and their army ofunemployedFlemishweaversannihilated. Jordan deFantôme wrote in hiseyewitnessversehistory:

The wool of EnglandtheygatheredverylateUpon their bodiesdescend crows andbuzzards

The following year broughtthe Young King no betterluck. While contrary windsstopped him joining hisEnglish supporters fromGravelines, his father sailedfrom Barfleur to do penanceat Becket’s new shrine atCanterbury. Spiritualabsolutionbroughtimmediatemilitary reward. Angevinloyalists marching the samenight from Newcastlecaptured William the Lion,

King of Scotland, as he atebreakfast outside AlnwickCastle.WithinamonthHenrykicked away his son’s lastprop by raising the Frenchsiege of Rouen, thedemoralised besiegersdestroyingtheirsiegeenginesastheyleft.

AbandonedbyLouisVII,his followers reduced toselling their horses andarmour, the Young Kingsought peace. His father

blamed his son’s evilcounsellors, particularlyQueen Eleanor, whom heplaced in internal exile atWinchester. Nearly athousandrebelprisonerswerereleased without ransom,although castles wereconfiscated and woodlandscut down to pay forwartimedevastation. The Old Kingappeared stronger than ever,but the substantive issuesbetween him and his

impatient brood remainedunresolved.

For nearly ten years, theYoungKingdivertedhimselfon the tournament circuit,while his brother Richardengaged in more serioushostilitiesagainsthisPoitevinvassals.Tensionsboiledoverduring a family Christmas atCaen in 1182. TheOldKingasked Richard to do homagefor Aquitaine to his brother,as future head of the family.

This was offered with suchbad grace that the latterrefusedit,ridingsouthtojoinRichard’sPoitevindissidents.When Henry II went toLimoges to mediate, theYoung King’s men shot athim from the castle, theirarrows piercing his surcoatand hitting one of hishouseholdknights in theeye.Parricidal violence was notunprecedented. William theConqueror was injured

fighting his son RobertCurthose at Gerberoy in1079, and his horse killedbeneath him. While theYoung King simulatedreconciliation, his brotherGeoffrey ravaged theirfather’s estates, carrying offchurch ornaments, devotingtowns and villages to theflames, depopulating fieldsand byres, sparing none, inthe chronicler’s cliché, ongroundsofage,sex,status,or

religion.The Young King broke

out again, doing his best tojustify Walter Map’sdescription of him as ‘aprodigy of untruth, a lovelypalace of sin’, standing bywhile his knights beat hisfather’s envoys with swords,and threw them off bridges.Unable to pay his routiers,the Young King plunderedPoitou’s sacred places,including the great shrine of

St Martial, proto-evangeliserof Aquitaine, at Limoges.Pressingsouth,hefellsickatUzerche in Lot. Roger ofHowden thought hedeveloped dysentery out ofpiqueathisinabilitytodohisfather any further harm, anacutefeverfollowedbyfluxisventris cum excorationeintestinorum – the bloodyflux.Afortnight later,on theevening of 11 June 1183,Young Henry died at Martel

in the Dordogne, the pictureof penitence, lying on a bedof ashes,wearingahair shirtandanoosearoundhisneck.

The Old King refused tovisit his dying son, fearingfurther treachery, andhidhisgrief as princes weresupposed to do. TheHistoryechoes the lamentations oftheYoungKing’stournamentcompanions. Chivalry wasreduced to idleness, largesseorphaned, and theworld cast

into darkness. Transportednorthwards, the well-saltedremainsinspiredsuchpopularhysteriaatLeMansthat theywere buried temporarily,pending transfer to Rouen.Despite his plundering, theYoung King left nothing butdebts. His chaplain stole thecollectionatLeMans.Oneofhis routiers took WilliamMarshalhostageassuretyforhis men’s wages. The Countof Flanders described the

dead prince as the flower ofChristian men and thefountain of largesse, but hisend was as futile and self-seekingashislife.

The Young King’s deaththrew Henry II’s plans intoconfusion, intensified byGeoffrey of Brittany’s deaththreeyearslater,whenhewastrampled by his horse duringa tournament at Paris.Reduced to two sons, Henryfaced a wholesale

management reshuffle.Ingrained mistrust followingthe disastrous experiment oftheYoungKing’s coronationprevented him fromrecognising Richard,Eleanor’s favourite, as hisprimaryheir.Richard,inturn,would not surrenderAquitainetoJohn,hisfather’sfavourite,asthefirststepinageneral redistribution ofterritory. This irreconcilabledisputewouldbringHenryII

tohisgrave.The one constant factor

behind the diplomatic twistsof these years was the slow-burning malice of the newFrenchking,PhilipII,andhisunremitting pursuit of thedestruction of the AngevinEmpire. At every turn, hebacked a competing claimantagainst the Angevinincumbent, first Richardagainst his father, then Johnagainst Richard, then

Geoffrey’s posthumous sonArthur against John, andfinally his own son LouisagainstJohn’sheirHenryIII.TheHistory describes Philipas more cunning than a fox,and blamed him personallyforthedeathsoftheOldKingand all his sons. There is nodoubt that Philip dominatedWestern Europeaninternational relations after1200.Triplingthesizeof theCapetian royal demesne, he

well deserved the title‘Augustus’ awarded him byRigord, the official Frenchhistorian.

Thesparkthatlitthefinalconflagration of Henry’sreign came from the MiddleEast. Frankish Crusadersfrom Western EuropeexploitedMuslim disunity inthe last years of the eleventhcenturytocarveoutanumberof Christian principalities inSyriaandPalestine.Reunited

underthegreatSaladin,Araband Turkish forcesannihilated the Crusadingstates’ armies at Hattin nearLakeTiberiason4July1187.TheshockkilledPopeUrbanIII outright, and inspired awave of Crusading fervouracross Europe. The Historythoughtthatnomanofworthhad not abandoned wife andchildrentotaketheCrossandavenge God’s disgrace.Defaulters were handed a

distaff andwool in the sameway that women distributedwhitefeathersduringtheFirstWorld War. Count Richardwas among the first to takethe Cross. Even cautiouspoliticians like Henry andPhilip felt compelled to dolikewise. When Henryreturned to England inJanuary 1188 to prepare hisdeparture, however, Philipattacked the town ofChâteauroux north-east of

Poitiers, menacing theAngevins’southeasternflank.This, remarked the History,wasthestartof thegreatwarwhose effects were still felt.King Henry was at adisadvantage,reducedagainsthis will to fighting fellowCrusaders who continuallyurged departure, while doingeverything they could topreventit.

At first Richard andHenry made common cause.

Henry’s obstinate refusal toconfirm Richard as his heir,however, allowed Philip, theAngevins’ feudal lord, toundercut the Old King byofferingRichard the countiesof Touraine, Anjou, andMaine.Unevileineenprise,avile undertaking, commentedtheHistory, by which Philipwould rob Henry’s heirs oftheirlands.SoonRichardandPhilipwere sharing the sameplate and even bed, a

reflection of primitivedomestic arrangements ratherthan mutual passion. InNovember, they arrivedtogether for a conference atBonmoulins in lowerNormandy. Convinced hisfathermeanttodisinherithimin John’s favour, RichardkneltinhomagetoPhilip,androdeawaytoprepareforwar.

ThatwinterHenryfellill.RichardandPhilip raidedhisterritory as baronial support

faltered. Henry fortified LeMans, his birth place and acommunicationshubbetweenNormandy and Anjou.Ditches were cleared, andhouses pulled down aroundthe gates to clear fields offire.AfterWhitsunbothsideswent armed to a conferencebetween Ferté-Bernard andNogent-le-Rotrou sponsoredbyapopeanxioustoexpeditetheCrusade.Richardlinedupwith the French, who denied

the Pope’s authority tointerfere in a domesticdispute. Henry withdrew toLe Mans, like a fox to hisearth.On12Julyhisenemiesdug him out, provoking thenearestthingtoabattleinthewholewar.Arrangementshadbeenmade to burn down thesuburbsincaseofattack,andthe flames spread to the city.Smokedoutofhislair,Henryfled south by a circuitousroutetoChinon.

Henrywasonhislastlegsmilitarily andmedically.TheNorman magnates had ledtheirforcesasfarasAlençon,30miles (50km) north of LeMans, but withdrew whenHenry retreated away fromthem. Most of his Welshinfantry were killed retiringfrom Le Mans. Henry’shealth worsened, the ulcerson his heels spreading to hisfeet, legs, and body, givinghimnorest.WilliamMarshal,

oneofthefewtostandbythekingtothebitterend,recalledhis going first red then aleaden hue, suggestinggangrene.Richard andPhiliptreated Henry’s illness as aruse, and pressed theiradvantage. On 3 July, theycaptured Tours by escalade,the River Loire beingparticularly low. Next day,hardly able to sit his horse,Henry submitted to theirdemands at Ballan-Miré,

south of the Loire betweenAzay-le-Rideau and Tours.EvenPhilipwasembarrassed,spreadingacloakonthegrassfor the dying king, whopreferred to be held in thesaddle.

Thunderstorms rumbledas Henry surrendered hiscontinental lands to Philip,receiving them back for20,000 marks and a bindingcommitment to make hisvassals swear fealty to

Richard.Giving the latter thekissofpeace,he is supposedtohavehissedinhisson’searthehopethathewouldlivetobe avenged. TheHistory hasa similar tale of Henrypromisingtogivehisenemiestheir fill of war, if onlyWilliam got him through hiscurrent fix. Returning toChinon, Henry took to hisbed, dark blue and feverish,unable to see, hear, or speakcoherently. He died before

the chapel altar three dayslater, blood streaming fromnoseandmouth.Richardhadwon. He soon recovered histerritorial losses, but not themoney, roughly a third ofPhilip’s ordinary annualrevenue, nor theindependence he had swornaway. Dukes of Normandyhistorically avoided oaths offealty, regarding themselvesassubjecttonobodybutGod.Richard’s empire was

physically intact, but legallyandmorallycompromised.

LIONHEART

Richard I spent his wholereign fighting, except forthirteenmonths as a prisonerin Germany. Apart from hiscaptivity and exorbitantransom, Richard is best

remembered for his role intheThirdCrusade,endingthesiegeofAcreandwinninganexemplary battle againstSaladin at Arsuf. He neversaw Jerusalem, but ensuredthat a residual ChristianfootholdsurvivedinPalestinefor another century. Thetwenty-six months betweenRichard’s embarkation atMarseilles in August 1190and his departure from theHoly Land in October 1192

were not the costly diversionfrom responsibilities nearerhome that his critics allege.The Crusading experiencewas an essential item in themedieval grandee’scurriculumvitae.Threekingsof France campaigned inPalestine. Richard’s great-grandfather FulkV ofAnjouhad become King ofJerusalem in the 1130s.Henry II never visited theHoly Places, but he funded

200 knights to defend them.Richard’s expeditionhonoured a long-standingAngevincommitment.

His situation was lesssecure than that of hispredecessors, however. Heleft behind his brother John,whosenameheadedthelistoftraitors handed to the OldKing after Ballan-Miré.Richard treated John withmingled generosity andcaution,grantinghimswathes

of land in theWest Countryand Midlands, but keepingthe castles under royalcontrol. He further limitedJohn’s scope formischief byexiling him to Normandy,appointing a team ofjusticiarstoruleEngland,andrecognising his nephewArthur as his heir. OnceRichard departed, however,nopoweronearthcouldkeepJohnoverseas.Bytheautumnof 1192 divisions among the

justiciars, nervous ofalienating Richard’s mostobviousheir,allowedJohntoassert his claim to be rectortotius regni, ruler of thewhole kingdom, a title notdissimilar to that whichWilliam Marshal usedtwenty-fiveyearslater.

Philip’s early return fromAcre in the summer of 1191leaving Richard behindensured a prompt resumptionof the three-cornered

Capetian-Angevin game ofbeggar-my-neighbour.Defying the traditionalimmunity of Crusaders’property and his personaloath not to attack Richarduntil at least forty days afterthe latter’s return, Philipinvaded Normandy early in1193, immediately he knewof Richard’s capture nearVienna in December 1192while travelling home fromPalestine. Philip captured

Gisors and the border castlesalongtheRiverEpte,buttookfright at Rouen when thecitizensderisivelyopenedthegatesbeforehim.Johnjoinedin, gaining control of theroyal castles at Nottingham,Tickhill, Wallingford,Windsor, and Marlborough.Shiploads of Flemishmercenaries gathered inChannelports,as theyhadinthe Young King’s time. Thejusticiars stood firm,

however, guarding the coastand besieging John’sgarrisons. He fled abroad inNovember to join Philip,ceding him most ofNormandy, the worstexample yet of the Angevincapacityforself-harm.

Richard was not alwaysmuchwiser.He had struck adealwithPhiliponthewaytoPalestine that simultaneouslygave the French king causeforresentmentandaweapon.

The agreement terminatedRichard’s long-standingbetrothal to Philip’s half-sister Alice, in return for10,000 marks. It alsoprovided that Richard’shypotheticalheirsbyhisnewfiancée, Berengaria ofNavarre, should hold theircontinental inheritance astenants-in-chief of the Kingof France by parage, that issharing their patrimonybetween them. If Richard

diedwithout legitimate issue,these provisions gave Philipthe legal excuse to drive awedge between John and hisnephewArthur.

RichardhadalsoalienatedDuke Leopold of Austria,casting down his banner atAcreanddenyinghimasharein the plunder. Leopold tookhis revenge for this slight bycapturingRichardonhiswayhome, and selling him on toHenry VI, Emperor of

Germany. Richard wasrelated to Henry’s Saxonrivals, giving the emperorgood reason to accept PhilipAugustus’ bribes to detainRichard indefinitely. QueenEleanor’s ransomproposalof150,000 silvermarks was anofferHenrycouldnot refuse,however. A freshly releasedRichard landed at Sandwichon 13 March 1194, tocomplete his justiciars’ workby compelling John’s

garrisonatNottinghamCastletosurrender.Beforeescapingthe emperor’s grasp, he wasforced to recogniseHenry ashis liege lord, paying him£5,000 a year. The wholeAngevin Empire was nowsubject to foreign overlords:England to the emperor; itscontinental lands to PhilipAugustus. The onlyconsolationwasthatLeopold,excommunicatedforviolatingCrusader immunity, had

developed gangrene after ariding accident, and perishedhorribly after amputating hisownfootwithanaxe.

Richard transferredoperations to Normandy,hoping to recover the lossessuffered during his absence.Theensuingconflictwasoneof skirmishes, sieges, andmutual devastation.Contradictory sources and alackofobviousturningpointsobscure the chronology,

different authoritiessometimesassigningthesameevent to different years.Englishsourcesandthewar’sconclusion suggest Richardhad the upper hand. Morethan oncePhilip ran away toavoidconfrontinghisrival:atFréteval in July 1194 whenthe French treasury andarchives were lost, andoutside Gisors in September1198,when the bridge brokeand,asKingRichardwrotein

hisbattle report,Philipdrankof the River Epte. WhenPhilip attacked his Flemishvassals for supportingRichard, they destroyed thebridges behind him andflooded the low-lyingcountryside so that he waslucky to escape drowning orstarving.

Both sides raidedrelentlessly. Only highlightsare recorded: Philip’sdestruction of Evreux, when

he desecrated the churchesandcarriedofftheholyrelics,or the capture of Philip’scousin, the Bishop ofBeauvais. Roger of Howdenreckoned that Philip burnttwenty-fiveNorman towns in1198, besides Evreux for asecond time. Mercadier,‘chiefof theaccursedraceofBrabançons’ and Richard’sfavourite routier, plunderedAbbeville fair, killingnumerous French merchants

and carrying off more forransom. TheHistory thoughtPhilip had had enough bysummer 1198. Richardhemmedhim in so tightlyhedid not know which way toturn. Anglo-Norman self-confidence was such thatthirty of their men did nothesitate to attack fortyFrench, an inversion of thetraditionalpeckingorder.

Militarily beaten andmorally discredited by his

bigamous marriage andcynical breaches of Crusaderimmunity, Philip Augustusoffered to return all hiswartime gains, with theexception of Gisors and theVexin border area.Negotiations were fraught.Such was Richard’s hatredfor Philip, he had abstainedfrom Communion for sevenyears, rather than forgivehim. When the kings metbetween Les Andelys and

Vernon at Le Goulet on theSeine to agree a five-yeartruce, Richard spoke from aboat. The imprisonedBishopofBeauvais,was a particularproblem. Taken in arms,helmet laced on like anyknight, he was objectionableto Richard for seeking toprolong his imprisonment inGermany and as a notoriousincendiary ofAngevin lands,a false Christian let alonebishop. When a papal

intermediary suggestedlettinghimgo,theking’sragewas so frightful that theluckless Italian fled fearingimminentcastration.

Thelongrivalryendedoffstage, almost by accident.Richard went south early in1199 to confront theincorrigibly rebelliousViscount of Limoges duringthemilitary closed season ofLent. Besieging theinsignificanttowerofChalus-

Chabrol inHauteVienne, hewas hit in the left shoulderwith a crossbow bolt,envenimé according to theHistory.Itwasafterdinner,inthe evening. Richard wasslow in seeking medicalattention and too quick inbreaking off the arrow shaft.Extracting a 4-inch (10cm)bolt head from rolls of fattyneck tissue by flickeringtorchlightwasahopelesstaskfor Mercadier’s luckless

surgeon. Within a fortnight,Richard was dead ofgangrene on 6 April 1199.The History thought thatFortune, which casts downthe good and exalts thewicked, had struck down thebest prince in the world.William the Breton, Philip’schaplain, thought Richard’sdeath a visitation from God.It was the luckiest stroke ofPhilip’s career. His onlycredible opponent was

eliminatedatastroke,leavinga succession disputedbetween the double-dealingJohn and the twelve-year-oldArthurofBrittany.

SOFTSWORD

John’s reputation remainscontentious. Unlike hisFrenchcontemporarieshehad

no official chronicler topolishtheroyalimage.TheStAlbans historians, Roger ofWendover and his copyistMatthew Paris, pursued avirulently anti-royal line,endorsed by moralisticVictorians. More recenthistorians, impressed by thewrittenevidenceforthereign,have lauded John’sadministrative achievements.Even his military record hasattracted favourable reviews,

belying contemporaryopinion. Gervase ofCanterbury styled himJohannem mollegladium –John Softsword – a softnesstransmuted intounprecedented cruelty. Thesober Barnwell Chronicletookamixedview:

a great prince, but less[than] happy, and likeMarius* enjoying bothkinds of fortune.

Generous and open-handed towardsforeigners,butarobberof his own people,trusting more in aliensthanhisown.Hencehewas abandoned by hispeople before the end,and ultimatelymournedbyfew.

William of Newburghdescribed John as nature’senemy. A papal legatethought him more William

the Bastard than Edward theConfessor. On his deathbed,able to say what he thought,WilliamMarshal is supposedto have cautioned Henry IIIagainsthis felonancestre. Atbest John was unlucky, hiselaborateschemesoutrunninghis means. He left an emptytreasury, a diminishedpatrimony,aruinedeconomy,and a country wracked bycivilwar.

When Richard died John

seizedthetreasuryatChinon,andtookcontrolofAnjouandPoitou with Queen Eleanor’shelp. Richard’s servants,alerted by the dying king,swiftlyassertedJohn’sclaimsto Normandy and England.Anglo-Norman customfavoured brothers overnephews, and Arthur wasrejected as proud anddifficult.Hedisliked‘thoseofthe land’, andwas subject tofelon conseil – bad advice

from his Bretonmother. Theaccession crisis was soonresolved, but John’sinsecurity persisted,nourishing fears of treacherythat undermined relationswith his magnates, andundercut his attempts todefendhispatrimony.BackatLeGouletinMay1200,Johnrestored the truce Philip hadagreed with Richard. Theterms looked favourable, butJohn recognised Philip’s

jurisdiction in Anjou, payinga stiff 20,000 marks as afeudal relief.He dropped theFlemishallieswhocontrolledaccess to Normandy’s north-easternfrontier,andaccepteda marriage alliance betweenPhilip’s son Louis and hisown niece, Blanche ofCastile. John had weakenedhis own hand, whilepresenting Philipwith a cardthat in time he could playagainstthethroneofEngland

itself.Threemonthslater,on24

August 1200, John marriedIsabel, heiress to the Countyof Angoulême on the RiverCharente, a strategic areadominating the main roadfrom Poitiers to Bordeaux.With luck, the gambit mightresolve John’s lack of alegitimate heir and stabilisethe Angevin Empire’ssouthern flank. He wasmarried already, andhis new

queenhardlyofage,buttimeandtheChurchcouldresolvethose difficulties. Moreseriously, Isabel waspromisedtoHughtheBrown,Count of laMarche, and oneof the Lusignan clan, theAngevins’ deadliest enemiessouth of the Loire. Not onlydidJohnabductandmarryhisenemy’swife,heofferedhimcrooked justice, hiringprofessional champions toresolve the issue by judicial

combat.John’s sharp practice

convertedabrilliantcoupintoa casus belli. The Historyviewed it as the occasion ofthe shameful war in whichJohn lost his lands. TheLusignans appealed to theirfeudal overlord, the King ofFrance.WhenJohnrefusedtoplead, Philip’s courtpronounced himcontumacious. On 28 April1202 John forfeited all his

continental lands, not justsouth of the Loire but inNormandy too. Outrightdispossession rarely followedsuch sentences, but Philipwas a new type of ruler.Intent on subordinating hisgreatfeudatories,inparticulartheAngevins,hewould fightatotalwar.

The Angevins’ strategicposition had deterioratedsince hostilities began in1188. Philip’s revenues had

almost doubled, partlythrough his inheriting theCounty of Vermandois innorthern France, partlythrough fiscal reform.Historians argue about thetwo sides’ relative financialadvantage, but Philip couldnow maintain a sizeablestandingforceontheNormanfrontier: 257 knights, 245mounted sergeants and 1608foot, besides 300 routiers.Normandy’s devastation in

the 1190s had alienated theNorman Church andmagnates. Theirdisinclination to fight forcedJohn to employ moreroutiers,whosedepredations,as if in an enemy’s country,did nothing to encourageNorman support. The Duchywas a strategic liability,dependent on outside help.This could only come fromEngland, John’s southernpossessions being poor and

disaffected. As for Richard’sally, Baldwin Count ofFlanders, he was away onCrusade, soon to perish in aBulgariandungeon.

Johnmighthaveheldout,despite his moral andfinancial handicaps, byresolutely exploiting thedefensive resources of thecountryuntilPhilipranoutofmoneyorluck.Henearlydidso in July 1202. Philip hadbeen keeping John’s nephew

Arthur safe at the Frenchcourt as a card to be playedwhen his claim to theAngevin dominions mightprove most embarassing tohis uncle.Now sixteen yearsold and freshly knighted,Arthur invaded Anjou with200 choice knights andbesieged his grandmother,Queen Eleanor, in the castleat Mirebeau or Mirabel, 16miles (25km) north ofPoitiers.JohnwasatLeMans

and reacted with Angevinvigour. The enemy had gotinsideMirebeau’stownwalls,and blocked all the gatesexcept one. Cheerfullyawaiting John’s arrival, theywere confident in their ownnumbers and courage. Johnmarched80miles(120km)intwo days, and broke into thetown with an all-outonslaught early on 1August,to catch the French eatingbreakfast.Allhisenemiesfell

into his hands, includingArthur and the Lusignans.The blow might have endedthe war at a stroke, except,commented the History, forthe evil destiny and pridewhich always brought himdown.

Much of the credit forMirebeauwasduetoWilliamdes Roches, Seneschal ofAnjou. Like William he hadbeen one of Henry II’s last-ditch loyalists. Instrumental

in the decision to march onMirebeau,helostthreehorseskilledbeneathhimfightingatthetowngate.Carelessofthisdebt of honour, John brokepromises not to take hisprisoners north of the Loire,carting twenty-two of themoff in chains to starve todeath at Corfe Castle inDorset. Even his closestfollowers were embarrassed.Inconsistent as always, hereleasedothers, including the

Lusignans, who promptlyrevolted. Such, commentedthe History, is their way.Arthur was held at Falaise,menaced with blinding andcastration, triple ringsof ironround his feet. Taken toRouen, he disappeared fromtherecordaboutEaster1203,probablystabbedbyhisuncleafter dinner, and dumped inthe Seine. Once more Johnhad converted success intodisaster. Supplanted as

seneschal, William desRochesjoinedtherebels,whonow included the outragedBretons. Norman tax yieldsfell away as John’s moralauthority disintegrated.Exploiting the universaloutrage, Philip Augustusswore he would neverabandonhisattemptstobringJohndown.

Military collapse soonfollowed. The medievalaversion to confrontation in

the open was reinforced inJohn’s case by fears oftreachery. The Historyrecalled his taking indirectroadsforfearofambush,andsleepingincastlesratherthanhostelries. He may not havebeenaltogetherwrong.CountRobertofAlençongaveJohndinnerandkissedhimon themouth, before transferringhomage to Philip the sameday. Gervase of CanterburythoughtJohnwasrenderedan

ineffectualcowardby traitorswhosurrenderedhiscastlestothe King of France. Philipexploited such people, butdespised them, tellingWilliam Marshal they weresoiled rags to be thrown intothelatrineafteruse.Themostshocking betrayal came fromEnglish turncoats. Philipadvanced down the Seine toVaudreuil, an outlyingbastion of the Normancapital, just 15miles (24km)

from Rouen. As soon asPhilip deployed his siegeengines, the castle’scommanders, Robert fitzWalter and Saer of Quincy,surrendered with all theirknights and militaryequipment, making noattempt at resistance. Ralphof Coggeshall suggests thatthey doubted John’swillingness to come to theiraid. Even so, theydisappointed contemporary

expectations. The populationmocked them in satiricalsongs, andPhilip threw theminjail.

Philip encircled the vitalcliff-top castle of ChâteauGaillard above Les Andelyson the Seine in September1203. Richard had built his‘saucycastle’attheimmensecost of £11,500 as thespringboard for his intendedreconquest of the Vexin.Bristling with defensive

features of royal devising,ChâteauGaillardwasreputedimpregnable.With Vaudreuilgone it was isolated, but thegarrison held on untilMarch1204, surrendering for wantof provisions. By then JohnhadleftNormandyforever:

… failing to lend anyassistance to thebesieged, because healwaysfearedtreacheryfrom his people, he

sailed away to Englandin December, the depthof winter, abandoningalltheNormansingreatdistressandfear.

(Coggeshall)

Philip besieged and tookFalaise, abjectly surrenderedby its routier commander,then swept through westernNormandy to take Caen,Domfront, and Barfleur, theAngevin embarkation point

for England. Philip arrivedoutside Rouen in May, thecitizens purchasing a fifty-day respite to seek theirduke’sassistance.Coggeshallsays that John refused,suspecting treachery. TheHistoryclaimsthatahostwassummoned belatedly toPortsmouth,commenting thatwhile the dog was doing itsbusinessbehind, thewolfgotaway. And so, lamentedCoggeshall, the illustrious

city of Rouen, hithertounconquered, surrendered.Merlin’s prophecy that thesword should be separatedfromthesceptrewasfulfilledafter 139 years. NormandyandEnglandwereoncemoredivided.

John’s continentalpossessionsallfellbyautumn1204, except the castles ofChinon and Loches, theseaport of La Rochelle, theChannel Islands, and far off

Aquitaine. The strategicrevolutionwasascompleteasthatof the1150s.Philipkepthis Norman conquests asroyal demesne, consolidatinghis financial lead over hisAngevin rival, who wasdriven to ever more radicalstepstofillhiswar-chest.TheChannel was now the frontline, a potential invasionroute. Where Henry II hadmenaced Paris from Gisors,French fleets now threatened

the English coast fromCherbourg andBoulogne.AtChristmas 1216 a Frenchprince would hold court inLondon.AsStephenfoundinthe 1140s, defeat inNormandy presaged civilstrifeinEngland.

ROADTORUNNYMEDE

John devoted a decade torecovering his overseaspatrimony. The protractedtimescale isexplainedpartlyby the difficulty of the task,partly by his enemies’diversionary tactics. He firsttriedjust twelvemonthsafterRouen fell, assembling thelargest fleet yet seen atPortsmouth, 1,500 shipswithinnumerable knights, toinvadeNormandyandPoitou.AssooftenwithJohn’splans

the enterprise foundered in amiasma of contradictoryadvice and mutualrecrimination. The lastAngevin stronghold atChinon fell a week after theexpedition broke up,following horrendousportents, including an ass-headed monster struck bylightning near Maidstone. Asmaller expedition to Poitouenjoyed some success, butJohn had missed his best

chance of counter-attackingwhile theNormanswere stillunreconciledtoFrenchrule.

John was distracted byproblemsnearerhomeforthenext sevenyears.His quarrelwith Pope Innocent III overthe election of a newArchbishop of Canterburybegan in 1207. The disputeescalated into a formalInterdict which suspendedecclesiastical servicesthroughout England and

Wales until John recognisedthe papal candidate StephenLangton. A brilliant scholarwho organised theBible intoits current chapters, Langtonwas tainted by Frenchconnections unacceptable intheking’s leadingadviser. IntheshortruntheInterdictwasadvantageous to John, whoconfiscated £50,000 ofChurch revenues. In thelongertermitunderminedhislegitimacy, and invited

foreignintervention.John’s presence on

English soil created otherstrains, sharpened by hispredatory financial policies.Previously the English couldbenefit fromHenry II’s legalreforms,while blaming royalofficials for any miscarriageof injustice. John’s personalrole in government after1204, which so excites theadmiration of administrativehistorians, made the king

himself the focus ofresentment. This wasespecially so among themagnates, whose cases theking reserved for himself.These often entailed cashpaymentsfortheking’sgoodwill, which exceeded thelitigant’s ability to pay. It isnot surprising that MagnaCartahasbeendescribedasarebellion of the king’sdebtors, or that one of itsmost enduring clauses

prohibitedthesaleofjustice.Besides inflating the

profitsofjustice,Johnsoughtnew or increased sources ofrevenue. Traditional feudalincidents, such as fines onmarriage, trebled in scale.HenryIIhadleviedscutage,apayment in lieu of personalmilitary service, seven timesin thirty-two years. John didso eleven times in sixteenyears, while almost treblingthe rate to 3 marks in 1214.

He invented taxes onmoveablegoodsandcustomsdues, and stockpiled hugequantitiesofcoininbarrelsatroyal castles ready for thegreatcounter-offensive.Somethirty million silver pennieswere withdrawn fromcirculation, half the nationalstock, depressing prices andchokingeconomicactivity.

Baronial indebtednessconsolidated political andfinancial grievances, as John

exploited baronial debts toenforce political discipline,even upon his closestassociates. One of John’sleading supporters during theaccession crisis, William ofBraosehadcapturedArthuratMirebeau. In the winter of1207–08, however, he lostroyal favour. The Historyprofessed not to know why;the issue remained sensitive.The official reasonwas non-repayment of debts incurred

for new Irish estates. John’sextreme actions suggest adarker cause. When hedemanded hostages to ensurehismagnates’ loyalty againstthe Pope, William’s wifeMatilda defied John and herhusband, refusing tosurrender her children tosomeone who had murderedhis own nephew. Clearly theBraose household knew toomuch about Arthur’s death,the fullest account of which

comes from Margam Abbeyin South Wales, a religiousestablishment to which theyhad suspiciously close ties.The family fled to Ireland,after an ineffectual rebellion,pursued by John and a largearmy. William escaped toFrancedisguisedasabeggar,butMatildaandhereldestsonwere shipwrecked inGalloway, handed back toJohn by their rescuers, andstarvedtodeathinadungeon

atWindsorCastle.Themoralfor potential victims of theking’smalicewasclear.

Pending hostilities withPhilip Augustus, Johnlaunched expeditions againstScotland in 1209, Ireland in1210,andGwynedd in1211.The apparent success ofJohn’sactivitiesonEngland’sCeltic flanks is sometimescontrasted with his failureelsewhere, but his insatiabledemands for tribute and

hostages poisoned relations,and created commongrievances with Englishdissidents. Strands ofoppositioncoalescedin1212.Llewelyn ap Iorwerth ofGwynedd had surrenderedhostages and paid tribute ofhawks, dogs, steeds, andcattle two years before.Nowherevolted,withotherWelshleaders, exterminating castlegarrisons and causing greatslaughter of the English in

Powys. Possible motivesinclude John’s provocativenew castle at Aberconwy,papal attempts to destabiliseJohn’s throne, andLlewelyn’s treasonablerelations with PhilipAugustus. John abandonedplans to attack the latter,turningontheWelshinstead.He hired 8,330 pioneers toclear the road, twice thenumberhisgrandsonEdwardI would use. Suddenly the

king cancelled the wholeexercise,hangedhishostages,andbarricadedhimself insideNottingham Castle,surrounded by foreigncrossbowmen. John’s ownmagnates were plotting,either to kill himoutright, orto deliver him to theWelsh.AmongthoseimplicatedwereRobert fitz Walter, lately ofVaudreuil, and Eustace ofVesci whose wife John wasrumouredtohaveseduced.

Pressuremountedthenextyear,asapapallegateincitedPhilip to invade England. Apopular preacher, Peter ofPontefract, prophesied thatJohnwouldnotbekingafterAscension Day, withoutspecifying which one. WhilePhilip gathered ships atBoulogne and threatened toexterminatetheEnglish,Johnmassedforcesalongthecoastfrom Ipswich to Portsmouth.BytheendofMay,thecrisis

had passed. The papal legatedouble-crossed Philip, andcut a deal with John to endtheInterdict.Johnwentastepfurther.HedidhomagetothePope, making England afeudal dependency of theHoly See. A fortnight later,on30May,Englishshipsfellupon Philip’s fleet in theRiver Zwyn at Dam nearBrugge, capturing 300–400vessels and destroying moreon the beach. Not since

Adam’s day, judged theHistory, had such a fleetcometogrief.Philipwatchedit blaze, as if the seawas onfire. The year’s other bigloserwasPeterofPontefract,hanged at Wareham inNovember.

John was now ready tocounter-attack. His treasurywas stuffed with 200,000marks and domesticopposition silenced by hissubmission to the Pope. A

Flemish-GermanarmyledbyJohn’s nephew Otto ofBrunswick, the Germanemperor, hovered onPhilip’snorthern border. John sailedfor La Rochelle on 9February 1214, accompaniedbyfewearlsbutmanyknightsof inferior fortune. The planwas to divide French forcesor retake Normandy whiletheyfoughtOtto.Theschemewas over-complicated andfatallydependentonPoitevin

support. In any case, PhilipAugustus could now affordtwo armies, fielding over2,000 knights between them.Johnmanoeuvred skilfully todraw away the southernFrencharmy,buthisPoitevinallies refused to engageinferior numbers at LaRoche-au-Moine eight miles(12km) down the Loire fromAngersatSavennières.RogerofWendover avers that bothsides ran away. While John

retreated to La Rochelle, themain French army underPhilip crushed Otto atBouvines, between Lille andTournai. One of the greatbattles of the century,Bouvines left Francepredominant in WesternEurope. It sealed the loss ofNormandy, and fixed John’scourse for the rest of hisreign.

*ARomangeneralwhodiedin

86BC,havingbeenexiledthenrestoredtotheconsulate.

W

II

FINESTKNIGHT

illiam Marshalhad moreexperience of the

ups and downs of Angevinpolitics than most. He had

known five English kings by1214.As he spent his life inroyal company, it is fittingthat his deeds, like theirs,should be recorded forposterity,araredistinctioninanageunmindfuloflaymen.

The History’s 19,214lines of rhyming coupletswere lost for six centuries,until the single known copy,written on twenty-sevenparchmentsheets,surfacedatSotheby’s in 1861. First

published in the originalMiddle French in the 1890s,the poem took anothercentury to appear inEnglish.A pioneering example ofFrench literature, it wasprobablywrittenatChepstowin South Wales. Its authoracknowledges two sponsors:WilliamMarshaltheYoungerandJohnofEarley.William’ssuccessor had filial andpersonal reasons to refurbishhis father’s memory, which

was under assault in HenryIII’s faction-ridden court.While the heir bore thefinancial costs, the moralimpetus behind the workcame from the oldMarshal’sdevoted squire, John ofEarley. John also providedmuch of the raw material,blending eyewitnesstestimonyfrom1187onwardswith recollections ofWilliam’sreminiscences.

Episodic and

chronologically confused atfirst, the History assumesincreasing authority from thelate 1180s when John ofEarley entered theMarshal’sservice. Isolated anecdotesmake way for coherentpolitical and militarynarrative, sometimesconfirming existing sources,sometimes providing newinsights. This extendedportrait of thewhole life andcareer of a layman was

unusual for the thirteenthcentury. It paints a colourfuland realistic picture of theperiod, from the perspectiveof the dominant knightlyclass, packed with insightsinto medieval warfare,undistorted by the chivalricstereotypesoflaterauthors.Itdeservestobebetterknown.

The author of thisremarkable work, anotherJohn, was no monkishchronicler. A layman, he

wrote in the aristocracy’sown language, preferringearthy proverbs to clericalhomily. Modern historiansdisagree over his age, someaccepting his claims to havewitnessed events in the1180s. His frequentprotestations of truthfulnessmay be a rhetorical device:Geoffrey of Villehardouin,MarshalofChampagne,madesimilar claims for his self-justifying account of the

Fourth Crusade of 1205.John’s attempts to reconcilecontradictory accounts of thebattle of Lincoln, however,suggest an underlyinghonesty.His inaccuracies arepredictableandforgivable:anunderstandable discretionwhen writing of sensitivematters, and narrativedistortions that reflectWilliam’s flickering memoryofdayslongpast.

HOSTAGETOFORTUNE

Like most medieval people,Williamhad little ideaofhisage. Outside royal circles,births were rarely recorded.The end of life, with itspassagetoabetterworld,wasmore important. Williamclaimed that he was overeighty in 1216, placing his

birth in the 1130s. TheMarshalfamily’sdocumentedrole in the disturbances ofStephen’s reign suggests thatWilliam exaggerated hislongevityforpoliticaleffect.

THEMARSHALFAMILY

William’s grandfatherGilbert Gifford was Marshalat the court of Henry I. Amid-ranking officialresponsible for maintainingorder and supervising the

stables, he bequeathed hisfunction to William’s father,John fitzGilbert,whoservedStephen in that role until atleast 1136. Soon afterwardsthe title transferred from theofficetotheman,forin1141we find him referred to asJohannes agnomineMarescallus, Marshal byname. By then John was nolonger in Stephen’s service,andtheMarshalfamilyneverperformed the everyday

physical duties of that officeagain.Johnmayhavebrokenwith the king followingStephen’s capture atLincoln,orbefore.Asearlyas1137hefortified Ludgershall andMarlborough, a royal castledominatingtheKennetValleyin Wiltshire. Stephen wasbesiegingMarlboroughwhenthe opening convulsions oftheAngevin revolt drew himaway.

John’s ambiguous

loyalties bear outWilliam ofMalmesbury’s description ofhim as ‘a man of surprisingsubtlety’. Gesta Stephani,anotherWestCountrysource,saw him as ‘artful and readyfor great acts of treachery’.TheHistorypresentedhimasvaliant and faithful, neitherearl nor baron, butastonishingeveryonewiththelargesse that attracted amesnie or warband of 300knights. Gesta Stephani

revealstheeconomicbasisofthat generosity, associatingJohn with freebooters likeGeoffreyofMandeville,whowas denied Christian burialandhungfromatreeinaleadshroud:

John … whocommandedMarlborough Castle,ceaselessly disturbedthe peace of thekingdom; built castleswith amazing skill in

places agreeable tohimself, brought underhis own control thelands of the Church,having chased out thetenants…Andwhenhewas struck with thesword of the Church’spower [i.e.excommunicated], hewas not cowed, butmore and moreobdurate.

The demise of Robert fitz

Hubert illustrates JohnMarshal’s methods. Arenegade Angevin with apenchant for smearing hisvictims’ bodies with honeyand exposing them towasps,Robert seizedDevizesCastleby a night assault using ropeladders. Seeking to infiltrateMarlborough Castle undercover of peace negotiations,he was himself betrayed.John’s men slammed thegatesbehindhim,andchased

his confederates back toDevizes.Robertwasfettered,starved, tortured, and finallyreturned to Robert ofGloucester, who hanged himoutside Devizes to thechroniclers’applause.

John Marshal had joinedtheAngevincampbyAugust1141, appearing second in alistofMatilda’ssupportersatthe siege ofWinchester. Thesiege’s end and the panic-stricken dispersio

Wintoniensis, or Rout ofWinchester, form one of themostdramaticepisodesofhiscareer. Superior numbers ofroyalists hemmed in theAngevins, themselvesbesieging the bishop’s castleat Wolvesey. Short of food,the Angevins broke outwestwards. Johnwas trappedat Wherwell Abbey, wheretheAndover roadcrosses theRiver Test. His men weredragged off in chains, while

armed bands rampagedthrough the sacred precincts,and nuns fled screamingthrough the flames. Johnstoodfast inthetower,whilemolten lead dripped off theburning roof, threatening hislast companion with instantdeathifhetriedtosurrender.Scorched and blinded in oneeye, John finally escaped,walkingthe11mileshome.

TheHistory presents thisdramatic episode as a

rearguard action, in whichJohn Marshal coveredMatilda’s escape. It alsoclaims that he advised her tosit astride her horse, insteadof sideways as ladies usuallydid, in order to outpace herroyalist pursuers. Two of thethree contemporary sources,however, put the stormingofWherwell Abbey beforeMatilda’swithdrawal.SeveralhundredAngevinknightshadfortified the convent, to

protect their communicationswestwards, whenoverwhelming numbers ofroyalists stormed it, early on14 September. This cutWinchester off from thenorthwest, and precipitatedthe Angevin retreat later thesame day. The chroniclerJohn of Worcester issometimes quoted in supportof the History’s account.However, he specifiedStolibricge or Stockbridge,

thenextcrossingdownstreamfromWherwell, as the placewhere theAngevin rearguardunder Robert of Gloucester,not John Marshal, came togrief. Local tradition placesthe fighting just east ofStockbridge at Le Strete, apaved ford of Roman origin.Today, this is a roundabout,where the Winchester roadcrosses theAndover–Romseyroad.

Covered by Robert’s last

stand,Matildaescaped,ridingastride like a man, escortedby her lifelong friend Brianfitz Count. Once pastStockbridge, she could headnorth over the downs forLudgershall,givingWherwella wide berth. In this crisisMatildaseemsmore likely tohave entrusted her safety tofaithfulsupporterslikeRobertand Brian than to theweathercock Marshal. Nocontemporary account says

who advised Matilda onequitation.JohnMarshaldoesseem an appropriatecommander at Wherwell, onhis own route home. John ofWorcester mentioned anunspecified John there,whileWilliam is unlikely to haveinvented his father’sdisfigurement. The Historyappears tohaveconflated themost dramatic elements of astory that was a very distantmemorybythe1220s,giving

John Marshal the lead role.What actually happenedmattered less than whatWilliam and hiscontemporaries believed.SuchancestraldevotiontotheAngevin cause constituted acompelling claim upon thedynasty’sgratitude.

William’s birth occurredsome years after the Rout ofWinchester. Wiltshire hadbecome the civil war’s frontline, as JohnMarshal fought

Stephen’s sheriff for localsupremacy. Stephen’s defeatat Wilton in 1143, however,portended a strategic shift.The sheriff changed sides,becoming the Angevin Earlof Salisbury. The MiddleAges were a very physicalage,sopeacewasmadefleshbyJohnMarshalmarryingthenew earl’s sister, Sybil. Johnwasalreadymarriedwithtwosons, but the Church’sgenerous definition of

consanguinitymadeiteasytodispose of a wife who hadserved her political turn.Allowing for suchmanoeuvres and the birth ofanelderbrother,Williamwasprobably born atMarlborough in 1147. HisChristian namewas themostpopularof theday.Over100Williamsattended theYoungKing’s court at Christmas1171. It was also acompliment to his mother’s

kin, being her uncle’s name.William was attached frombirth to a lineage morepowerfulthanhisown.

Youngersonswereminorpieces on the feudalchessboard. Like pawns theymight be risked to protectmore important pieces. Theearliest lines of the Historyderived from William’smemories rather thanhearsayconcern such an occasion.Pushing eastwards down the

Kennet, John Marshal builtoneofhisunofficialcastlesatNewbury. It cut the roadbetween royalist castles atWinchester and Oxford, andthreatenedStephen’sstrategicheartland in the ThamesValley. Our onlycontemporary informant isHenry of Huntingdon. Hesays that Stephen besiegedNewburyin1152,tookit,andmoved on to Wallingford.The History’s fuller account

sheds lighton theconductofsieges, the character ofStephen, and the precariousexistenceofyoungersons.

Sieges followed a setpattern: summons, defiance,andritualshowof resistance,followedbyapausewhilethegarrisonappealedtotheirlordforhelp.JohnMarshalplayedfortime,claiminghealsohadto consult his superiors.Knowing his man, Stephendemandedahostageandwas

given the five-year-oldWilliam. John promptlybroke the truce byprovisioning the castle.William,astheHistoryputit,was en aventure. WhenStephen threatened the childwith hanging, John feignedindifference, saying he stillhad the anvils and hammerstomakemoreandbettersons.

Taking hostages was acommon medieval way ofreinforcing contracts.

Stephen’s exchange forRobertofGloucesteraftertheRout of Winchester wasguaranteed by an elaboraterotation of high-statushostages. Matters did notalways end so happily,however. King John hangedtwenty-eight Welsh hostagesin 1212, including a seven-year-old. The chivalric KingWilliamtheLionofScotlandcastrated the son of EarlHarald of Maddadson when

the latter invaded Caithness.Fortunately for William,Wiltshire was not Wales orScotland, and Stephen, asJohn Marshal may havecalculated, was not KingJohn.

A deadly charadefollowed,featuringagallows,a stone-thrower, and a siegegallerytowhichWilliamwasattached as a human shield.Each time, William’s naïvechattersavedhimfrombeing

catapulted into the castle, orcrushed by a millstonedroppedoff thewall.Finally,he became a household pet,playing around Stephen’sflower-strewn tent. Heclaimed to have beaten thekingat jackstraws, a joustinggame played with the spear-like heads of the plantain,plantago lanceolata, asuitable exploit for a futuretournament champion.Newburyalsomarks the first

appearance of the backbitingflatterers that the Historystyled losengiers, whosejealousy plagued William’scareer. The poet knew betterthan to accuse Stephen ofthreatening his subject’s life.It was the king’s courtierswho loadedWilliam into thestone-thrower, and the kingwhorescuedhim.

The image of a hard-pressed king playingjackstraws is a reminder of

how medieval householdsswarmed with young people,from wellborn squires tounwashed turn-spits.Williamwould soon join the throng.Only eldest sons expected asignificant inheritance.Youngersonsofgoodfamilyleft home to pursue one oftwo permissible métiers, oroccupations: chivalry or theChurch. Late in the 1150s,Williamrodeoffwithasinglecompanion to become a

knight, his belongings rolledup in his cloak. In thoseunaffected times even thesons of a king might havedonethesame.

William’sdestinationwasthe Seine Valley, where hisdistant cousin and namesakewas hereditary Chamberlainof Normandy, and a well-knownmakerofknights.Hiscastle’s overgrown remainsstillstandat thenorthernendof the great Tancarville

bridge, 10miles (16km) eastof Le Havre, including atwelfth-century square towerthatWilliammightrecognise.ItwasusualforgreatEnglishfamilies, remarked GervaseofTilbury, to send their sonsto France, ‘to be trained inarms, and have the barbarityof their native tongueremoved’. William wouldhavespokenEnglishathome.He would speak French infuture, like a gentleman.

Someknightlyskillsareself-evident: handling the shield,swordplay, gripping thelance, and sitting straight inthe saddle. Brutal mockcombats instilled thetoughness that carried JohnMarshal home fromWherwell.HenryII’ssonsalllearnt to be thrown to theground, to see their bloodflowing, and feel their teethcrackingunderanopponent’sblow. A twelfth-century

educational theorist thoughtaspirant knights should learnriding, swimming, shootingthebow,boxing,birdbaiting,and versifying. He omittedserving at table, an essentialskill for maintaining thebonds of conviviality thatbound feudal societytogether. Even a king’s sonmight carve his lord’s meat,astheYoungKingdidduringPhilip Augustus’s coronationfeast.

TheHistory glosses overWilliam’stimeatTancarville.PerhapshewashomesicklikeOrdericus Vitalis, the earlytwelfth-century chroniclersent away from his Englishprovincial home at much thesame age as William. Therewere those who resentedWilliam’s presence,losengiers who complainedthat he ate, drank, and slepttoo much. They called himgaste-viande, greedy-guts,

butthechamberlaindefendedhis young cousin with theobscure prediction that hewouldyetpullthebeanoutofthe stew, rather like LittleJackHornerpullingtheplumoutofhisChristmaspie.OnethingWilliamdidnotdowaslearn to read. When hereceived letters he employedaclerktoreadthemproperly.Perhaps John Marshal, thehard man of Wiltshirepolitics,sharedtheproverbial

viewthatanyoneatschooltilltwelvebeforelearningtoridea horse was only fit forpriesthood.

William’s tournamentsuccesses suggest that heprofitedby thechamberlain’sinstruction.Hisphysiquewaswelladaptedtohismétier.Aneyewitness, probably John ofEarley, thought that ‘theremightbenobettermadebodyin the whole world’. This isconventional praise, along

with the height and broadhips essential for anycavalryman.Weareonfirmerground with William’sunfashionable browncolouring and well-attestedstrength. During onetournament, he dashed outfromlunch,hismouthfulloffresh herring, to carry off aninjuredknight in fullarmour,to pay the bill. After eightyears at Tancarville, agednearly twenty, William was

readyforknighthood.

KNIGHTERRANT

Knighthoodwasahighpointin the existence of everyyoung man of good family,markingthestartofadultlife.The History tells us that inWilliam’s case thechamberlainsimplybeltedon

his sword, although itbecomes apparent thatWilliam received all thestandard knightlyaccoutrements: warhorse ordestrier, cloak, and hauberk.The whole outfit cost theapproximateannualoutputofa village. The ceremonydescended from Germanictraditions of equipping everyfreebornyouthwith thearmsof manhood. In the twelfthcentury’s more stratified

society, itbestowedaccesstothe new class of mountedwarriors. Known aschevaliers in French, theyhave left us the wordchivalry. This was both anactivity and a set of values.At one level it was thepractice of mounted warfare.The Angevin knights atWinchesterrodeoutdailyporfaire chevalerie – to dochivalry.

Chivalry was also the

ethical framework governingthat activity. It evolved fromthe need of knightlyhouseholds to reduce thephysical risks of continualwarfare, and mitigate thesocial consequences ofindividual acts of violence.Thesuccessofsucheffortstomoderate conflict waslimited, given the nature ofmedieval society. Unarmedknights remained fair game.Attacksfrombehindwerenot

unknown. Commoncombatants, sergeants androutiers, were outside thesystem. Uneven in itsapplication, chivalryrepresented the first secularstepstowardstoday’slawsofwar. Itsmoralbasis, a fusionof Christian and martialvalues, was represented bythree essential qualities:prowess or skill at arms,loyalty to one’s lord, andlargesse or generosity to

equals and inferiors. TheHistory presents William astheir living embodiment. Itplaces less emphasis on afourthelement, theserviceofone’s lady, but bothWilliamand his father gained muchthrough the service ofwomen, and profited greatlybytheirmarriages.

The occasion ofWilliam’s knighting iscontroversial. The locationwasDrincourt,amarkettown

in northern Normandy. Nowcalled Neufchâtel-en-Bray,Drincourt occupies a centralpoint on the River Béthunewhich flows north-west toDieppe.KingJohnattackeditin 1201, as did the YoungKing in 1173. Alexander ofParma besieged it in 1592during the French Wars ofReligion. The Luftwaffedestroyed it in 1940 withincendiary bombs. TheHistorydescribesacruelwar

also, castles garrisoned fromMortagne in the west toArquesnearDieppe.

TheHistory’s first editor,Paul Meyer, identified theconflict in which Williamwas engaged at the time ofhisknightingwiththeYoungKing’sRevoltof1173,whenDrincourt was indeedbesieged. This wrecks thepoem’s chronology, andjumbles up the sides. TheHistory’s account of a fluid

mounted action is impossibleto reconcile with a staticsiege. A more satisfactorydateis1166,whentheCountsof Flanders, Boulogne, andPonthieu revolted againstHenry II, as the text reports.This also fits the History’ssequence of events, whichplaces Drincourt beforeWilliam’s first tournamentlater that year, and puts himsafely on the Angevin side.The date’s uncertainty is a

reminder of William’sobscurity. Nobodyremembered theundistinguished ceremony,rushed throughon the eveofbattle, perhaps for a wholetroop of Tancarvillegraduates.

Neither Drincourt norLincolnfitthestereotypeofamedieval pitched battlefought in the open, as bothoccurred in built-up areas.MedievalDrincourtwasbuilt

east of the River Béthune.Since diverted westwards toprevent flooding, the twelfth-century Béthune then flowedalong the foot of the steepincline up which runs themain street, the Grande RueSaint-Jacques, past thechurch. Henry I’s castle,which gave Drincourt itsmodern name, lay at the farnorthern corner of themedieval town. Longdemolished, theprobable site

of William’s knighting ismarkedonlybyaringoftreesandadeepditchonthenorthside. A suburb known as StVincentlaynorth-westofthemain town on the Eu road,now the D1314, beyond aditchcrossedbytheHistory’s‘master bridge’. The fightingseemstohaverevolvedaboutthe latter, the counts’ raidingparty having broken into thesuburb, the defendingNormanstryingtoexpelit.

Theforcesquoteddisplaythe usual medievalcontradiction between smallprecise numbers, like thechamberlain’s twenty-eightknights,andthe2,000thattheHistory attributes to theenemy. Eighty knights dinedat the chamberlain’s expenseafter the battle, a reasonablefigureifsupplementedbytwoor three sergeants each.Despite Drincourt lying 16miles (25km) from the

border, the Normans weresurprised, and rushed aboutshouting, ‘Toarms, toarms’,hastily pulling on theirarmour. The Constable ofNormandy, who should havetaken command, rode offvilainement–likeacowardlypeasant – leaving thechamberlaintosavethetown.

Neufchâtel’s repeateddestruction complicatesattempts to reconstruct thebattle. Sidney Painter,

William’s Americanbiographer, places thechamberlainsouth-westoftheBéthune,outsidethetown,anoddplacetodefenditagainstanattack from thenorth,onethat would have required thedefenders to charge up thesteep main street. It seemsmore likely that thechamberlain’s party formedupwithinthecastle,androdeout along the Rue du VieuxChâteau to turn right across

the master bridge. As theywent, the chamberlainrebukedWilliam for pushingintothefrontrankamongthemoreexperiencedknights.

The enemy were alreadyinside the town. Seizingshields and gripping lances,the opposing squadrons puttheir horses to a gallop, andcrashed together, shatteringlances and smashing shieldsinto fragments.Suchwas thenoise of sword blows on

helmets, a thunderclapmightnot have been heard. Thedefenders gained theadvantage, and chased theraidersacrossthebackbridgethat carried the Eu roadacrosstheouterditchintothecountryside. Here freshtroops in good orderreinforced the attackers,driving the tired anddisorganised Normans backto the master bridge. Fourtimesthebattleswayedtoand

fro, before the townspeoplejoinedinwithaxesandclubstoclearthestreet.

TheHistory makes muchof William’s prowess,describing him laying outswathesof theenemy,givingand receiving great blows,and rallying the shakenNormans, cheered on by anadmiring chorus oftownspeople.Neartheendofthe battle, thirteen Flemishsergeants setuponhimwhile

he was drawing breath in asheep-fold, snagging himwith an iron hook kept forpullingdownburninghouses.William broke away byclingingtohishorse’speitralor breast strap, but theyripped off thirteen links ofmail, and left an enduringscar on his shoulder. Moreseriously, his preciousdestrierwaskilled.Everyone,even the French, agreed thatthe honours of the day were

William’s, but he had failedin the knight’s duty to profitfrom his prowess. Teased byan older knight whilecelebrating the town’sdelivery,hedidnotevenhavean old horse collar to showfortheday’sfighting.Unabletoreplacehisdestrier,hesoldhis cloak to buy a brokendown rouncey, a betteranimal for a robber than aknight.

Marooned at Tancarville,

William was rescued by atournament at Sainte-Jamme-sur-Sarthe, near Le Mans.Thechamberlainneededfortyknights, and he grudginglygaveWilliam a new destrier:an unmanageable brute, butswift as a hawk. Called‘Blancart’, its name lingeredinWilliam’smemoryforhalfacentury.Hehadlearnedhislesson from Drincourt, andcaptured three knights, theirransoms buying him all the

horses he wanted. Heattendedanothereventonhisown, winning the prize. StillinTancarvillecolours,amarkofquality,Williamembarkedon his first tour, from thelower Rhine, throughFlanders and Normandy,down to Anjou. He was notalwayssuccessful.Yearslaterherefusedtoreturnahorsetoaknightwhohadtreatedhimsimilarly when an unknown.ButWilliamwaslearningthe

business,notjustthephysicalarts of jousting, but thebargaining and horse tradingthat went with it. At length,rich enough to appear beforehisfamilyinstyle,hebidhismentor farewell, and sailedforEngland.

William appears not tohaveseenhisfamilysinceheleft home, and his trip wasundertaken for practicalreasons. His father and half-brothershaddied,leavingthe

Marshal patrimony to hiselder brother John. There isnosignthatWilliamexpectedanythingfromhim.InsteadhesoughtouthismaternalunclePatrick, Earl of Salisbury.This was a shrewd careermove. Representing a moreprestigious lineage, EarlPatrick had greater influenceatcourt,wheretheelderJohnMarshalhad lost favourafterspreading seditiousprophecies.Asister’ssonwas

a useful addition to anyhousehold,closelyrelatedbutwithout inconvenientpatrimonial claims. A knightof proven valour, Williamwasawelcome recruit to themesnieEarlPatrickwasabouttoleadoverseas.

Therewasalways troubleinPoitou–‘wolfskin’orpeildeloup,astheHistorycalledit–aslocallordsresistedthecentralising activities of theirAngevin overlords. While

Henry II hunted Poitevindissidents, Earl Patrickguarded Queen Eleanor atLusignan.ShortlyafterEaster1168, the queen wasambushed while out riding.She was hurried away tosafety, but Earl Patrick, stillunarmed, received a lancethrust from behind whilemounting his destrier. TheHistory presents this astypical Poitevin treachery. Iteven uses the expression

‘assassin’, from the MiddleEastern sect of that name,rather like invoking Al-Quaida today. Unarmedknights were fair game,however. Twenty years laterWilliam himself chargedRichardCoeurdeLioninhispourpoint or padded linenjacket, and claimed that hewould have been within hisrightstokillhim.

Enraged by his uncle’sunderhand killing, William

charged into the melee,bringing one Poitevin downbefore the others killed hishorse. Backed against ahedge,he stoodatbay likeawild boar, defying them tocome on, until somebodyclimbed through the hedgeandspearedhimfrombehind,thrusting up beneath thehauberk. William was luckyto escape death, the lancepassing through both thighs,projecting 3 feet (nearly 1m)

beyond. Blood gushed outwhen the weapon waswithdrawn, leaving a trail onthe ground. John, Lord ofJoinville, a veteran of StLouis’s Crusade in 1249,describesbloodpouringfroma similar wound, as if fromthe bung-hole of a barrel.Fearing Henry II’svengeance,William’scaptorsdragged him from oneobscure refuge to another,while he bandaged his

woundswithhis legging ties.Surprisingly,herecovered,toberansomedbythequeen.

This violent episode wasthe decisive moment ofWilliam’s career. Terriblyinjured in the queen’sdefence, in an echo of JohnMarshal’sstandatWherwell,William had forged a bondwith the house ofAnjou thatsurvivedfiftyyearsandmorethan one contretemps. Hisinstinctive gallantry earned

himthegratitudeofEurope’smostpowerfulwoman,whosename theHistory reminds usmeant ‘pure and gold’. Shegave William almosteverything a young knightmight want: horses, arms,money, fine clothes, andpromotion. Following theYoung King’s coronation,William was chosen as thefifteen-year-old prince’stutor-in-arms, responsible forhis security and military

education. This wasastonishing progress for atwenty-three-year-oldbachelier of obscure origin.Together the two travelledmuch and spent much,William acting as what theeighteenthcenturywouldcallthe Young King’s bear-leader. The Young King’scharters confirm William’spre-eminent position, listinghim first among the laywitnesses, preceding other

householdknights.The History maintains a

prudent silence overWilliam’s involvement in theYoungKing’sRevolt, exceptfor one episode. Pursued byHenry II’s forces, theYoungKing’s household decided toknight the princeimmediately. Naturally theYoungKingchosehistutortoperform the ceremony as thebest knight present.Unfortunately a reliable

eyewitness recordedHenryIIknighting his son before hiscoronation in 1170. As withWherwell Abbey and thejackstraws, the incident’sliteral truth matters less thanits affirmation of lifelongroyal favour. We mustassume that Williamparticipatedinboththesiegesof Drincourt and Rouen, hisname appearing ingovernment lists of rebels atthe close of hostilities.

Forgivenifnotchastened,theYoung King returned toEnglandforayearofhunting,never toWilliam’s taste, andtheinsipidvarietyofjoustingknown as plaids. Life beganagain in April 1176, as theYoung King and his tutorsailed from Portchester torejoin the internationaltournamentcircuit.

The twelfth-centurytournament craze was at itsheight. Competitive jousting

had developed in France inthe late eleventh century, asknightslearnedtogripalancetightly underarm, and chargefull tilt at an opponent toknock them clean out of thesaddle. It was at once apastime and a vocationalexercise. Known in Englandas conflicti Gallicani –French fights – tournamentswere also called nundinae orfairs from the swarms ofhangers-on. The Church

condemned them as adistraction from fighting theinfidel and an incitement tothe more pleasurable sins.Governments feared them asa threat to public order.Neither ecclesiastical noradministrative disapprovalaffected the sport’spopularity. Its sponsors weregreat feudatories like theCounts of Champagne orFlanders. Enriched by thetwelfth-century expansion of

tradeandindustry,theyfoundtournamentsaneffectivewayof asserting their power andprestige, as the parallelrecovery of royal powermenaced their politicalindependence. The YoungKing’s addiction to thepursuitwasacontinuationofrebellionbyothermeans.TheHistory describes sixteentournaments in whichWilliamtookpart:

WILLIAM’STOURNAMENTRECORDYear Location

(Department) Exploits

1166SteJamme/Valennes(Sarthe)

Takesthreeknights

1166 StBrice/Bouere(Mayenne)

Winsprize:aLombardhorse

Ressons/Gournai Copies

1176 (Oise)* Flemishtactics

1176 Unlocated(‘Normandie’)*

‘Sireetmestre’ofownlord

1176 Anet/Sorel(Eure-et-Loir)*

TeamtacticsdefeatFrench

1177 Pleurs(Marne) Winsprize

Takestenknights

1177 Eu(Seine-Maritime)*

andtwelvehorses

1178/79(exactdateunknown)

Joigny(Yonne)

1179 Maintenon/Nogent(Eure-et-Loir)*

1179 Anet/Sorel(Eure-et-Loir)

LeadsYoungKing’smesnie

1179 Épernon(Eure-et-Loir)

1179–80 Lagny-sur-Marne(Seine-et-Marne)*

Fliesownbanneret

1180 Épernon(Eure-et-Loir)

1182 Ressons/Gournai(Oise)*

Defendsestrangedlord

1183 Ressons/Gournai(Oise)

1183 StPierre-sur-

Dives(Calvados)

*TournamentsatwhichtheYoungKingwaspresent

Tournaments had a specificgeographical range, likerugby or bull-fighting. Thebaker’s dozen of locations inthe History occupy a roughquadrilateral from Eu on theChannel, south-east towardsTroyes, then west past LeMans, before turning north

towards the Channel nearCaen. Events avoided royalstrongholds, sponsorspreferring the debatablelocations chosen for realbattles.Thecentral clusteroftournament venues listedaboveall lay inEure-et-Loir,on the Angevin-Capetianborder. Participants camefromfurtherafield:‘AvalterretoMontjoux’saystheHistory– the Lower Rhine to the StBernard Pass.William’s first

victim was a Scotsman.Individual mesnies formedlocal teams, grouped intonational sides: Anglo-Norman, Flemish, or French,never Spanish or Italian. Attheheightoftheseason,theremight be a tournament everyotherweek.Sponsorsavoidedwet weather, bad for horsesand equipment, but respiteswere shorter than in realwars: Advent to Epiphany,Easter,Whit, and All Saints.

Twelfth-century tournamentswere not the regulatedindividual jousts of the laterMiddle Ages. More a free-for-all scrimmage, they wereconducted in the hope ofgain, a form of gambling, inwhich knights wagered theirbodiesandequipmentagainsttheir strength and skill atarms.

Therewerenolists in thesenseofafenced-offfightingarea.Fightingrangedacrossa

loosely defined area of opencountryside, taking in barns,old mottes, vineyards, andeven villages. There were afew conventions:commençailles beforehandwhen young knights showedoff; truces between bouts;recets or safe refugessurrounded by a palisade;release of prisoners andsettling up accounts at theend; a prize awarded by thesponsors. Otherwise,

tournaments resembled realbattles,withsharpswordsandrealistic tactics, but no lethalintent.Thatwouldhavebeencounter-productive. Horseswere not targeted for thesame reason. Tournamentswere not without fatalities,however.Theknightcreditedwith inventing them died inone. William’s third son,Gilbert, was killed when hisdestrier’s reins broke. Thebrave were to be found

amongst the horses’ hooves,forcowardswouldnothazardtheir lives in the press(History).

William survived hiseighteen-year tournamentcareer unscathed, thoughperhaps a little dazed. Itwasstandard practice to beat aknight around the head untilhe was sufficientlydisoriented to be draggedaway. William was foundafter the Pleurs tournament

with his head on an anvil,having his helmet knockedback into shape, so he couldtake it off. The Historydescribessixteentournamentsin which William took part,and impliesmany others.Hereckonedattheendofhislifethat he had taken over 500knights,withtheirhorsesandequipment. His top recordedscoreforoneeventwasatEu,wherehecapturedtenknightsand twelve horses, one of

themtwice.Capturescamesoeasily thathemadea jokeofthem. Before Joigny, heresponded to a minstrelsinging ‘Marshal give me agood horse’, a popular songof the day, by joining thecommençailles to get one.Occasionally the Historyclaims that William foughtfor honour, or gave hiswinnings to Crusaders.Usually he operated oncommercial lines.He formed

a partnership orcompagnonnagewithanotherof the Young King’shousehold, a Flemish knightcalled Roger of Gaugi orJouy, and took 103 knightsbetween Whitsun 1177 andthe following Lent. TheYoung King’s clerk of thekitchen, Wigain, kept a list,which John the trovèreconsultedhalfacenturylater.

Besides consolidating hisreputation, William was

responsible for managingTeam Angevin. The YoungKing was very much theunderdog when he landed atBarfleurinApril1176.HenryIIhadbannedtournamentsinEngland, which, as Williamde Tancarville had warnedWilliam, was a fine countryfor vavassours but not forknights errant. The YoungKing had a choice mesnie,anxious to do well, but littleluck. French knights laughed

when the English appeared,having already divided thespoils. Philip of Alsace,CountofFlandersanddoyenof the tournament scene,welcomedtheYoungKingingreat style, but showed himno favours on the field. Theinexperienced English lackeddiscipline, and quickly lostformation. They sufferedmanydefeats at the hands ofPhilip’sknights, losingmanyprisoners. William’s initial

role in these débâcleswas tosave theYoungKing, layingabout him with the greatsword blows that became histrademark. Over time heobservedPhilip’s tactics, andpersuadedtheYoungKingtoimitate them. FollowingWilliam’s directions theEnglish learned to sticktogether, keep a reserve, andcounter-attack, driving theirdisordered opponents beforethem, Flemish banners

trailing in the mud, riderlesshorses galloping about.Success was self-reinforcing,asthespoilsboughtmoreandbetterplayers,assistedbytheYoung King’s extravagance.By 1180 he was paying hisknights 20 shillings a day(Angevin), seven and a halftimesthewagesHenryIIpaidhis stipendiary knights. Nowonder the one was alwaysinsolvent, or that the otherresented his son’s

extravagance.William’shighestpointas

player-managerwas thegreattournament at Lagny-sur-Marne,heldsoonafterPhilipAugustus’s coronation inNovember 1179. The fieldwas covered in combatants,allegedly 3,000 of them, thehorses unable to charge forbroken lances. The YoungKing attendedwith over 200knights,theirnamesinscribedin the History. Other

magnates included nineteencounts and the Duke ofBurgundy. William flew hisown banner, commanding atroop of fifteen knights. Asusual, attackers mobbed theYoungKing,eagertoseizesoprestigious a prize. AgainWilliam rescued him, thoughHenry lost his helmet. TheHistory had styled WilliamSireetmestredesonseignor–lordandmasterofhislord–butLagnywastheendofthe

glory days. William’sascendancy had excited thelosengiers, Normanmembersof the royal household whoresentedtheEnglishparvenu.

William’s enemiesattacked him on two fronts,accusing him of divertingcelebrityandspoilsduetotheYoung King to himself.Darker rumours alleged thathe had seduced Henry’stwenty-five-year-old wifeQueenMargaret,thedaughter

ofLouisVII.Twelfth-centurydomestic arrangementsfavouredadultery,combiningtemptation and opportunity.Unmarried bacheliers viedfor the favour of their lord’swife as away of gaining hislove. Accommodation wasill-lit and insecure; couplesmarried for politics notaffection. Discovery,however, incurred dreadfulpenalties. Philip of Alsace,William’schivalricexemplar,

murdered his wife’s allegedseducer, hanging him upsidedowninasewer.Thereisnoevidence that William eversuccumbed to his passions.Indeed,hisamicablerelationswith Margaret’s half-brother,Philip Augustus, suggestotherwise.

Rumour was enough.Deprived of the YoungKing’s friendship, Williamleft court, returning late in1182 for a last outing as

manager and bodyguard atRessons/Gournai, just beforeAdvent stopped jousting forthe year. Like an Arthurianhero, William arrived at thelastminutefullyarmed,madegreatinroadsupontheenemy,then rode away withoutspeaking. The tournamentreflected the impasse inWilliam’s private life, andended in stalemate, the sidesseparating by commonaccord. William made one

attempt to clear his name,challenging his traducers totrial by combat atHenry II’sChristmas court 1182.William would make similarappeals at later crises in hiscareer. As on subsequentoccasions, nobody was foolenough to take him on, evenwhen he offered to cut off afinger.William’sbiographerssometimes treat hischallengesasajoke,buttheywere not. His father and

grandfatherhadeachjustifiedtheir claim to the Marshal’sofficebyofferingtofightforit.Duelsoftenproducedfataloutcomes,orworse.Accusedof treason after fleeing aWelsh ambush, Henry II’sstandard bearer Henry ofEssex was beaten in theensuing duel, left for dead,andcompelled to liveouthisdays as amonk on an islandintheThames.

Denied justice, William

withdrew, jostled and abusedby his enemies. For the firsttime in his career he hadnowhere to go.Cast adrift atmid-winter, his situationwasdesolate but not desperate.After retail therapy at theLagnyhorsefair,hemadeforthe first tournament of theNew Year atRessons/Gournai. Invited tolead the Count of St Pol’sthirty-strong mesnie, heobliged his new patron with

theloanofafinedestrier,andhad a splendid time. Thegreat patrons of the sportbesieged him withextravagant offers. None ofthem were kings, however,and he must have nursedhopes of rehabilitation.William made his successesknownatcourt,andwentonapilgrimage. Cologne hadrecentlyacquiredtherelicsoftheThreeKings,alsovictimsof royal disfavour, and the

Rhineland was near enoughto keep in touch. The tripwould bring spiritual merit,and provide a cooling-offperiod.

If that was William’scalculation, it paid off.Besieged in Limoges by hisfather in March 1183, theYoung King needed all hissupporters.EvenGeoffrey ofLusignan,oneofthePoitevinlords involved in the murderofWilliam’sunclePatrick in

1168,urgedWilliam’s recall,offering to fight anyonewhodisagreed. Reputation andfavour restored, Williamreached theprince’s side justin time to see him die.Oncemorehisfuturewasindoubt.He conveyed the remainsbacktoHenryII,buttheOldKing owed William nothing,seeinghimasanassociateofhis spendthrift son, andprotégé of his disaffectedwife. William rejoined the

tournament circuit, thoughnot for long. One of theYoung King’s final prankshadbeentotaketheCross,anobligation he bequeathed toWilliam. It provided anopportunity for a strategicwithdrawal to gain time, atechnique William wouldadoptinlatercrises.

A passage in arms to theHoly Land was the supremespiritual moment of everyknightly career, combining

hopes of salvation withglittering material prospects.More than one Westernadventurer had gained acrownoverseassinceGodfreyof Bouillon became King ofJerusalemin1099.Wecannottell what ambitions Williamentertained when he left forPalestine in the autumn of1183. Recent events mayhavefocussedhismindonthemore spiritual aspects of hisjourney. Pilgrims usually

placedmoreemphasison theexpiatory than the militaryaspects of their journey.Fighting was incidental toseeing theHolyPlaces.Saferthanafull-scaleCrusadewithits battles, plagues, andsieges,individualpilgrimagesremained hazardous. Piratesand water spouts, scorpions,crocodiles, and dysenterythreatenedeverytraveller.AnEnglish visitor to Jerusalemin 1102 remembered corpses

floating in Jaffa harbour andstrewing the road toJerusalem. William visitedhis married sisters beforeleaving, a rare enoughattention to suggest theseriousness of his adventure.He also initiated a détentewith Henry II, leaving twofinehorseswithhimagainsta£25advanceforexpenses.

We may assume thatWilliam travelled by sea inone of the regular pilgrim

fleets, probably viaMarseilles as Richard I didsevenyearslater.Asamanofconsequence, he could avoidthe horrors of sleeping withseveral hundred others a fewfeet above the bilges, ofwhich a fifteenth-centurypilgrimsang:

AmanwereasgoodastobededeAs smell thereof thestynk.

TheHistorysaysthatWilliamstayedawaytwoyears,doingmore fine deeds than othersdidinseven.Thisisunlikely.The Crusader states ofOutremer afforded littleopportunity for prowess inthe 1180s. The King ofJerusalem, Baldwin IV, wasdying of leprosy, andhopelessly at odds with hisPoitevin brother-in-law Guy,brother of Geoffrey ofLusignan, and still more

deeply implicated in EarlPatrick’smurder.Saladinwasstill consolidating hisdominance of the Muslimworld. In 1185 he accepted60,000 golden bezants,£6,000 sterling, for a truce.Williamprobably had leisuretoviewthesights:theTempleand Mount of Olives, theroom of the Last Supper,Calvary, and the Church ofthe Holy Sepulchre. Thesombre itinerary, following

the Young King’s untimelydeath, clearly turnedWilliam’s mind towards hisown mortality. He surprisedeveryone on his deathbed byproducing the silken pall hehad bought years earlier inPalestine. He also formed alifelong attachment to theTemplars, the knightlyreligious order that patrolledthe roads to Jerusalem.William’s unaccustomedsilence about his pilgrimage

not only obeyed theTemplarRule that forbadeboasting; itdeprived John the trovère ofhisbestsource.ThescenesofChrist’s Life and Passionwere too serious amatter forafter-dinnerreminiscences.

ROYALCOUNSELLOR

William’sreturntoEuropeinthe spring of 1186 opened amoresoberchapterinhislife:no more tournaments. Theking whose malveillance heonce feared now welcomedhim into his household.William would, with oneinterruption,bepartytoroyalcounselsforoverthirtyyears.Henry also provided themeansforWilliamtosupporthisnewposition:anestateatCartmel north ofMorecambe

Bay and custody of Heloiseof Lancaster, a royal wardwhose father had diedwithoutmale heirs.Marriageto her would give Williamsimilar baronial status to hisbrother.The ladywasunder-age,however,her inheritanceasingleknight’sfee.Williamtreated her honourably, assome might not have done,but he did not marry hereither.

William’s return from

Outremer before thecoronationofhisenemyGuyof Lusignan as King ofJerusalem, ensured that hemissed the battle of Hattin,where hundreds of hisTemplar acquaintancesperished. He himself didratherwelloutoftheopeningstages of the great Angevin-Capetian war that began inthesummerof1188.Williamwas in his element at Gisorsin August, stage-managing a

mock chivalric response toPhilip Augustus’s insincereproposal of a duel betweenchampionstosettleCapetian-Angevin differences. WhenPhilip Augustus withdrew inahuff,hismencutdown theelm tree that traditionallysheltered Franco-Normanconferences: there would beno more parleys. William’sadvice to Henry II was lesswhimsical. Henry shoulddisband his troops, then

secretlyreunitethematapre-set rendezvous. Crossing theborder unopposed, theyravaged the Seine Valley asfar as Mantes, destroying anorchard Philip Augustus hadplanted: fair exchange forHenry’selm.

A similar lightning raidfollowed against Montmirail,30 miles (45km) east of LeMans. William reverted toknighterrantry,chargingoverthe castle’s unwalled bridge

to attack another knightsurrounded by ten footsergeants. Only his horse’ssure-footedness savedWilliam fromfalling into the60-foot (18m) deep ditchbelow, when their spearsdrove him back. The actionmarks John of Earley’s firstappearance, aged fifteen orsixteen, handing William hisspear, and treating hisdestrier’swounds.Asthewarand Henry II’s health went

downhill, William’simportance increased. WhenRichard lefthis father to joinPhilipAugustus,Williamwasamong those sent to bringhim back. He failed, as didhisfirstdiplomaticmissiontotheFrenchcourtinthewinterof 1188–89. Over the nexttwenty-five years, Williamnever once shifted PhilipAugustus from his chosenpath. As other followers fellaway, Henry promised

William a far richer heiress,Isabel of Clare, Countess ofPembrokeandStriguil.

Henry’s defeat at LeMans on 12 June was thedecisive engagement of thewar. After the futilemeetingatFerté-Bernard,hisenemiesranged east and north of LeMans, mopping up Angevincastles. On the 10th, theywere 10 miles (15km) awayat Montfort, simulating alungetowardsTours.William

patrolled south down the LeMans–Tours road nextmorning. Meeting enemyscouts, he displayed a newtacticalmaturity,andavoidedcontact. Hidden by mist,Williamwentcloseenoughtomake sure he had found theFrench army, resistedpressure to return early orwaste horseflesh in needlessskirmishing,androdebacktoreport.

Le Mans lies at the

confluence of the RiversSarthe and Huisne, whichflow south and westrespectively, joining south-west of the city. They formsignificantobstacles,passableonlyatfordsandbridges.Thecity’s artificial defencesincluded recently clearedditches, walls, and a castle.Henry had Welsh infantryand 700mounted troops, butwas unwilling to fight. Hebroke down the Huisne

bridge, southof the city, andobstructed known fords withstakes.Atleasttwofords,theGués de Mauny andBernisson, existed in the1870s, either side of thebridge. Preparations weremade to fire the suburbsbetweenthecitywallsandtheriver. Apparently frustrated,the enemy stopped a bow-shotsouthoftheHuisne,andpitchedcamp.

Henry rode down to the

Pontlieue bridgehead nextmorning to observe theenemy. Not expecting abattle, he went unarmed,insisting that his householddidlikewise.Williamrefused,sayingthathisarmourwasnotrouble, and was left behindin some disfavour. Toeveryone’s surprise, Frenchknights were sounding anunknown ford with theirlances, preparatory tocrossing. Henry’s unarmed

escort launched a sacrificialcharge to cover his escape,soon fulfilling William’sprophecy that they wouldregretremovingtheirarmour.

Roger of Howdendescribes a panic-strickenretreatintothecity,whichtheattackers promptly followedup. The History, however,suggeststhatWilliamandhisfifty-strong mesnie disputedthesouthgateforsometime.There was no time for the

customary exchange ofinsults as fighting ranged upanddownthesuburbanstreetbetween moat and bridge,where railway tracks nowcrosstheN138.Williamtookfourprisoners,althoughthreeescaped, leaving John ofEarleywithjustthebridlesasevidence. Whether theattackers chased William’smenbackthroughthegateorfound another entry isunclear. Broken lance

fragments lamed his horse,while one of his men endedup in the ditch. Howden’sreference to attackerscrossingananonymous stonebridge have been applied tothe Pont Perrin, west of thecity, begging the question ofhow they crossed thecombined streams below LeMans to get there. Besides,such a turning movementwould have preventedHenry’s subsequent escape,

his castles to the north-easthaving already fallen intoenemyhands.

Still unarmed andviolently angry, Henryinsistedonfiringthesuburbs,too late to stop the enemyadvance. As flames spreadinto thecity,he flednorth toFresnay-sur-Sarthe. Howdensays the French pursued himfor3miles(4.5km),stoppingat a steep banked ford,perhaps at Maule. The

History attributes Henry’sescape to William, anotherechoofJohnMarshal’sstandat Wherwell. Stripped to hispourpoint for speed,Williamwas skirmishing with someother knights, when CountRichard appeared similarlyequipped. As William ranhim down, fresh lance inhand, Richard protested hewas unarmed: ‘Nay, let theDevil kill you’, replied theMarshal,‘forIwillnot!’,and

thrusthislanceintoRichard’shorse, allowing Henry andmany others to escape. NotsincetheRomansoldierslewChrist, declared the History,had a single lance blowachieved such a wholesaledeliverance.

Henry II limped away toChinon via Fresnay and Ste-Suzanne,whileWilliamwentnorth to rally fugitives, butthekinghadlostallhope.HerecalledWilliam to stand by

him at Ballan-Miré, andwitness his terrible end. Itwas the Marshal who ralliedthe demoralised household,organised a vigil, andsummoned Chinon’sseneschaltodistributealmstothe poor. Alas, there was nomoney. Henry’s death, likethat of his son, showed howFortune could ruin even sorich and honoured a king. Adead man, commented thetrovère,hasno friends.Once

more William’s last-ditchloyalty had placed his careerand perhaps his life injeopardy.

Richard I terrified hiscontemporaries. News of hisreturnfromGermanyin1194caused a rebel in far-awayCornwalltodieoffright.Hisaccession gave William amajor problem. He had lostHeloise, without gainingpossession of Isabel. Lessthan a month before he had

almost killed the new king.The History plays up thedrama:theanxietyoftheOldKing’s mesnie awaitingRichard at Fontevraudwherethey had taken Henry forburial; William’s quietconfidence; the Count’simpassive viewing of thecorpse. When Richard taxedWilliam with attempting tokillhim,thelattertookthisasa slur upon his prowess.Instead of apologising, he

insisted that he could easilyhave killed Richard, had hewanted. Plain speaking paidoff. Reminded about Isabel,the new king confirmed hispredecessor’s promises. Aman who bet everything onloyaltydeservedreward.

William’s haste to securehisprizewasinproportiontoher value. Deviating only topay his respects to QueenEleanor, his oldest royalpatron, he proceeded directly

todeliverthemaidofStriguilfrom the Tower of London.England’s second richestheiress, Isabel was daughterof Richard fitz Gilbert ofClare, lord of Nethergwent,titular Earl of Pembroke andStriguil, nicknamedStrongbow. Leader of theAnglo-Normanfreebooters inIreland, he married thedaughter of DermotMacMurrough,lastIrishKingof Leinster. Strongbow’s

early death left Isabel toinherithistitlesandlands,onboth sides of the Irish Sea.Granddaughter of kings, shewas a potent symbol ofWilliam’s success. Like hisfather, William marriedupwards. Confiding Isabel tohis Irish vassals’ safekeepingin 1207, he acknowledgedthatheownednothing,exceptthrough her. Her infrequentappearances in the Historyreveal her as a strong

character and counsellor intimesofcrisis.Together,theyhad ten children: ‘from agoodtreecomesgoodfruit’.

Thecouple’s twenty-five-yearagegapwascommoninthe Middle Ages. Womenwere the physicalembodiment of propertyrights, to be snapped up bytheoldermenwhodominatedfeudal society. Isabel’sinheritance spanned theAnglo-Norman world. Its

corewas thebaronialhonourofStriguilinSouthWales,itsname a contraction of theWelshYstradGwy,meaningthe Wye Valley. It includedChepstow Castle and sixty-five and a half knights’ fees.HerIrishlandsextendedoverfive and a half counties ofLeinsterinsouth-eastIreland.Centred on Kilkenny, theyrepresented another 100knights’ fees. In Normandy,Isabel possessed castles near

Lisieux and at Longueville,nearDieppe,countryWilliamknew well. Not all Isabel’sinheritance was at William’sdisposal. His Irish mother-inlaw occupied Striguil’schoicest manors, andRichard’s brother John hadencroached on Leinster.Nevertheless, William’s newwealth far surpassed hisCartmelestateandthemoneyfieftheCountofFlandershadgiven him in 1183. Duly

grateful, he dedicated anAugustinianprioryatCartmelto the memory of his firstlord, the Young King, usinghisownlandstodoso.

Richard I’s coronation inSeptember 1189demonstrated William’sfavoured position, theMarshal appearing thirdamong the laity, carrying thesceptre. His survivingbrothers also profited fromhissuccess:John,whocarried

the royal spurs as hereditaryMarshal, became Sheriff ofYorkshire; Henry becameDean of York, rising toBishop of Exeter in 1193.William himself was amongthe magnates appointed asjusticiars to monitorWilliamLongchamps, Richard’schancellor, entrusted withgoverningEnglandduringtheking’s absence on Crusade.Sidney Painter doubtedWilliam’s qualifications for

this quasi-judicial role, butknights were adept in feudalcustom and frequently actedas judges. The justiciarshipwasanotherstepinWilliam’srise from adventurer to elderstatesman, an ascent thatmight have ended abruptlyhad he followed Richard toPalestine.ManyofWilliam’searly associates perishedthere, including William ofTancarville and Philip ofAlsace. James of Avesnes,

William’s travellingcompaniontoCologne,metahero’sdeathatArsuf.

William’s marriage madehim a great figure in theMarches, but Welsh affairsfeaturelittleintheHistory.Itsays nothing of Rhys apGruffydd’srevoltafterHenryII’s death, which must haveaffectedWilliam’s vassals inSouth Wales. Welsh annalsdescribe castles taken bytreacheryandevenabattleat

Llanwhaden inPembrokeshire. William’spart in the relief of Swanseain1192,followingaten-weeksiege, is only revealed byadministrative evidence.Perhaps frontier warfareagainstabarbaricenemywhotook heads not prisonerslacked the cachet of moresporting conflicts. PerhapsWilliamwasdistractedbythethree-cornered strugglebetween the justiciars,Prince

John, and WilliamLongchamps.

Gerald of Walesdescribed the chancellor as amany-headed monster.Bishop of Ely and papallegate, Longchampsmonopolised secular andecclesiasticalpower.SonofaNorman official, he loathedthe Marshals as Englishmen,competitors, and supportersofHenryII.Heexploitedthemassacre of York’s Jews in

1190 to confiscate JohnMarshal’s shrievalty,besieged William’s shrievalcastle at Gloucester, anddenounced the latter’sdisloyalty to Richard inPalestine. The Marshal wonthe round, however,collaborating with Walter ofCoutances, Archbishop ofRouen, to overthrow thechancellor in October 1192.Forced to flee Englanddressed as a woman,

Longchamps named Williamfourth amongst thesubsequentexcommunications.

William’s relationshipwith Prince John was moreambiguous. The Historytreats John with unfalteringhostility. William, however,adopted a more pragmaticattitude. Longchampsnotoriously accused him of‘planting vines’, hedging hisbets against John’s

succession. Nevertheless,William backed the otherjusticiarswhen John revoltedin 1193. Perhaps it helpedthat Queen Eleanor was ontheir side. William led 500mercenarysergeantsfromtheMarches to besiege John’smen in Windsor, leaving asmany more to hold Bristoland Gloucester. Invited toswear an oath, in themedieval fashion, to see thesiegethrough,hesuggesteda

moreflexibleapproach.Someof the justiciars’ men shouldbesiege Windsor, whileotherspursuedJohn’sraidingparties to prevent theirpillaging the countryside,undermining the besiegers’economic base. William’sactions show a well-developed appreciation ofwarfare’s financialfoundations.Themeasuresheadopted to pay his troops inthe 1190s provide a foretaste

of the regency’s fiscalinventiveness: foreclosure ofroyal debts, loans from Jewsand monasteries, andadvances from his ownpocket.

John Marshal had a lesshappy war, dying atMarlborough inMarch 1194,after a short siege conductedby the Archbishop ofCanterbury. The coincidencesuggests that the elderMarshal died in rebellion

against Richard’s justiciarswhile asserting the family’sclaim to the castle. Such aperspective lends a touch ofirony to the History’sprotestation that Williamneversufferedsuchsorrowaswhen he heard of hisbrother’s death. It was animplausible reaction to thedeath of a brother he hardlyknew, by which he stood toprofit. News of Richard’ssimultaneous return from

captivitysharpenedWilliam’semotional turmoil.Reconciling fraternal androyal duty, William sent hisknights to escort JohnMarshal to the familymausoleum at BradenstokeAbbey. He himself rejoinedthekingataspeedsometimesinterpreted as evidence of aguilty conscience. ThankedbyRichard for defending hisinterests during his absence,William sailed from

Portsmouth on 24 April tohelp recover Richard’soverseas lands. DefyingLongchamps’s malice andCount John’s treachery,William had navigated thepolitical shoals of thejusticiarship, suggesting luckif not skill. Thanks to hisbrother’s death, he was alsoheadof thefamily, inheritingJohn Marshal’s lands andceremonialoffice.

William witnessed

Richard’secstaticwelcometoNormandy, its inhabitantsgreeting their duke withdancing, bell-ringing, andprocessions. Prince JohnabandonedhisFrenchally,tobewelcomedbackas a childled astray by others. Turningsouth to the Loir (sic),RicharddrewPhilipAugustusafterhim.On3July,Angevinand Capetian forcesencamped 10 miles (15km)apart at Vendôme and

Frétéval on the borders ofMaine and the Orléannais.Richard was desperate tobringPhiliptobattle,hoping,as Roger of Howden put it,that ‘he might deliver himover to death or take himalive’. Philip was lessenthusiastic.Undercoverofabold exchange of challengeshe prepared for flight,without,astheHistorynotes,tellinghistroops.

Next day was a fine

panic. Many French werekilled or taken, with theirtents, silken draperies, ridingand pack horses, fine wine,and viands. The capture ofPhilip’s archives, which stillhampers Frenchadministrativehistorians,alsoshowedRichardwhichofhismagnates had sworn tosupport the King of France.Philipescapedwithhisusualluck, turning aside to hearMass while a Flemish

mercenary directed Richardthe wrong way. Williamdisplayed his customaryprofessionalism. Placed incommand of the reserve, hekept hismen in hand despiteevery temptation, remainingoutuntil the scattered lootersreturned.That evening,wheneveryonewasbragginginthehostelry, the king announcedthat the Marshal hadcontributedmoretotheday’ssuccess than anyone:

‘Whoever has a goodrearguard, has no fear of hisenemies.’

Following thisunmedieval exhibition ofdisciplined restraint, theHistory leaps three years topresent two contrastingepisodes: John andMercadier’s raid in theBeauvaisis in 1197 and anobscure campaign inFlanders. While Richard’sfavourite routier captain

captured the Bishop ofBeauvais and slaughtered hisfollowers, William assaultedthe castle of Milli-sur-Thérain,6miles(9km)north-west of Beauvais, his lastrecorded feat of arms beforeLincoln. As the attackersescaladed the walls, thedefenders fought back withforks and flails, tipping aladder-load of knights andsergeants into the ditch,withmuch snapping of arms and

legs. The attackers recoiled,leaving a Flemish knightstuck up another ladder on afork. Unable to restrainhimself, William leapt intothe ditch fully armed, andclimbed the ladder to clearthe parapet with great swordstrokes right and left.Climbing over, he flattenedthe castle’s commander witha blow to the head, cuttingthroughhelmetandmail coifto the flesh. Feeling he had

done enough, William satdown on the prostrateconstable, while gleefulAngevins poured in to sackthecastle.

The other episodeillustrates another side ofWilliam’s military talents.Despatched to inflame theCount of Flanders againstPhilip Augustus, he featuresas tactical sage rather thanstorm-trooper. The countbesieging an unknown town,

perhaps Arras, PhilipAugustus came up to relievethe garrison. The Flemishlords suggested leaving theirinfantry in a wagon laagerwhile the knights skirmishedoutside, but William wouldhave none of it. He thoughtwagons and infantry shouldmaintain the siege while theknights massed in orderedsquadrons, ready for battle.ProfessorDubyinterpretsthisas chivalric obsession with

offensiveaction.Morelikely,William rememberedFrétéval. He knew PhilipAugustus would never risk abattle.Sureenough,thelatterwithdrew,‘likeawiseman’.

WilliammissedRichard’slast victory at Gisors, whenPhilipAugustus drank of theRiver Epte. The History’saccount appears to derivefrom a third John Marshal,William’s nephew, anillegitimate son ofWilliam’s

brotherJohn.Bastardswereausefulby-productofdelayingknightlymarriages. Excludedfrom inheritance, theydepended utterly upon theirlegitimate kinsmen. Exceptfor one short period, theyoungestJohnMarshalwouldbe a loyal member of theMarshalaffinity.TheHistoryconfirms Howden’s officialnarrative, adding that Philipescaped by giving the royalarms to another knight, who

was then captured. Richard’sown account lists the mannamed among the prisoners,confirmation of theHistory’sreliability. William was nowmore than a knight ormagnate. He was aprud’homme, a reliablesource of good counsel,regardless of its acceptabilityor royalmood.AfterRichardthreatened to emasculate apapallegateforsuggestinghemight release the Bishop of

Beauvais,itwasWilliamwhobraved the king’s fury topersuade him to resumenegotiations. The Angevinsun, however, was about toset. A new reign wouldprovide less scope forhonestadvice,oractsofprowess.

GREATSURVIVOR

News of Richard’s fatalwoundfoundWilliamhearinga legal case at Vaudreuil.Ordered to Rouen to secureits castle and treasury, hereceived confirmation of theking’s death three days later,at bedtime. Pulling on hisleggings,theMarshalwenttoconsult the Archbishop ofCanterbury staying nearby.ThelatterproposedArthurassuccessor, advocating thedirect patrilinear succession

that would prevail later.William preferred theNorman tradition. He arguedthatJohnwascloser,havingaclaim from both his fatherand brother. Baffled by theworst blunder of its hero’slife, the History makes thearchbishop prophesy thatWilliam would never repentsomuchofanythinghemightdo. In the short term,however, William did verywell from his attitude, being

formally invested Earl ofPembrokeinMay1199.

Renewed hostilities withFrance in 1202 foundWilliamdefending hiswife’sLongueville inheritance innorth-east Normandy. PhilipAugustus besieged ArquesCastle, intheBéthuneValleylike Drincourt. Henry ofNavarre fought the SpanishArmy of the Netherlandsthere in 1592, hence themodern name of Arques-la-

Bataille. The Marshal wasmore circumspect.Observingthe siege with two otherWilliams, the Earls ofSalisbury and Warenne, theMarshal encouraged theFrench to withdraw bypromptly forwardingnewsofArthur’scaptureatMirebeau.After Philip’s departure,William returned to Rouen,announcingthathehadcometo defend the city. Inexchangetheanxiouscitizens

regaled him and hiscompanions with theirchoicest vintages.Opportunities for suchagreeable episodes dwindledfollowing Arthur’sdisappearance. LuckilyWilliam was not at Rouenagain until late in August1203, clearing him ofcomplicity in John’s mostfatalcrime.Asaprud’hommeshould, William warned thefriendless king that his own

actions had undermined hisposition, leaving Johnspeechless with rage, as iftransfixedbyalance.

The official Frenchchronicler hints at a moreactiveroleforWilliamintheensuing débâcle.William theBreton’s epic poem aboutPhilip Augustus describes anamphibious attempt to raisethesiegeofChâteauGaillard,led by the Marshal. TheBreton’searlierproseaccount

mentionsananonymousnightoperation by a few routiers,while English sources denythat any such effort wasmade. Norman accountingrecordscontainnoentriesforthe necessary flotilla, despiteshowing expenditure oncross-Channel transportation.The History’s silence in thefaceoffailureisunsurprisingbut inconclusive. It is moreinformativeaboutJohn’sfinaldeparture from Normandy:

the baggage sent on ahead,the early morning startannounced only to John’sclosest confidants, the longstages, and precautionsagainst treachery. On 5December 1203, Williamaccompanied John on boardship at Barfleur, leavingbehind the scenes of hisyouthful exploits and maturesuccesses: ‘And many wellknew, there was no goingback.’

William undertookdiplomaticmissions to PhilipAugustus throughout theensuing cold war. Politicallyfruitless, these provedpersonally embarrassing, asWilliamstruggledtopreservehis wife’s continentalinheritance. In April 1204,Philip Augustus made clearhis intention of forcingAnglo-Normanlandholderstodo homage to him, or losetheir Norman lands. William

and his fellow envoy RobertEarl of Leicester paid 500marks each for a year’srespite. Robert avoidedfurther difficulties by dying.BeforeWilliamreturnednextyear, he obtained John’sleave, so he claimed, to dohomage rather than forfeitIsabel’s patrimony. Williamnow owed allegiance to twolords. It was a commonfeudal dilemma, but timeswere changing. John and

Philipdislikedambiguity,andmeanttomaketheirmagnateschooseonelordortheother.

The issue became criticala month later at Portsmouth,when William refused tofollowJohntoPoitoutofightPhilip Augustus. Accused oftreachery, William deniedwrong-doing, and offered toprove his innocence in arms.He doubled John’s fury bywarning the magnatesgatheredon the seashore that

what thekingmeant todo tohim, hewould do to them ifhegot thechance.Whenoneof John’s household knightsproposed the guilty verdictthatWilliam’s peers refused,he was speedily silenced.Baldwin of Béthune was theMarshal’s oldest companion-in-arms. He had shared hisexploits in theYoungKing’stime, and stood besideWilliam when he lost royalfavour.Nowhedefendedhim

againstKing John’s catspaw,a landless knight, devoid ofconsequence. Neither ofthem, he said, were fit tojudge so fine a knight as theMarshal.WhateverWilliam’sfailings, his connections andreputationremainedabastionagainstJohn’smalice.

The dispute formed partofawiderpolicybreakdown.While the History presentsWilliam at odds with theArchbishop of Canterbury,

Ralph of Coggeshalldescribes them both arguingagainst the expedition, ongoodstrategicgrounds.Therewasno secureoverseasbase;the French were too strongnow that they controlledNormandy; the Poitevinswere incorrigible traitors; theFlemish, Philip’s allies,would attack England in theabsenceofitsdefenders;Johnhad no heir. Followingemotional scenes andmutual

threats, John gave way. TheArchbishop,whowasblamedforthefiasco,diedsoonafter,leaving William to faceJohn’sdispleasurealone.

Medieval kings hadvarious ways of expressingannoyance. Henry II hadbilletedmenandhorsesuponthe recalcitrant Becket, andinspired the first JohnMarshal to engage thearchbishop in vexatiouslitigation. The Young King

hadsentWilliamtoCoventry.King John took William’seldest son hostage. We mayimagine how he felt aboutthat, given his ownexperience at Newbury. Wedoknowthatwhenadvisedtotake hostages from his ownvassals, William refused. In1206, he asked leave towithdraw to his Irish estates.Ireland was the edge of theknown world, remote fromthe English political scene.

Henry II went there in 1171to escape the fallout fromBecket’s murder. RoyalcontrolwaslimitedtoDublin,Wexford, and Waterford,while descendants ofStrongbow’s companionscontested the hinterland withthe native Irish. Alreadyconscious of their separateAnglo-Irish identity, theformer were a hard-boiledfrontier aristocracy, addictedto Celtic harpists and

headhunting, contemptuousof effete intruders likeWilliam. The native Irishlived a nomadic pastoral lifethat made them easy todispossessbuthardtosubdue.Lackingarmour theypursuedhit and run tactics, takingrefuge in bogs and thickets.The History ignores them.Compared with England,Irelandwaspoor,violent,andisolated.

John tried to prevent

William’s departure,apparently demanding hissecond son Richard as asupplementary hostage. Thecountess demurred, butWilliam agreed. Havingpermissiontoleave,hewouldgo, for good or ill. Even theHistory admits that noteveryone in Leinster waspleased to see him. MeilyrfitzHenry,JusticiarofIrelandand one of the originalinvaders, was particularly

hostile.HepersuadedJohntorecallthemboth,precipitatingWilliam’s most dangeroushour, caught between asuspicious king and a hostileAnglo-Irish nobility.Williamreliedinthisemergencyuponhis household knights,especially John of Earley,whom King John disparagedas rogneux or mangy.Towards Michaelmas 1207(29 September), Williamsummoned his vassals to

Kilkenny,andpresentedthemwithhis countess, oncemorewith child. Taking her hand,he reminded them how herfather had enfeoffed themwhen he conquered the land,and made them swear toguard her faithfully. NosoonerhadWilliamsailedforEngland than Meilyr’s menfired his grain-filled barns,and sacked the Marshal’s‘new town’, probably NewRoss (Co. Wexford), killing

twentyofhismen.Williammust have found

the ensuing winter endless.The king frowned on him,and plotted with Meilyr andother unloveable associates,whileeasterlygalescutoffallnews from Ireland. Johnpretended at one point thatWilliam’s men had beendefeatedwith heavy loss andhis countess besieged.William played his strongestsuit, the dignified restraint

withwhichhehadconfrontedhis enemies at Tancarvilleand Count Richard atFontevraud. He could alsotrust his men. When Meilyrmade the westbound passagewith letters recallingWilliam’s knights, he foundIreland other than heexpected. Several of thejusticiar’s men were alreadyin the earl’s dungeon, whileWilliam’s colluded inignoring John’s summons.

Instead,theyalliedwithHughde Lacy, Earl of Ulster, andpillaged Meilyr’s lands. Thejusticiar was captured andforcedtosurrenderhissonasa hostage. None of this wasknown in England until thefirst eastbound ships early in1208. John had to admit thathis schemes had miscarried,while William feignedignorance of the proxywar’soutcome.Outwardpeacewasrestored,Williamreturningto

hisvictoriouscountess in thesummer. He forgave hisdisloyal vassals against herwishes,butnotMeilyr,whoselands, castles, and offspringremained at the Marshal’sdisposal.

The Braose affairshattered this détente. Whenthe fugitive Braose familywashed up on the Wicklowcoast in the winter of 1209–10 following their ill-fatedrebellion,William took them

in, a gesture of Marchersolidarity that provoked thefirst royal expedition toIreland for twenty-fiveyears.With 800 knights and 1,000foot, it was the largest armyeverseenwestofStGeorge’sChannel. Landing atWaterford in late June, Johnpunished William byquartering his army onKilkenny. Then he marchednorth to crush the de Lacysand take Carrickfergus

Castle, whence MatildaBraose took ship forGalloway. Returning toDublin in August, Johnaccused William ofharbouring the king’senemies.Oncemore,Williamdenied any disloyalty, andoffered to justify himself inarms. As before, none of hispeersmovedtohelptheking.Infrustration,Johndemandedyet more hostages, this timefrom William’s household

andtenants,includingJohnofEarley.

The king’s chastisementof his Irish barons went toofar in the face of an unrulynative population. WhileEnglish sources praisedJohn’s successes in Ireland,theGaelicAnnalsofLochCéreport otherwise. The IrishKing of Connacht took hiswife’s advice and refused togive hostages. John’s newjusticiar, the Bishop of

Norwich, raided deep intoCounty Mayo, and North-West Ireland exploded.Anglo-Norman castles atClones and Belleek weredestroyed with muchslaughter. One CormacO’Melachlin twice defeatedthe bishop in the field,captured his treasure, andkilled a ‘multitude offoreigners’ inCountyOffaly.TheHistory says nothing ofWilliam’s part in all this, its

best informant, John ofEarley, being locked up inNottinghamCastle.

When Cormac closed hiscareer by burning BallyboyCastle in 1214,William wasbackinEngland.RealtraitorshadsoughttosellJohntotheWelsh in 1212, and Williamrallied the Irish magnates inthe king’s support. Castlesand hostages were returned,the younger Williamentrusted to John of Earley.

Nextyear,asFrenchshippingmassed in the Seine estuary,theMarshalwas recalled.Hehurried to the king’s side, asevery prud’homme should,‘forhealwayslovedloyalty’.On15AugustWilliamjoinedJohnoutsideDoverwith500knights, the whole Irishestablishment. Too late towitness the ending of theInterdict, he shared in thedecision to send his oldcomradeWilliamofSalisbury

todestroy theFrench fleet atDam. When John sailed forPoitou the next year, therewere no quibbles abouthomage. TheMarshal stayedbehind to co-ordinate homedefence.

William had regainedroyal confidence after eightyears in the political andgeographical wilderness. Henever lost it again. It is hardto judge how close theMarshals came to suffering

thefateoftheBraosefamily.One of William’s knightsdiedincustody,whileJohnofEarley, a particular object ofJohn’s hostility, sufferedgreathardshipatNottingham.The saving factor seems tohave been William’sinstinctive discretion. UnlikeWilliam of Braose, he hadlearnedtobeacourtierbeforehebecameaMarcher.

T

III

BEFORETHELONGBOW

he Marshal’s careerspanned the peak ofknightly warfare.

Born amidst the chivalricfree-for-all of the 1140s, he

witnessedtherevivalofroyalgovernment that began theknightly caste’s slowtransformation from sinisterfreebooters, like Robert fitzHubert, into Jane Austen’scountygentlemen.More thanonce theHistory laments thepassing of chivalry, itsopportunitiesformayhemandplunder supplanted by theanodynepursuitofhawkandhounds. Long beforeWilliam’s translation from

bachelier toearl,knightshadlostthemonopolyofmountedservice, as non-noblesergeants and crossbowmenelbowed their way onto thebattlefield. Nevertheless,knights would continue todominate European warfareforanother300years.Naturalleaders,theyprovidedanelitemulti-purpose cavalry:complete warriors, inured towounds and hardship, asusefulforreconnaissanceand

dismounted action as for thecharge. Fortified by theirarmouredprotectionandclasssolidarity,knightsconstitutedthemostpotentmilitaryforceof their day. SecuringChristendom’s borders fromOutremer to the Baltic, theystood guard over theeconomic and culturaldevelopments of the twelfthcentury.

Historians and publichave not always taken so

positive a view. Just as‘medieval’ is a cliché forsocialbackwardness, ‘feudal’is synonymous with militaryincompetence. Early studentsof the medieval art of war,such as Sir Charles Oman,depicted chivalric armies asan inchoate mass ofindividual warriors, their ill-formed lines of battledissolving into a maelstromof unrelated duels. Knightlycommandersaredismissedas

possessing neither strategicvision nor tactical insight,medieval warfare seen as alamentablehiatusbetweentheprofessionalism of antiquityand today, from which thesoldier’sartwasonlyrescuedby a happy succession ofmilitary revolutions. Englishwriters in particular focus onthe invincible bowmen ofCreçy and Agincourt, whosearrow storms stopped dim-witted knightly armies in

their tracks, adding themythof the yeoman archer to thatoftheeffetechevalier.

Such views are doublymisleading.Theydiscountthepeculiar difficultiesconfronting medievalcommanders: their limitedresourcesinmenandmoney;thedisproportionatepowerofthe strategic defensive; theabsence of formal commandstructures; the fluidity ofmounted warfare. Secondly,

they ignore thecontemporaryevidence of sound practiceprovided by vernacularsources such as the History.Mined for its chivalric andsocial insights, the latter’smilitary content has beenneglected, although nearlyhalfitslinesdescribeknightlywarfare, nearly three timesthe number dealing withtournaments. Written for anexpert audience, itsrevelations of what knights

thought about war are asimportant as what it saysactually happened. Thischapter will consider theHistory’s account ofWilliam’s military careerfromthreepointsofview:themodalities of knightlyconflict, the means availableto early medievalcommanders, and how theyusedthosemeans.

MODESOFCONFLICT

A commander can pursuemilitary victory in one ofthree ways. He may seek adecision by either combat ormanoeuvre, or by acombination of both.Alternatively, he may usenon-military means toachieve his aim. The table

below is intended tounderline the argument thatbattles, sieges and raids arecomplementary ways offighting, something manydiscussionsfailtomakeclear.Modern academics tend todeny that battles mattered atall. More traditionalhistorians tended to neglecteverything else. The tableputs all three on a levelfooting.

MODESOFWARCombat?

Manoeuvre? Yes No

Yes Battle Raid

No Siege Othermeans

Battles entailbothmovementand combat; sieges areviolent but static; raidsexploit mobility to inflictharm while avoiding battle.

Other means cover variousnon-military activities, suchas bribery, diplomacy, orsubversion. These four basicoptions exist across allperiods, although theirpopularity andutility vary. Itis unfortunate for thereputation of medievalcommanders that seriousstudyoftheiractivitiesbeganin the nineteenth century,when historians attributed aninflated significance to

battles.UnderstandableintheNapoleonic afterglow, abattle-centred perspective isunhelpfulwhenappliedtotheMiddle Ages, a periodnotable for its dearthof suchevents. TheHistory refers totwelve actions, ofwhichhalfmightbedescribedasbattles.

BATTLESAction Year Description

WherwellAbbey 1141 Skirmish

TestValley c.1141 Ambush

Drincourt* 1166 Battle/skirmish

Lusignan* 1168 Ambush

Gisors* 1188 Skirmish

LeMans* 1189 Battle

Frétéval* 1194 Runningfight

Gisors 1198 Runningfight

Dam 1213 Seabattle

Bouvines 1214 Battle

Lincoln* 1217 Battle

Sandwich* 1217 Seabattle

*BattlesatwhichWilliamwaspresent

William witnessed just fourbattlesinoverfivedecadesofactive service, if oneoverstates the significance ofDrincourt, and distinguishes

the opening defence of LeMans from the subsequentsiege of its castle. Richard Ifought only three battles:Barbezieux (1176), Arsuf(1191), and Jaffa (1192). NoKingofFranceriskedabattlebetweenBrémule (1119) andBouvines(1214).

Thelownumberofbattlesfought by such committedwarriorsasRichardIand theMarshal is suggestive. Itcompares with the History’s

twenty-nine sieges, includinga fictional siege of Kilkennythat King John invented totease the Marshal in thewinter of 1207– 08.Williamassistedattwelveofthese.Healso attended Drincourt andRouen with the Young Kingin 1173–74, stormedCilgerran inCardiganshire in1204,andpresidedatNewarkin1218.Williamopenedandclosed his career, not withbattles, butwith two obscure

sieges.

SIEGESLocation Year

Winchester 1141

Newbury† 1152

Drincourt*† 1173

Rouen*† 1174

Limoges 1183

Montmirail† 1188

LaFerté 1189

LeMansCastle 1189

Windsor† 1194

Marlborough 1194

Nottingham† 1194

Vaudreuil† 1194

Verneuil† 1194

Vierzon 1196

Arras(?)† 1197

Milli† 1197

Chalus-Chabrol 1199

Arques† 1202

Mirebeau 1202

Cilgerran*† 1204

Kilkenny(fictional) 1207/8

Carrickfergus 1210

Rochester 1215

Hertford 1216

Berkhamstead 1216

Winchelsea 1217

Farnham† 1217

Winchester† 1217

Southampton 1217

Marlborough 1217

Mountsorrel 1217

Lincoln† 1217

Newark*† 1218

*AdditionaltotheHistory†SiegesatwhichWilliamwaspresent.AtNewbury,hewasagedonlyfive.

There were good reasons forthe infrequency of battles.Knightly commanders could

easily reckon the odds, andsmallmountedarmiesreadilyavoided fighting superiornumbers. The Normanbaronage failed to supportHenry II atLeMans, fearingthe great numbers of theFrench.Theywerenobolderin1194,whenRichard IwascampaigningontheLoireandPhilip Augustus besiegedFontaine, just outsideRouen.Philip Augustus commonlyavoided battle, despite the

negative consequences ofrunningawayatFrétévalandGisors. He only fought atBouvines because hisenemies overtook him.Rational calculation was notconfined to cowardlyforeigners. King Stephen’ssiege of Oxford (1142)collapsed when his menrefused to await an Angevinrelief column gathering atCirencester.

Caution was entirely

rational. Battles wereuncertain, often ending withthe leading protagonists’death or capture. Harold’sdemise at Hastings is themost celebratedexample,butHenry I’s brother RobertCurthose spent twenty-eightyears in captivity afterTinchebrai. King Stephenmight have done the sameafter the first battle ofLincoln. Renaud ofBoulogne,whofoughtbeside

WilliamatLeMans,diedinaFrench dungeon thirteenyears after his capture atBouvines. William’s leadingopponents at Second Lincolnand Sandwich, the Count dela Perche and Eustace theMonk, were both killed.Devoted followers mightassume their lord’s coat ofarms, but anonymity was noguarantee of safety. Peter IIof Aragon was cut down atMuret in 1213 posing as a

simple bachelier, a shockingwaste of a king’s ransom.Richard I’s £100,000 ransomset a twelfth-century record,but less distinguishedcaptives faced equallyruinous demands. King Johnpaid 5,000 marks to recoverVaudreuil’s treacherouscommanders in 1203. TheHistory does not say howmuchQueenEleanorpaidtheLusignans for William in1167, but he was lucky to

have so generous a patron.OneoftheHistory’srecurrentthemes is the roleofFortunein life and war,foreshadowing Clausewitz’sbelief that the latterresembled nothing so muchas a game of chance. Morethan once the Historydescribes a military outcomeas a lucky die roll. Williamonce recovered a disputedhorse by rolling eleven withtwodicetobeatanine.

Battles involved moralhazard,besidesmaterialrisks.Like trial by combat in legalcases, they represented thepursuit of justice by othermeans. Participants had tofeel sure they were in theright. Robert of Gloucesterexpected divine assistance atFirstLincoln,thekinghavingattacked his son-in-lawwithoutprovocation,besiegedhis daughter, and fortifiedLincoln Cathedral. Winners

and losers were viewed asrighteous or impiousrespectively. Jordan ofFantôme had no doubt thatthe Scots’ defeat at Alnwickreflecteddivineangerattheiratrocities. Spiritualpreparation for battlenaturally included hearingMass, but some combatantswent further. The winners atThielt (1128) cut their longhairanddressedaspenitents.Sometimes the Church

prevented battles altogether.The Truce of God or TruxDei banned fighting fromAdvent until a week afterEpiphany, fromLent throughEasterWeek,andfromsunsetThursday tosunriseTuesday.Such restrictions gave pauseforthought.BeforeBouvines,the Imperialists debatedfighting on a Sunday, andonly did so upon the urgingof the godless routier HughofBoves.

The infrequency ofmedievalbattlesdidnotmakethem unimportant. Drincourtwas not one of the world’sdecisivebattles, but it sparedthetownanastyravaging,thegrateful inhabitants treatingthe victors to costly winesandfruit.Asinotherperiods,a battle might change thecourseof awar, or terminatea conflict already decided.HenryII’sdefeatatLeManspersuaded him to abandon a

losingstruggle.Theseneschalof an earlierCount ofAnjousummarisedtheadvantagesofbattleas follows: ‘Battlesareshort,butthevictor’sprizeisenormous.Siegeswastetime,and the town is rarely taken.Battlesovercomenationsandfortifiedtowns,andanenemybeaten in battle vanishes likesmoke.’ (Gesta consulumAndagavensium, quoted inVerbruggenp.280)

He might have been

speaking of Saladin’sdismantling of the KingdomofJerusalemaftertheMuslimvictory at Hattin in 1187.SecondLincolnwasoneofacluster of nearlycontemporary battles thataltered the course ofEuropean history: Las Navasde Toledo in 1212, whichcleared the way for theChristian reconquest ofSpain;Muret in 1213,whichconfirmedFrenchdomination

of Languedoc; and the battleof Bouvines in 1214, whichsealed the Angevin loss ofNormandy.

Three of these four werevictories for the attacker, aproportion reflected acrossthe History’s land actions.The exceptions wereDrincourt (1166), Gisors(1188), and Bouvines.Knightly armies were morethan capable of effectiveoffensive action, but they

needed a good reason and acomplaisant enemy. Threecircumstances favouredacceptance of an offer ofbattle. Civil war, the usualform in England, inclinedcommanders to fight ratherthan watch their propertybeing destroyed. Robert ofGloucesterbroughtmatterstoa head at First Lincolnbecause ‘he preferred riskingextremities to prolonging thesufferings of the country’

(WilliamofMalmesbury).Sieges frequently led to

battles.Abesiegingarmywasfixed, its over-extendedsiege-lines vulnerable tosurprise. The battles ofLincolnandMuretwerebothfoughttoraiseasiege,aswasthe naval action at Dam.HenryII’ssortie fromRouenin August 1174 almostprovoked a battle, had notLouis VII and his men(probably includingWilliam)

cowered in their tents.Investing armies caught by arelieving column left smartlyto avoid being cut to pieceslike the Angevins during theRout of Winchester. Johnabandonedhistentsandsiegeengines at La Roche-au-Moine and ran for LaRochelle. Three of theHistory’s actions arose fromsieges. Four took place in anurban setting that sitsuneasily with the stereotype

of knightly warfare as acountry pursuit. Joustingdown Lincoln’s streets wasbynomeans theabnormalitySir Charles Oman suggests.William performed similarexploitsonatleastthreeotheroccasions: Drincourt, LeMans, and Montmirail. KingJohn’sknightsdidthesameatMirebeau. The nobility ofCologne crushed a citizens’revolt in the 1260s byspurring on their destriers to

break through chainsblockingthestreets.Chargingdown streets on horsebackwas the natural result ofmountedtroops’monopolyofthe tactical offensive. Thebestwaytoassertcontrolofatown was to ride through it,just as the Red Army drovetanksthroughBerlinin1945,or the British did throughBasrain2003.

Another circumstancefavouring battle was the

ambush,surprisepre-emptingescape. JohnMarshal got hisrevenge forWherwellAbbeysomewhere in the TestValley, between Winchesterand Ludgershall. Challengedby a royalist force under hisfuture brother-in-law Patrick,John intimated thathewouldnot await their coming.Instead of retiring, he got upatmidnightandambushedtheroad. Catching his disarmedprey at dawn, still in their

paddedlinenarmour,hetooknumerousprisonersandmuchbooty. This anonymousskirmish, known only fromthe History, illustrates thedevious nature of thechivalric warfare of whichWilliambecameanexemplar.Such tales, reinforced bybitter experience, underlayhis caution at Le Mans andFrétéval. Only Bouvines, ofalltheHistory’s landactions,resembles the conventional

knightly battle, honestlyfoughtintheopen.

The four-foldpredominance of sieges inWilliam’s career reflects thedensity of fortified sitesacross Western Europe.Archaeological surveysreveal a castle for every 40squaremiles(104squarekm)of Hertfordshire countryside,implying 1,250 acrossEngland, an estimate similarto Robert of Torigny’s

contemporary figure. Everylay and ecclesiastical baronexpected to have a castle, asdid most county towns.Twelfth-centuryimprovementsinconstructionfavoured the rich, as stonereplaced earth, and squaretowers shed their corners tobaffle miners. William’scastles at Chepstow andGoodrichstillsporttheirbluffNorman keeps, but atPembroke he built a great

round tower in the lateststyle. Smaller round towerswere distributed along theouter curtain, allowingarchers to cover the base ofthewalls fromdefiladed slitsinvulnerable to the attacker’smissiles. Such improvementsmight have increased thedefence’s existing advantage,but new siege techniquesensuredtheydidnot.

Castles were capital-intensive devices that

substituted money formanpower. Unlike lineardefensive systems theyrequired small garrisons.Roger of Howden’s semi-official numbers seldomreach three figures: Henry IIleft thirty knights and sixtysergeants in Le Mans castle.Sixteen knights and twenty-fivesergeantsheldPembrokeCastle. Investing armiesneeded farmore, such as the500 Welsh and 500 Marshal

retainers who besiegedWindsor in 1194. Likepersonal armour, protectivewalls reduced the owners’casualties and boostedmorale. Only one of Wark’sdefenderswaskilledduringathree-week siege in 1138.When the Scots stormedBrough in 1173, a singleknight defied them all,hanging his shield over thebattlements and throwingdown sharpened stakes, until

he was smoked out. Highwallsmaximisedtheeffectofkinetic weapons, such as thewooden blocks thrown downatMilli,orthemillstonewithwhichWilliamwasmenacedat Newbury. In a wellappointed castle, projectileswouldbepre-positioned, likethe piles of stones CountRichardfoundontheparapetsof Taillebourg’s triple-moatedcastlein1179.

Fortified towns and

castles might hold out formonths, if not stormed by acoup-de-main like Milli orTaillebourg. A sample ofnearly fifty notable siegesfromNorwich in 1075 to LaRochelle in 1224 suggests athirty-eight-day average.AntiochandChâteauGaillardheld out longest at 226 and187 days each. Averageduration falls to a month ifthese freaks are omitted.Three-quartersofinvestments

succeeded, more bynegotiationor starvation thanbyassault.Besiegedasecondtime,Wark’sEnglishgarrisonsurrendered after eating alltheir horses, the King ofScotlandgivingthemmoresothey could ride out withdignity. An honourabledefence did not have to besuccessful. The gallantcommander of La Ferté in1189wongreatesteemforhisunavailingresistance.

The French historianPhilippe Contaminediagnosed a medieval siegementality, a form ofmilitaryagoraphobia which impelledcombatants to shutthemselves up in their mostdefensible strongholds.Barring the gates was thepragmatic response toporousbattle-fronts.Medievalarmieswere too small and ill-informedtosecuretheirhomebase by presenting a

continuous front, orintercepting a fast-movingenemy as modern armiesmightdo.Pointdefencewas,therefore, the most effectiveway to protect key assets,whetherpersonal,material,ortopographical.Castlesboughttime to react to an enemyincursion,whileinvaderswhobypassedunreducedgarrisonsfaced losing theircommunications. A mountedgarrison could cause trouble

up to10miles (15km)away.Castles also provided basesfor offensive raiding. TheAnglo-Saxon ChronicledescribesthisinNormandyin1090, whenWilliam Rufus’s‘riders’ at St Valéry andAumale‘didharminthelandby raiding and by burning’.Sieges had disadvantages,however. They were time-consuming and expensive,and rarely succeeded againsta dynamic commander like

HenryIIatRouenin1174orCount Baldwin at Arras in1197. The Young King’sRevolt sawmany sieges, butthe battles at Fornham andAlnwickweredecisive.PhilipAugustus’ Norman siegestrategy only succeededbecauseJohnranaway.

The aggressive use ofcastlesbyWilliamRufusisareminder that formal battlesorsiegeswereaminorpartofa knight’s career. They

provided the beans in thestew, titbits for knights likeWilliamandhisbiographertopull out. The daily reality ofwar was raiding. Whenfighting started betweenHenryIIandPhilipAugustusin July 1188, the Historycomments that the land wasravaged and cruelly harmed.Wastinganenemy’slandwasmore than an unfortunateside-effect of a medievalarmy’sneedtoforagefor the

tons of fodder it required forits horses. The mounted raidor chevauchée was policy,sanctioned by the highestechelons of chivalric societywith the avowed intention ofharming their enemies.Medieval wars were mainlyfought over economic issues–feudalpropertyrights–notabstract national interests,and their conduct reflectedthis. Ignored ormisunderstood by battle-

oriented historians, raidingtargeted civilians in order todestroyanenemy’seconomicresources and undermine hisauthority, a concept familiartoSecondWorldWarbomberbarons.

Williammayhavelearnedthis fundamental principle ofmedieval warfare from themasterstrategistwhoinspiredhis tournament tactics: Philipof Alsace, the worthy Countof Flanders, ‘who surpassed

everyone then living throughhis wisdom’. Jordan ofFantôme quotes Philip’sadvice toWilliam the Lion’sScots emissaries during theYoung King’s Revolt. TheMarshalmaywell have beenattheFrenchcourttohearit:

Destroy your enemiesandwastetheircountry,That by fire andconflagrationallmaybekindled;

That he [the Scottishking] may leave them[theEnglish]nothing,either in forest or inmeadow,Of which they may inthe morning have adinner.

The Marshal adopted asimilar line in Henry II’scouncils when advising theraid that avenged the GisorsElm. So much were suchaffairs an accepted part of

knightly warfare that Henrycould style William’s adviceasmoltcorteis,most courtly.The inseparability ofwarfareand raiding in Henry’s mindis shownby the safeconducthe granted William in 1183,permitting the Marshal tofight thekingandburn royalproperty.

The Montmirailchevauchée of 1188 exposesthe true nature of suchdestructive expeditions.

Henry II himself gave theorderstoburnanddestroythewhole region, sparing none,‘for sparing the wickedachieves nothing’. Thetown’sdestructionwouldbeafeat of great chivalry.William rode directly toMontmirail without stoppingfor sleep, burning and takingeverything within reach,leaving nothing behind. TheMillichevauchéeof1197wassimilarlyundertakenonroyal

orders, marching by night toachieve total surprise,inflicting damage out of allproportion to the forcesengaged. Mercadier took somanyprisonersthattherewasno room in Milli to stand.Raids did not always go toplan. When the Frenchwithdrew after demolishingFontainecastle in June1194,Robert Earl of Leicester,William’s diplomaticcompanion inApril1204,set

off after them. LeavingRouen by night in theapproved manner, Robertstrayedtoofar,wascaptured,and was forced to surrenderhis castle at Paçi-sur-Eure asransom.

Itmaybe argued that therapid passage of smallmedieval armies did littlepermanent damage. Ralph ofCoggeshall’s claims ofNormandepopulationin1197may be a chronicler’s

exaggeration, but he issupported by other evidenceoutsidehisperiod:DomesdayBook’s sparse populationfiguresforcountiesborderingWales, or the brambles thatinfested northern Franceduring the Hundred YearsWar. The History describesraiding’s effect in 1140sEnglandasfollows:

… cruel war, by whichthelandwasruined,

The people dead ordowncast, and all joymeltedaway,All gain turned to loss,andrichestopoverty;When the poor folkcannot harvest, andhave nothing to paytheirrents,They must leave theland and seek theirbreadelsewhere.Whence the lord isimpoverished…

Jordan of Fantômewitnessed

similar distress inNorthumberland:

ThelandwhichwasfullofsuchprosperityIs now destitute of allriches.There is no drink butspringwater,Wheretheyusedtohavebeerintheweek.

Economic warfare wasindecisive with a highcollateralcost, likeWilliam’s

slaughtered retainers at NewRoss. The Church tried toprotectnon-combatantsunderthePeaceofGodorPaxDei,but Jordan of Fantômethought such restrictions notworth ‘a single clove ofgarlic’.

Atrocities were usuallyblamed on Scots rabble orKing John’s alienmercenaries, but the knightlyclass profited from theirmisdeeds. Guilt by

association sapped thechivalric ideal. WhenWilliam, in his knight errantdays, encountered a runawaymonk eloping with the sisterof a distant acquaintance, hehad no qualms aboutconfiscating the money onwhich they intended to liveby usury, then forbidden bythe Church. The Historytreatstheaffairasajoke;nowit looks more like highwayrobbery. Matthew of

Boulogne, who sought toplunder Drincourt in 1166,had gained his county bykidnapping itsheiress fromaHampshire nunnery. Pillagewas politically and morallycorrosive.

Medieval commandersdid not limit themselves tomilitary means, but wovesanctions, subversion, andshady deals into a verymodern pattern. Sanctionscouldbematerialorspiritual.

Richard I blackmailedBaldwin of Flanders, bydenying Flemish weaversaccess to English wool,hanging thesailorshecaughtrunning the blockade. PhilipAugustus was adept in blackpropaganda, claiming to bethe target of Assassins hiredbyRichardfromtheOldManof the Mountain. Treacherywas the best way to end asiege, from Antioch in 1098to Wiston Castle, on

William’s Pembrokeshiredoorstep, capturedbloodlessly by the Welsh in1194.

On the diplomatic front,the Church played amediation role similar to theUnited Nations today, withsimilarly mixed success.Philip Augustus habituallyrejected papal mediation inhisdomesticquarrelswiththeAngevins, except when itsuited him. Mediation was

most effective when neitherside had realistic hopes ofsuccess, as before the TreatyofWestminsterthatendedtheAnarchy in 1153. If theChurch was on side, theenemy might beexcommunicated before abattle to undermine theirmorale. Both sides at Thieltwere excommunicate, butGod’s position was clear; itwas the losers’ commanderwho fell sick. As the

Church’s temporal ambitionsgrew, it extended Crusadingprivileges to its supporters inconflicts between Christians,saving them theinconvenience of overseastravel. The AlbigensianCrusade of 1208 againstLanguedoc is the mostnotorious example, but theideawaswidely adopted andabused.

Earthly inducementsremained significant. Henry

of Huntingdon recalledWilliam Rufus intriguingagainst Philip Augustus’sgreat-grandfather, whosearmy vanished, ‘obscured bydark clouds of money’.England’s financial resourcesenabled Henry I to buyRobert Curthose’s Normansupporters in the same waythat Henry II isolated theYoung King, by oiling thepalms of French magnates.Richard I was similarly

generous,payingtheCountofFlanders 5,000 marks, evenwhiletheHistorymockedthePapal Curia’s reverence forSaints Ruffin and Albinus,red gold and white silverrespectively. Peace deals andtruces involved paymentsrunning into thousands ofmarks.Thedeniersgeneratedby the twelfth-centuryeconomic recovery hadmoredirect strategic uses thanhiringmercenaries.

ARMSANDMEN

Medieval authorities took abinary view of armed forces.SociallytheydistinguishedLegrandpeupleetlecommounegent, the great and thecommonfolk.Tacticallytheydifferentiated equites frompedites, mounted men fromfoot.Thecommandhierarchyreflected this division.

William’s grandfather hadonce marshalled thehorsemen, leaving theConstable in charge of thefoot.Termslike‘cavalry’and‘infantry’ are moderncoinages, inappropriate in amedieval context. Knightswere skilled warriors, notprofessionals in any modernsense.

There were two furtherdistinctions: betweenarmoured foot-men, usually

known as sergeants butincluding town militia, andthe inermes or nakedirregulars, such as theWelshwho swam the Seine inAugust 1174 to raid LouisVII’s camp outside Rouen.Equally significant was thedistinction between troopswith weapons designed forclose quarters shock action,and sharpshooters equippedwith longer-ranging missileweapons. This was another

binary split, the types notbeing interchangeable, unlikemodern infantry who mayfight at a distance withmortarsandmachineguns,orclose up with bayonets andgrenades. Individualcombatants rarely combinedmissile and shock action,although the Historymentions sergeants armedwith bows and spears at atournament, and Richard Ionce stalked Nottingham

Castle’s defenders with acrossbow. It was difficult toprovide missile support formounted troops, assharpshooters could notapproach hostile shocktroops, without beingoverrun.Thiswouldremainaproblem even after the so-called infantry revolution ofthe fourteenth century.William was one of the fewmedieval commanders to usemissile troops offensively in

battle.Medieval armies in

Europecomprised threemaintroop categories in the field:mounted shock troops,dismountedshocktroops,anddismounted missile troops.Each individual categoryincluded several sub-categories,asshownbelow:

MEDIEVALTROOPTYPES

WeaponSystem

Mounted? Shock Missile

Yes KnightsSergeants n/a

No

SergeantsWelshIrregularsMiners

ArchersCrossbowmenEngineers

The History mentionsrepresentatives of all threemain troop types – as the

poetic meter required:‘knights, and sergeants’,‘good sergeants and goodarchers’, or ‘knights, andsergeants,andcrossbowmen’.William would have seenmountedarchersinOutremer,but these never featured athome. Engineers wereinternational specialists whobuilt and operated siegeengines, like Master Urricingeniator who servedRichard I at Nottingham in

1194, alongside a Saracenand a Greek. Miners werehumbler exponents of pickand shovel who underminedcastlewalls, themost certainway of making a breach.Philip Augustus was neverwithoutthem.

Themounted arm shapedmedieval warfare to such anextent that knights came tomonopolise the term miles,the Latin for any soldier,implying an unbridgeable

gulf between themselves andlesser warriors. Mountedtroops enjoyed a tradition ofvictory dating from Romandefeats by German andPersian horsemen. Theirtechnical superiority over thecavalryofantiquityhadbeenconsolidated by the adoptionof stirrups, a wrap-aroundsaddle, anchored by harnessround the horse’s breast, andhorse-shoes. Unlike foot-sloggers, mounted warriors

reached the battlefield fresh,an advantage they increasedbymonopolisingtheavailablehorseflesh. William’scontemporaries rode to battleonapalfreyandcarried theirarmour on a pack horse,savingtheirdestriersformoreserious work. The 1106TreatyofDover,whenHenryIhired1,000Flemishknightswith three horses each, mayreflectthisarrangement.Hardworkingknightsneededmore

than one destrier, however.William had three after hisfirst tournament success atSteJammein1166.

The best horses camefrom Europe’s southernfringes, exposed to Arabbloodstock. Lombard horseswere particularly prized.William rememberedcapturing one during the StBrice tournament in 1166.Richard I rode another atGisors in 1198. An Angevin

knight repeatedly passed theFrenchsiege-linesatVerneuilin 1194 on a Lombard, andwas never caught. AtemperamentalItaliandestrierwould kill Gilbert Marshal.TheHistory quotes prices of£30–40,presumablyAngevinmoney, equivalent to £7–10sterling.ItvaluedthetwothatWilliamleftwithHenryII in1184 at £100 each (£25sterling). Good horsesbrought social prestige, as

well as military advantage.PhilipAugustuswasmockedfor riding a ten-year-oldchestnut during the retreatfromVernon.NottheleastofWilliam’s embarrassments asa Poitevin prisoner washavingtorideadonkey.

A destrier was not thecart-horse of popularmisconception. Thedimensionsofmaritimehorsetransports suggest an animalof15–16handslikeamodern

hunter or Welsh cob,combining a good turn ofspeed with the strength tocarryaknightinarmour.Warhorses needed to be stouthearted and biddable.William’s mount at theÉpernon tournament of 1179wasstruckrepeatedlywithoutbudging, until his masterapplied the spurs. In battle,war horses were sacrificedruthlessly. William I lostthree at Hastings. Even the

peaceable Henry III had twokilledunderhimat thebattleof Lewes in 1264. TheMarshal recalled losing twohorseskilledinaction,oneatDrincourt and one outsideLusignan. Two more werewounded at Le Mans andMontmirailrespectively.Johnof Earley counted sevenwounds to the latter’sshoulders,neck,andbreast.

The other professionaltrademark of the knight was

his armour. ForWilliam thismeanttheloricaorhauberk,alongmailshirtmadeofupto200,000 interlinked ironrings, worn over a paddedundergarment or pourpointthat absorbed the energy ofblows deflected by thehauberk. Weighing 25–30lb(12–14kg), far less than amodern soldier’s combatgear, mail was flexible andwell distributed, especiallywhen worn with a belt,

allowing easy movement.Inured to arms from youth,knightscanhaveexperiencedlittle difficulty wearingarmour. The History twiceadmits to William becomingout of breath, once afterclimbing a motte during atournament in 1179, andagain after scaling the wallsofMilliCastle,agedfifty.

Proof against swordblows,mailwaslesseffectiveagainstpointedweapons.The

Syrian memoirist Ousama alMunquidh recalled thrustinghis lance through a Christianknight’s haunches in 1119,tearing through two layersofmail to protrude a cubitbeyond, similar to William’swound in 1168.Thedecisiveadvantage conferred bywearing mail in combat isevident from the short-livedresistance offered bydisarmed knights, from EarlPatrick’s mesnie in the Test

ValleytoHenryII’sescortatLe Mans. The History’saccountofMirebeausuggeststhe punishment mail had toabsorb: ‘blows given,returned and repaid withinterest, many hauberk linkscut through, helmets beatendown, mail hoods slicedthrough to the head’.Nevertheless,hauberksmightbe removed for speed inreconnaissance or pursuit, asWilliam did before and after

Le Mans, and again atArques.

Twelfth-centuryimprovements to personalprotection included closerfitting hauberks with longersleeves and mittens, and legguards or cuisses.Preparations for the SteJamme tournament includedpolishing the latter. Exportsembargoed at Southamptonbytheregent’sgovernmentin1217 included armoured

shoes. Helmets underwentdramatic improvements.William’s effigy shows asimple mail coif or hood,exposing his face, but hewore something moresubstantialinaction.Helmetswere a natural target, hostileknights seeking to pull themoffortwistthembacktofrontto blind the owner, ashappened to William duringtheStBrice tournament.TheconicalNorman helmetworn

over a coif at Hastingsacquired a domed or flat topand facial protection,evolving towards thecylindrical great helm shownon Richard I’s second greatseal. William had one at LeMans, where a burningmattress flooded his helmetwith smoke, nearly chokinghim. His son Gilbert fatallylost control of his destrier,partlybecausehewasblindedwith dust and sweat,

oppressed by the weight ofhis helmet. Theinconvenienceoftheenclosedhelmet explains Richard I’spreference for an open ironcap, and William remainingbare-headed to the lastmoment at Le Mans andLincoln.

The rising cost ofprotection encouraged theappearanceof anewclassofmounted warrior: mountedsergeants, from the Latin

sirvientes or serving men.Sergeants were sociallyinferior to knights, butfunctionally identical. AtMuret sergeants formed upwith the French knights assupplementaryheavycavalry.JordandeFantômecreditedasergeant with bringing downWilliam the Lion’s horse atAlnwick.When theAbbotofBury St Edmunds could notpersuade knightly tenants toserveRichardIinNormandy,

hehiredsergeants.Knownasservientes loricati, i.e.wearing hauberks, they wereby no means light cavalry.Their equipment resembledthat of the eleventh-centurymiles, as shown on theBayeux Tapestry. Paid halfthe wages of a stipendiaryknight, sergeants made uphalf to two-thirds of themounted arm. A prestigiousforce like a French royalarmymighthaveless.Afifth

oftheFrenchmountedtroopsatBouvinesweresergeants,ahigher proportion serving onthe Dauphin’s secondaryfrontontheLoire.

A major differencebetween knights andsergeants was the horsearmour that the formeradopted during the latetwelfthcentury.AtBouvines,Flemish knights received achargebyFrenchsergeantsata stand, stabbing the latter’s

unprotected horseswith theirlances. Horse armour’sevolution is unclear,concealed by silk trappings,and consisting of perishablechain mail. Romans andPersianshadbothusedhorsearmour, suggesting anEasternorigin.AneyewitnessoftheFirstCrusadedescribesMuslimswithhorses coveredwith dazzling iron plates.Turkish horse archers mayhave encouraged Western

knights to protect theirhorses, but they took theirtime. The first Europeanreference to horse armour isin 1187, when the Count ofHainault in modern Belgiumfielded 190 knights, 109 ofthem on barded horses.William’s horse atMontmirail clearly had noarmour beneath its trappings,although a fast moving raidwasnottheoccasionforsuchan encumbrance. Richard’s

account of Gisors in 1198says that 140 of the 200Frenchprisonershadcoveredhorses,asimilarproportiontothe Lombard League’s orderof battle in the 1250s.Horsearmour was perhaps themounted arm’s mostsignificant advance inWilliam’s life-time,reinforcing its predominancebyprotectingthesourceofitsmobility.

Footmen were socially

and militarily inferior,sometimes able to resistknights, but having littleoffensive capability. Thesecret of drill was lost withthe Romans, leaving bodiesof foot easily disorganisedand vulnerable to faster,betterarmedhorsemen.Threehundred foot sergeants failedto block a street againstWilliamand theYoungKingat Anet in 1176.Nevertheless, William’s

career provides numerousreferencestowell-armedfoot.Apart from killing his horseatDrincourt,sergeantschasedknights into the recet duringthetournamentatEu,haltedaFrench charge at Gisors(1188),stormedupladdersatMilli, and captured theFrench flagship at Sandwich.Sometimes styled peditesloricati,theyworetheshortermail shirt known as ahaubergeonorloricella.

The best foot wereFlemish. Never conqueredlike the English at Hastings,the Flemings maintained aGermanic infantry traditionagainst the knightly warfareimported from France.ManyhiredthemselvesouttoHenryII and his enemies asBrabançonmercenaries.Theymade cheap garrisons, butfought too few battles toprovetheirvalueintheopen.Surprised on the march at

Fornhamtheywerebrokenbya mounted charge, andmassacredbyangrypeasants.More perished at Alnwicknext year. Otto ofBrunswick’sBrabançonsheldout to the bitter end atBouvines. Typical weaponsincluded pikes longer than aknight’s lance, and gisarmeswith curved bladesresemblinghalberds.Williamwas well acquainted withFlemish foot. The History

praises the Count ofFlanders’sproudandhaughtycommons at Arras, eager tofight. As Earl of Pembroke,WilliamhadFlemish tenants.Welsh Annals for 1193describe their defeating aWelsh force at Llanwhaden,killing sixty in a wolf-likepursuit.

The other source ofAngevin foot soldiers wasWales: spearmen from thenorth,archersfromthesouth.

Unlike sergeants they werelightly armed, capable ofswimming the Seine to raidthe French camp outsideRouen. Discipline was poor.Richard I interrupted hishuntingtostophisWelshandBrabançons fighting atPortsmouth. The spearmenhad an undistinguishedcombat record. The Earl ofChester’s Welsh spearmenwere scattered at FirstLincoln. Henry II lost all of

his retreating fromLeMans.The princes of Gwyneddusually avoided directconfrontation with Englisharmies, retreating into theirbarrenmountains.

Their bow-armedcompatriots from SouthWales would one dayrevolutioniseEnglishwarfare.Archery during William’slifetime, however, resemblesthedog that failed to bark inthe night. A cheap, simple,

rugged weapon up to 6 feet(1.8m) long and made fromelm,thelongbowhadarangeof 200 yards (180m) and atheoretical rate of 20 shots aminute. Its power is attestedby Gerald of Wales’s oftenquoted accounts of arrowsleft sticking throughAbergavenny Castle’s oakdoor,orpenetratingalucklessknight’scuissesandsaddletopin him to his horse. Fewbowmen feature inWilliam’s

career, although his fatherintroduced archers ofunspecified origin intoNewbury Castle. A Welsharcher precipitated theskirmishatGisorsin1188byshooting an insolent Frenchknightinthehead,thoughnotfatally.KingJohnhiredsomefor his last campaigns inNormandy. His father,however, had not thoughtthem worth regulating in the1181AssizeofArms.

The neglect of archery,following its prominence atHastings, demandsexplanation. Social prejudicemay have inhibitedcelebration of low-statustroops. The BayeuxTapestry’s depiction of shortbows drawn to the chest isoften interpreted as evidenceofpoormaterialanddefectivetechnique. Thirteenth-centurysketches of Welsh archers,however, look much the

same, while Iron Age bowsfound in peat bogs are noshorterthanTudoronesfromtheMaryRose.Longbowsaresometimes represented as aregional speciality limited toWales, but they were not.Archers were an essentialcomponent of Crusadingarmies recruited acrossEurope, and featured in thecommunal disturbancesbefore Thielt. Yorkshirearchers formed the English

second rank at the battle ofthe Standard. WealdenarchersfromKent,sometimesmisconstrued as Welsh,picked off intruders in 1216and1264.

A combination of factorsexplainstheirneglect.Ahighrateof fire isuselesswithoutan adequate ammunitionsupply. Wark’s commandanttold his garrison in 1173 toshoot sparingly, and savearrows for important targets.

Latermedievalkingssuppliedthousands of arrows for theircampaigns. If used to screenadvancing knights, bowmenhad little time to shoot,reducingtheiradvantageovertheslowershootingbutmorepowerful crossbow. Fatalitiescaused by arrows hittingcombatants’ unprotectedfaces imply that arrowsusually failed to penetratechainmail. Henry I surviveda direct hit over the heart

during an ambush in Powys,‘from the goodness of hisarmour, for he was mailed,and the arrow turned andrebounded back’ (Chronicleof the Princes). Longbowsrequired large numbers to beeffective. Twelfth-centuryWelsh princes could notmobilise enough to stop aknightly charge, asGwenwynwyn of Powysfound at Painscastle in 1198,whenanarmydrawnfromall

over Wales fled a mountedcharge at the first onset. TheEnglish, on the other hand,had yet to invent theCommissions of Array thatEdward I would use to fieldthousands of archers.Longbows inWilliam’s timeweremost successful againstunarmoured targets, like theGalwegians riddled likehedgehogsattheStandard,orin a guerrilla context as inKent.

The twelfth century’smissileweaponofchoicewasthe crossbow or arbalest.Banned by popes, andpopularised by Richard I,crossbowscouldbreakalimbor pierce a hauberk at 100yards.TheByzantineprincessAnna Comnena consideredthem diabolical weapons, aCrusader’s bolt havingpierced both the shield andscale armour of a Greekadmiral. The History may

reflect theirriseinpopularitywith its shift from archers atNewbury to crossbowmen atLimoges, Nottingham, andVerneuil. The change mayreflect the appearance ofhorse armour,which reducedlongbows’ effectivenessagainstmounted targets,or itmay reflect an increasedfinancial ability to hirespecialist crossbowmen.Gervase of Canterburyrecords a royal escort of

numerous armed men andcrossbowmen during John’svisit toKenton1209.John’sreliance on foreigncrossbowmen earned them aplaceinMagnaCarta,amongthe other aliens to beexpelled.Acomplexweapon,crossbows or arbalests wereforprofessionalswhorodetobattle. Some of John’sarbalestriershadthreehorses,as many as a knight. Likepoorer foot sergeants,

crossbowmen wore paddedjackets known as gambesonsor pourpoints. During theFourth Crusade’s assault onConstantinople in 1203, thecrossbowmen were with thearchers in the van, as theywould be at Lincoln. Likelongbows, crossbows werebest in a static siege context,wheretheywerelesslikelytobesuddenlyoverrun.

The final element in amedieval array was the

machines that played anincreasing part in sieges,inhibitinga recurrenceof theAnarchy when Stephen’senemies had built castlesfaster than he could capturethem.Therewerethreetypes:devices for approachingwalls, stone throwerspowered by counter-weights,and torsion-driven catapultswhich play no part in ournarrative. The first categoryattracted evocative names:

belfries that overlookedenemywalls; sows, cats, andtortoises which provided acovered approach for minersorabatteringram.Thecleierto which William wasattachedatNewburywasoneof the latter, a moveablegallery made of wickerwork‘claies’orhurdles.

Counter-weight machineshad a long arm or ‘flail’pivoting over a verticalframe, thefulcrumnearer the

weight than the sling tomagnifytheforceimpartedtothe projectile. They fell intothe following types, asrecently recreated byRenaudBeffeyte:

SIEGEENGINESDesignation Range

(m)ProjectileWt(kg)

Perrière 40–60 3–12

Bricole 80 10–30

Mangonel 150 100(max)

Trébuchet 220 125

Mangonels and trébuchetswere large pieces ofequipment, fitted with boxesof earth to provide the massfor the counter-weight.Perrières had no counter-weight, but depended onseveral people all pulling atonce.Theywerelessaccurate

than trébuchets, which couldbe adjusted to hit the samespot repeatedly by alteringthe amount of earth in thecounter-weight box. Thebricole combined teamworkwith a small counter-weightto improve range and throwweight, while preserving ahigh rate of fire. None ofthese machines resemble thetorsion-driven machines ofthe Romans which oftenappearinsurveysofmedieval

warfare. They were a brandnewtypeofweapon.

The History refers toperrières and mangonels,describing the weapon intowhichWilliamwas loadedatNewbury as the former. Thisappearssmallforafive-year-old weighing several stone(20–25kg), suggesting thatStephen had a bricole ormangonel. Trébuchets werecopied from Muslimexamples, reaching Western

Europeinthe1190s.ThefirstEnglish use of the wordtrebuca occurs in theDunstable annalist’s accountof Dover’s second siege in1217. Smaller machinescouldsmashcrenellationsandwooden hoardings alongparapets to stop defenderspicking off miners orstorming parties. Largermachines might breach townwalls, as Bulgarian stone-throwers did when besieging

Latin Crusaders at Demotikaand Adrianople in 1206 and1207. Siege engines couldalso start fires within theperimeter, as may havehappened at Marlborough in1194 when machines weresent from Reading in theabbey’s carts with sulphurandpitchforincendiaries.

Complex weapons basedon abstruse mathematicalprinciples, trébuchets wereimported into England rather

than built locally. Lesserweaponswere constructed asrequired, often in largenumbers. Philip Augustusabandoned twenty-threeperrières outside Rouen in1193. The Bulgariansemployed thirty atAdrianople. Either weaponwas deadly against softtargets like people. Ousamaremembered ChristianmangonelsatShaizarin1138indiscriminately shattering

heads,walls,andbuildings.

PRACTICEOFWAR

Knightly armies were raisedinvariousways.At theheartof everymilitaryundertakingwere members of a lord’shousehold, acting as staffofficers, junior leaders, and

bodyguards. William was ahousehold knight for overtwenty years. In Henry II’slast campaign he played allthree roles: advising on theMantes chevauchée, leadingthe Montmirail raid, andcoveringHenry’sretreatatLeMans.Householdsweresmallbodies of dedicatedprofessionals, roughly 100strong like the ninety-fourwho followed William ofTancarville’s banner. They

were instantly available, buttoofewformajorenterprises.For these a great lordsummoned a feudal hostconsisting of all those owinghim military service withtheir own retinues. On theoutbreak of the Angevin-Capetianwar in 1188,HenryII summoned William withall the knights he could get.Richard spent the night afterhe broke with his father atBonmoulins dictating over

200letterstohisadherents.A feudal host provided

useful numbers of competentwarriors, and was cost-effective within a limitedgeographical range, but itlacked flexibility and stayingpower. The History claimedthat Henry II fielded 20,000men at Gisors in 1188. Anunlikely figure, it suggestssignificant numbers, likethoseattributed toRichard in1194. Feudal hosts had a

mind of their own, however.French magnates dislikedfighting Henry II, a fellowCrusader. English magnatesobjected to crossing theChannel. Service was inprinciple limited to forty orsixty days from joining thehost.Angevinkingspreferredsmaller,more durable forces.John dismissed the host hesummoned to Portsmouth in1201, and spent theirtravellingmoney hiring three

troopsof100knightseachforoverseas service, onecommandedbyWilliam.

The largest and leastflexible part of the feudalarraywasthepopularlevyofall free men. The Historycalled it the criz de la terre,proclamationoftheland.Thiswasnot the ill-armedmobofpeasants derided by anti-feudalhistorians,butausefultool for local defence, as atthe Standard. The 1181

Assize ofArms specified thesame equipment for freelaymenworth over 16marksasforaknight.Anyoneworth10 marks or more needed ahaubergeon, iron cap, andlance; poorer freemen agambeson. Dunstable Priorypurchased one hauberk, ninehaubergeons, and ninegambesons for John’scounter-invasion forces in1213. His threats to declaredefaulters serfs, nithing as

William Rufus put it,persuadedsomanytoturnupthat food ran short, and theleast experienced were senthome. Roger of WendoverclaimedthatJohnhad60,000menatBarhamDownoutsideDover, a logisticallyunsustainable figuresymbolising unmanageablenumbers. Such mass levies,ofdoubtfulvalue,remainedafeature of thirteenth-centuryinvasionscares.

Alongside feudalarrangements based onpersonal obligation was athriving trade in paid troopsdriven by the twelfth-centuryeconomic recovery. Neversubject to the brutaldemonetisation experiencedin Europe, England led theway. William Rufus wasknownasmilitummercatoretsolidator–adealerandhirerof knights. Henry I sodependedonhispaidknights

that at Christmas 1124 hecastrated every moneyer inEngland for not makingpennies of sufficiently goodquality to satisfy his troops.Henry II boosted the marketwith the 1159 scutage, usedto hire paid knights. Wemight call such troopsmercenaries, a name theywould have resented,mercennarius being then aterm of abuse. Consistentclassification is not

straightforward. Householdknights like William wererewardedincashaswellasinkind. His credit was alwaysgood, though he possessednot a furrow of land.Members of a feudal hostmight overstay their fortydaysifpaidtodoso.Remoteorprotractedcampaignswerein effect conducted by paidtroops.

The whole feudalstructurewasthusdrawninto

the cash nexus, long beforeEdward III invented bastardfeudalism in the fourteenthcentury.Anyfightingmanofany social level from knightto archermight be in receiptof wages. King John hiredBrabançon knights andsergeants to put down aScottish rebellion in 1211.Mercadier employedsergeants and crossbowmen.Ratesofpayvaried.HenryIIpaid his knights 8d (3.3p) a

dayandhisfootsergeants1d(0.4p), an agriculturallabourer’s wage. Inflationpushedtheseratesupto12daday for knights and4dor 2dformountedorfootsergeantsrespectively. The 2-markscutage (320 old pence)which had once hired asubstitute knight for fortydayswas no longer adequateinthe1200s.

There remained anessential distinction between

those serving from feudalobligation while being paidtheir keep, and truemercenaries like Mercadier’smenwho fought to eat. Truemercenarieswerederacinatedcut-throats named after theirsupposed origin: Basques,Navarrese, Aragonese, andalways Brabançons. Thelowest were the cotereaux,named after the knives theythrust through gaps in ill-fitting armour. Routier, a

useful umbrella term, comesfrom ruta, the mercenaryband. Sometimes theHistorylists routiers besidefunctional troop types,knights, sergeants, andcrossbows, suggesting aspurious tactical distinction.Ataskforce,likeJohn’sIrishexpeditionof1210,consistedof three components: theroyal household, the feudalhost, and mercenary bands.William must have rubbed

alongwithMercadier,buttheHistory minimises theroutier’s contribution toRichard’s victory at Gisors,and condemns John’s use ofmercenaries outright. Theywereessential, butpoliticallyandfinanciallyruinous.

The armies raised bywhatever combination ofthese methods were verysmall. Population waslimited, political unitsmodest, warriors expensive,

and logistics undeveloped.Simon de Montfort wonMuretwith under a thousandmen. The French army atBouvines, the supremeconfrontation of the age,consisted of 1,600 horse and4,000–6,000 foot. Lack ofnumbers prevented armiesestablishing a continuousfront line, and contributed tooperational fluidity. Fightingwas diffuse, spread out intime and space. Combined

with the unceasing strugglefor a myriad of strongholdsthis creates an impression ofstrategic chaos.The image isunfair. Like their moderncounterparts, the bestmedieval commanders metthe challenges of their daywithingenuityandskill.

It would have beenstrange if they did not.WarfarewasthemainactivityofmedievalEurope’s secularelite,themostprestigiousend

of a spectrum of violencerunningfromhuntingthroughjousting and tournaments towar, domestic and foreign.Skills were transmittedverbally, a vanished oraldiscourse of which theHistory formedpart.Williamwould have absorbed thistraditional expertise whiledaydreaming at Tancarville,or attending the courts ofPhilipofAlsaceandHenryII.While inPalestineheformed

a close attachment to theTemplars, whose Rulerepresented the best oftwelfth-century chivalricpractice. After 1194Williamwas the constant companionofRichardCoeurdeLion,theforemost exponent ofknightly warfare. Such acurriculum vitae demandedmore than instinctualphysicality. William’sargument at Arras that‘Foresight, common sense

and right, often accompanyprowess’ stuck in John ofEarley’s mind to reappeartwenty-five years later in theHistory.

Comparison withtwentieth-century militarydoctrine demonstrates thematurity of twelfth-centurymilitaryexpertise.TheBritishArmy’s Field ServiceRegulationsof1924reflectedtheexperienceofthegreatestland war the nation has ever

fought. They identified eightunderlying principles ofwar.Medievalcommanderswouldnever have expressedthemselves so succinctly, buttheir actions showed theirinstinctive understanding ofthekeyideas:

Maintenance of theObjective: PhilipAugustus devoted hisadultlifetooverthrowingthe Angevin Empire.

When Richard turnedback from Jerusalem, hesacrificed a minorobjective,theproblematicrecovery of the HolyCity, topreserveaviableChristian enclave on thePalestinian coast.Medieval circumstancesmade it hard forcommanders to pursuethe destruction of enemyforces, the ideal aim ofmilitaryoperations today,

but leaders like Saladinand Richard persistentlysought to do so. Asregent, William wouldshowsimilarfocus.Offensive Action: Itbecame a cliché in thelater Middle Ages, whenknights foughtdismounted,thattoattackwas to court defeat. Thatwas not so in William’sday. Twelfth-centuryknights fought mounted,

making the offensive themost effective route totactical success.Henry IIended the Young King’sRevolt not by sittingbehindRouen’sdefences,but by sallying forth tooffer battle. Simon deMontforttwicereversedadire strategic situation inLanguedoc by resoluteoffensive action, first atCastelnaudary(1211)andthen at Muret. William’s

insistence on the boldmove at Arras won thedaywithoutafight.A knightly charge wasnot the pell-mell rushsuggested by AnnaComnena’s claim that ‘aFrank on horsebackwoulddriveahole in thewallsofBabylon’.Startedonthewordofcommand,it began gently, as ifcarrying a bride in thesaddle, then built up

speedonatrumpetcalltoburst through theopposing ranks, as TeamAngevin did at Joigny in1178/79. When severalbodiesofknightswereinline, they charged insuccessive echelons,usually starting from theright,todeliveraseriesofshocks and provide arallying point forpreceding waves. Philipof Alsace

characteristically addedhisowntwist,chargingàla traverse, to rollup theYoungKing’s disorderedranksfromtheflank.

Surprise: The firstthought of every twelfth-century commander wasto outwit his adversary.Almost every actionmentioned in theHistoryfeatures surprise, whichwas always the best way

topre-emptasiegebeforeit started. The History’saccountofNewburyusesthree ‘surprise’ relatedwordsintwelvelines,thegarrison’s first warningbeing the appearance ofStephen’s advanceguard.William’s capture ofCilgerraninAdvent1204was equally sudden,catchingitsWelshguardsinermis – naked orunarmed–atatimewhen

the Trux Dei outlawedmilitary activity.Movement by night wascommon, from JohnMarshal’s Test Valleyambush, via theMontmirail and Milliraids, to King John’ssecret flight inDecember1203. Twice the victimswere caught eatingbreakfast.

Concentration: The

History’s comment thatthe Imperialists lost atBouvines because theyattackedprematurelywithaquarteroftheirnumbersis statistically incorrect,but tactically astute.Otto’s army arrivedpiecemeal, some of theleaders having ridden onahead, among them theEarl of Salisbury fromwhom the History’saccountmayderive.

Medieval tacticalorganisation sought toprevent such dissipationof effort.Knights formedupforaction in troopsorconrois of twelve totwenty-four men each,like William’s fifteen-strong banner at Lagny-sur-Marne. Severalconrois formed aneschiele or bataille,commonly translatedasa‘battle’,fiftytosixtymen

in front and two or threeranksdeep.Thesetacticalunits formed line orcolumn depending ontheir numbers andsituation. When theyadvanced, they did so inthe tightest formationconsistent withmovement. Close ordermaximises the fightingpower of short-rangeweapons, concentratingthe maximum number of

blows on the shortestfrontage. The eyewitnessItinerary of the Pilgrimssays the Crusaders atArsufweresopackedthat‘an apple, if thrown,would not have fallen tothe ground withouttouchingamanorhorse’.This compact formationappears repeatedly in theHistory’s accounts oftournaments, starting atSte Jamme, where the

chamberlain’s conroirode out seréement &sanz desrei, tightly andwithout disorder. Thechamberlain pushedWilliam back into line atDrincourt lest hisenthusiasm disrupted theformation. When thechamberlain’s menwithdrew under pressure,they did so in serriedranks not dispersed likeCossacks. Tournaments

were instrumental indeveloping thisinstinctive ability tomaintain formation, theexact antithesis ofmodern caricatures ofmedieval battle as adisjointedseriesofduels.

Economy of Force:Medieval strategistswereadept at preserving theirown strength, whiledissipating the enemy’s.

Raids weakened theenemyeconomically, andmight compel hisscatteredforcestofightata disadvantage. Richardcaptured the Marshal’sgreat rival, William desBarres, near Mantesattended by just a fewknights. Castlesrepresented economy offorce.Substitutingmoneyandlabourforblood,theyforcedtheenemytowaste

time besieging themindividually, or riskdispersing to attackseveral at once.Blockading a besiegingarmy wore them outfaster than fighting them,as Philip Augustuslearned at Vaudreuil in1194.

Security: The firstresponsibility of anycommander is to guard

against surprise.Asearlyas the First Crusade, wehear of advance and rearguardsprotectinganarmyon the march. Archersand scouts precededStephen’s host atNewbury.Reconnaissance was sopainstaking that in 1173Louis VII captured atown while Henry II’sscouts were still feelingtheir way. The English

commander at Alnwick‘prudently’ sent a spy toreckon the Scottishforces. Richard I inOutremer dressed hisscouts as Bedouin. HisvictoryatGisorsfollowedcareful reconnaissance,first by a veteran knight,who knew the country,then by the king.William’s patrols at LeMans and Arques placehim in the same tradition

ofpersonalobservation.

Mobility: Vegetius, oneof the few classicalauthorities owned bymedieval commanders,rated speed more highlythan numbers. Smallwell-horsed medievalarmies,nottiedbythelegtoanartillerytrain,couldmove at an astonishingrate.TheMontmirail raidrode 70 miles (114km)

fromChinon,stormedthetown, and then marchedanother 26 miles (42km)to Châteaudun,apparently in two daysandtheinterveningnight.King Johnwas almost asquick at Mirebeau,making 40 miles (60km)a day. Even infantrycould cover the ground.Henry II’s Brabançonsmarched 132 miles(210km) from Rouen to

Dol to crush the YoungKing’sBretonsupporters,19 miles a day (30km).High march rates helpexplain the frequency ofsurprise attacks, armiesarriving before news oftheir coming, as atDrincourt. Socio-economicfactorsspeededoperations:thesurvivalofRoman roads, not yetplundered for buildingmaterial, and the

aristocracy’sacquaintance with thecountryside, ingrained byyearsofincessanthuntingand perambulationbetweenestates.

Co-operation: If theduelling model ofknightly combat werecorrect, therewouldhavebeen no mutual supporton medieval battlefields.The History provides

plentiful evidence to thecontrary. Groups ofknights continually joinforces against singleopponents, like the fivewho assailed William atSt Brice, tearing at hishelmet and pulling himback over his horse’scrupper. Even as theirconroisdisintegrateunderthe shock of battle,individual knights clingtogether to protect their

comrades. When fortyknights set upon theYoungKingatLagny,theMarshal rides to therescue, laying about himwith his sword, while afreelance prisoner onparole hauls at the royalreins, the helmetlessprince covering thembothwithhisshield.Maintaining a reserveallows one part of anarmy to support the rest.

It was common twelfth-century practice, whichWilliam learnt fromPhilip of Alsace andapplied at Frétéval.Simon de Montfortwithheld one of his threeeschielesatMurettoturntheAragonese flank.The‘feigned flights’ thatfeature in so manymedieval battles are nomore than the use of areserve to restore the

fight, in accordance withnineteenth-centurycavalry practice, whereup to half a mountedforce might be kept as asupport.Inter-arm co-operationwas problematic andprobably under-reported,given themounted arm’ssocial dominance.Nevertheless ithappened.Dismounted knights andarchers together formed

the front ranks at theStandard; sergeants andcrossbows at Jaffa in1192. Horse and foot inOutremer were soaccustomed to workingtogether that the latteropened their ranks atArsuf for the knights tocharge out through thegaps. Before Muret,Count Raymond ofToulouse proposeddrawing the Crusaders

onto a line ofcrossbowmen behind apalisade,butwaslaughedat by Peter of Aragon.William would not besuchafoolatLincoln.

The conflict that followedJohn’s ignominious returnfrom Poitou late in 1214conformed to customarypatterns. Both sides usedblackmail and devastation tointimidate their opponents,

and sustain their own troops.Mucheffortwasexpendedinsieges.Battlesremainedalastresort. Dirty tricks featuredprominently. A profoundlyconservative society utilisedits traditional weapons andmilitary organisation.Hostilitieswereconductedbyheavily armed cavalry andprofessional crossbowmendrawn frommagnate retinuesand mercenary bands.Commanders followed

principles absorbed overtwenty-fiveyearsofAngevin-Capetian conflict. It is notsurprising that the royalists,with their routier captainsand theMarshal’sunequalledexperience,cameoutontop.

IV

KINGJOHNANDTHEDAUPHIN

ivil war was a frequentconsequence of royal failurein pre-modern England. The

CBarons’ War thatfollowed John’sreturnfromPoitou inOctober 1214 would

have been predictable inother, less fraughtcircumstances. For John itwas the fitting climax of anappallingreign;forWilliamitwas a dramatic pause, beforehe emerged centre stage assaviour of his country. TheHistory glosses over theMarshal family’s role in the

conflict.Othersources revealthe older William’scomplicity in John’scounsels, an embarrassmentforhissonwhoseloyaltywaslesscertain.

The poet observed thatJohn’s troubles began withhis allies’ bad day atBouvines,andcontinueduntilhis death. Those whom theking had injured turnedagainst him, followed byotherswith lessexcuse.Both

sidescommittedexcessesthatwere unbelievable, had theynot been seen. William’sconciliatoryattitudeasregentsuggestshe shared thepoet’sambivalence.Thebaronsheldthe initiative, compellingJohntogranttheconcessionsframed in Magna Carta. AsJohn mobilised his superiorfinancial and politicalresources,however,hegainedthe upper hand, besiegingRochester in October 1215

andalaunchingachevauchéethrough northern England atChristmas. Only FrenchinterventioninMay1216,ledby Philip Augustus’s sonLouis, stemmed the royalisttide.Reduced to roaming thecountry like some bandit,John died at Newark inOctober1216,endingthefirstinstalmentofhostilities.

THEBARONS’REVOLT

The baronial movementoriginated in the conspiracyof1212,whoseexiledleadersreturned after John’ssubmission to the Pope. Theroyal climb-down broughttogether an explosivecombination of lay andclerical malcontents.

Throughout the crisis, John’senemies posed as defendersofthelibertiesofbothChurchand kingdom, a potentmixture. Their personalgrievanceswere less exalted.Professor Holt, MagnaCarta’s great historian,describedtheBarons’Warasa rebellion of the king’sdebtors. Magnateindebtedness to the Crownquadrupledbetween1199and1209. Robert fitz Walter, a

ringleader,wasdeeplyindebtto the king, as was Geoffreyof Mandeville, who owed20,000marksfor thehandofJohn’scast-offqueen.Assonof John’s long-servingjusticiar, Geoffrey fitz Peter,Mandeville was a naturalroyalist, but his debts drovehim to revolt. Indebtednesswasmorethanjustafinancialhazard, as the Braose affairshowed. It was a life-threateningcondition.

The rebellion’s hard corelay in the north, somuch sothat Northerner became ageneral term for thedissidents. Ralph ofCoggeshall called themNorthumbrians, but thedividing line lay furthersouth,attheWashratherthanthe Humber. Many rebelscame from East Anglia,explainingLincoln’sstrategicimportance astride ErmineStreet,themainroadbetween

the revolt’s main foci. TheNortherners had refused tofollow John to Poitou afterthe naval victory at Dam in1213, claiming to beexhaustedafterdefending thecoast all summer. Next yeartheywouldneitherserve,norpay the 3-mark scutagedemanded of defaulters.Nearer home, they resentedthe intrusion of alien royalservants into countyadministration, hard-faced

men such as the TourangeauPhilip Mark, the real-lifeSheriff of Nottingham, orPhilip of Maulay, Arthur’sallegedassassin.Unrestrainedbylocalties,suchmenhadnocompunctionaboutextractingevery penny John demandedfor his foreign adventures.Between 1199 and 1212Yorkshire’s tax revenuestrebled, in linewith inflationbutnotcustom.

Menaced by debt and

excluded from office,magnates and gentry werealso exposed to John’swhimsicalapplicationoflegalprocess. Partly this arosefrom his transferring legalbusiness from fixed courts atWestminstertotheperipateticroyal court; partly it resultedfrom his confusing theadministrationof justicewithmoney raising, magnateshavingtoofferlargesumsforthe king’s favour.More than

one chronicler cited John’sarbitrary dispossessionswithout prior judgement as agrievance; ‘thus wastyrannical will the law forhim’ (Waverley). More thanone rebel leader nursedclaimstoacastlewithheldbyasuspiciousmonarch:Robertfitz Walter to Hertford, Saerof Quincy to Mountsorrel inLeicestershire, Geoffrey ofMandeville to the Tower ofLondon.

The war was also arebellion of cuckolds. Somereports of John’s affairsemerged later, and may bedismissed as fabrications.Walter of Guisborough, forexample,toldabizarretaleofa raddled harlot smuggledinto theroyalbed inplaceofEustace of Vesci’s wife.Better documented, thoughequallyodd,isthefineof200chickens that Hugh deNeville’s wife offered the

king for a night back home.HughwouldabandonJohninJune 1216, handingMarlborough Castle to theFrench.Allegationsofsexualmisconduct were a commonfeature of thirteenth-centurypolitical discourse. Poitevinrebels had accusedRichard Iof debauching their women,before marrying them off tohis mercenaries. John’smisconduct, however, wasflagrant. The Brabançon

minstrelwhowroteaHistoryof the Dukes of NormandyandKingsofEngland(knownas Anonymous of Béthune)was no unworldly monk. Hethought Johnde bieles femes… trop convoiteus – toodesirous of fair women: ‘bywhichhebroughtgreatshameupon the highest men of theland, forwhichhewasmuchhated’. TheMelsa ChroniclefromYorkshiresaysthatJohn‘deflowered the wives and

daughters of the nobility,[and] spared the wives ofnonewhomhechose tostainwith the ardour of hisdesires’, a claim echoed atWaverley in Surrey. Evenrumoursofsexualmisconductwith a high-status womancould prove devastating, asWilliam had found in 1182.Three major aims emergedfrom this maelstrom ofgrievances: to limit John’sexorbitant financialdemands;

to regain control of thelocalities; and to restrain thearbitrary application of royaljustice. The conflict’spersonalisation, however,made John’s disappearancethe only sure way of endingit.

William’s role in thecrisis reflects a personalambivalence. Like othermagnates he had sufferedconfiscation of castles andlands, demands for hostages,

and thewasting of his lands.ButheowedeverythingtotheCrown.A younger sonmadegood,Williamwasasmuchaparvenu as John’s lesssavoury supporters, makinghim a natural curialis ormember of the court party.John emphasised whereWilliam’s material interestslaybygrantinghimCardiganand Carmarthen in January1214. As the Historycommented, it was John’s

custom to keep hisprud’hommesatarm’slength,until he needed them. Whenthe barons presented Johnwith their charter of libertiesatEpiphany1215(6January),Williamactedasa surety forthe king’s answering theirdemands the Sunday afterEaster (26 April). Anotherguarantor was StephenLangton, the archbishopwished upon John by thePope. Roger of Wendover

stresses Langton’s leadershipin thenegotiations leading toMagna Carta, but Williamwas Stephen’s constantcompanion. Together theyrepresented society’s twinpillars,thechurchmenandtheknights. John sought delay,arguingthenoveltyandtime-consuming nature of thebaronial programme. TheBarnwell chronicler, oursurest guide, said that Johnhad other ideas in his mind,

however. Recruiting officers,like Hugh of Boves, beganhiring French and Flemishmercenaries, of which thebarons were soon aware.Royal letters to the Popedenounced baronialdisloyalty. Sheriffs imposedoaths of fealty, backing Johnagainst the charter. Johnboycotted further meetings,usingWilliamandLangtonasintermediaries.

William’s diplomatic

skills emerge no morebrightly from thesedeliberations than from hisabortive missions to PhilipAugustus. Inneithercasedidhe hold winning cards. Hewould do better after John’sdeath, playing his own hand.Meanwhile, Johnprevaricated, hoping toprovoke his opponents intoviolence.OnAshWednesday(4 April), the king and hishouseholdputon theEnglish

Crusaders’ traditional whitecrosses.He thusgained threeyears’ immunity from attack,pleased the Pope, andinfuriated his enemies. Theyassertedthat‘hehadnotdoneit out of feelings of piety orthe love of Christ, but inorder to cheat them of hispromise’ (Barnwell). AftertheEpiphany conference, thebarons had formed aconjuratio,aswornleague,todemand redress. Almost by

accident, they became thefirst rebels with a causegreater than mere self-aggrandisement. Beingpractical men, they fortifiedtheir castles, and despatchedtheirownenvoystothePope.

Distrusting John, thedissidents foregathered, ‘withhorsesandarms’,atStamfordinLincolnshire,atournamentvenue on England’s mainnorth–south road. On EasterMonday (20 April) they

moved to Brackley, a day’sride from John’s location atOxford, ‘committing nowarlikeacts,beyondthemereappearance of war’(Barnwell).Brackleywas theseat of Saer of Quincy,Robert fitz Walter’scompanion in dishonour atVaudreuil. John had paidtheir ransoms andmadeSaerEarl of Winchester, but hefailed to secure their loyalty.Like William, Saer was a

self-made man with links totheYoungKing’shousehold.He had vouched for thesufficiency of William’shostages in 1210. MatthewParis thought there was nomorehandsomeknight in theworld. Heavily indebted tothe Jews, Saer played aleading role throughout therebellion. The slide to wargathered momentum as thebarons threatened towithdraw fealty, the formal

preludetohostilities.Williamand Langton rode betweenOxford and Brackley,returning with a writtenstatement of the barons’demands. Failing agreement,the dissidents threatened toseize John’s fortresses.Accordingtotheplentifulbutunreliable Roger ofWendover, the king refusedin a rage. On 5 May, thebaronswithdrewhomage,andmarched off, banners flying,

to attack Northampton, 18miles (29km) to the north-east.

The baronial démarchecaught John at adisadvantage. Roger ofWendover identified forty-four ‘chief promoters of thispestilence’, who mobilised‘two thousand knights,besides horse sergeants,attendants, and foot soldiers… variously equipped’. AsMagna Carta’s twenty-five

enforcerspromisedtoprovidenearly 1,200 knights, 2,000knightly followers does notseemexcessive for forty-fourmagnates. A third of theEnglish knight service, itexplainsJohn’sunwillingnessto take the offensive. It alsobears comparison with the1,380 knights later named inwrits of restitution asdispossessed for rebellion. Itis,however,morethanPhilipAugustus concentrated at

Bouvines, while specificreferences to baronial armiesrange from 500 to just over1,000.

The arch-traitor Robertfitz Walter was appointedcommander-in-chief as‘Marshal of theHost ofGodand Holy Church’.Represented on his sealbrandishing a sword andsportingoneofthelatestflat-topped helmets, Robert alsoheld Castle Baynard,

London’s second strongestfortress after the Tower. TheBarnwell chroniclerconfirmed widespread rebelsupport, ‘especially youngersonsandnephews…seekingto make their militaryreputation’. Older men, withmore to lose, supported theking. Others, ‘friends offortune or lovers ofnovelties’,wentwiththetide.Among the families thusdivided were the Marshals.

Roger of Wendover’s list ofrebels includes the youngerWilliam, who no doubtresentedsevenyearsspentasJohn’shostage.Alternatively,the family may have backedboth horses.William and hisbrotherJohnwereaccusedofdoing so in 1194, andScottishfamiliesdid likewiseduring the eighteenth-centuryJacobite risings. The allianceofAlexanderII,thenewKingof Scots, and Llewelyn of

Gwynedd with themalcontents had theadvantage for John ofconsolidating the Marcherlordsbehindhim.Iftherebelsenjoyed quantitativesuperiority, the king hadquality: the Earls ofSalisbury, Chester,Pembroke, Derby, Warenne,Aumale, and Cornwall. Johnpawned his jewels, includingMatilda’s imperial regalia, tothe Templars to hire

mercenaries. He had fewermen, but the simpler aim ofgaining time until the baronstired of besieging royalstrongholds, and went home.TheHistory glosses over thefighting: ‘there were toomany dishonourablecircumstances to relate’, andthe author feared for hissafetyifhedweltuponthem.

Northampton was awashout. Lacking siegeengines, the barons made no

impression on the castle,whichlayat thesouthendoftown, near today’s railwaystation. Northampton was animportant communicationscentre. Its position ensuredfurther fighting there duringthe Second Barons’ War of1264 and the Wars of theRoses. Lying clear of thewetlandsthatstretchedinlandfromtheWash,possessionofNorthampton would havesecured the Northerners’

retreat to Stamford, past theFens. John’s garrison provedunco-operative, however. AcrossbowmanshotRobertfitzWalter’s standard bearer inthe head, and the baronsdecampedtoBedford,heldbyafriendlycastellan.Heretheymet envoys from London,offeringtosurrenderthecity.John had issued a charterconfirming London’s ancientliberties, but concessionsextracted under duress

enjoyedlittlecredibility.Five hundred knights set

off at once for Ware nearHertford. Next day, Sunday17 May, they pressed on 20miles (30km) to the capitalready for battle. While thepopulation were hearingMass, the rebel advanceguard scaled the walls usingscaffolding erected formaintenancework, and let intheir friends. The intrudersplundered royalist merchants

and Jews, and rifled theusurers’ document chests, acommontargetduringattacksonJewishcommunities.Jewswere especially vulnerableduring civilwarswhen royalprotection became a liability,whilethedestructionofcreditagreementsalsohurttheking,who inherited the debts ofdead Jews. In this holycampaign,remarkedRalphofCoggeshall, the invadersfilled their empty purses

many times over. Takingcontrolof the city, the rebelsappointed a new mayor,placed guards around theperimeter, and pillaged stonefrom Jewish houses to repairthe walls. Only the Towerheldoutagainstthem.

London’s capture was afatal blow to the king.Citieswere almost impossible tobesiege. Antioch resisted theFirst Crusade for 226 days,and only fell through

treachery.JordandeFantôme,writing in the1170s,claimedthatno-onehadeverbesiegedLondon. Since his day freshditches had been dug outsidethe Roman walls, mostrecently in 1213. The ‘headand crown’ of the kingdom,London provided a surerefuge for the baronial partyuntilthelastdaysofthewar.Its loss to the barons wasdecisive for the first round.When they issued letters

threatening to destroy themanors of those whosupported theking, includingWilliam, most of John’ssupporters changed sides.Only the staunchest curialesremainedloyal.

The collapse of John’sposition in England wasmirrored in Wales. WhileJohnhadfocussedonEuropein1213–14,Llewelyngainedground in North Wales,takingJohn’snewcastles,‘by

force, one by one, thetownsmenpartlykilled,partlyransomed and partly orderedtodepart’(WelshAnnals).Asroyal difficulties intensified,Llewelyn allied with theNortherners and Giles ofBraose, Bishop of Hereford.‘Oneofthefirstconfederatesagainsttheking’,GilesdroveJohn’s bailiffs out of theBraose family castles atAbergavenny, Brecon, andBuilth. Towards Ascension,

as the rebels took London,Rhys ap Gruffydd’sdescendantsmarched throughWilliam’s recent acquisitionsin Cardiganshire, to takeKidwelly in South Wales.EnteringtheGowerpeninsulain force, they ‘carried outlootings and burnings, andburnt and cast down thecastles, not without loss oflife’ (ibid.). Carmarthen’sEnglish colonists burnt theirtown rather than see it fall

into enemy hands. Llewelynhimself burst out of NorthWalestocaptureShrewsbury,Shropshire’s county town. Itwas an unprecedentedEnglish humiliation, thetiming too good to becoincidental.

Reduced to sevenhousehold knights, whilerebel armies ranged aboutdespoiling royal manors andhunting lodges, John hid inWindsorCastle,notdaringto

step outside. PhilipAugustusincreased the pressure bydenying him French recruits,and offering to send thebarons volunteers, money,andsiegeenginestobattertheTower. InWhitWeek (7–14June), the Northernersoccupied Lincoln town, andblockadedthecastle.Williamhad already ridden intoLondonseekinganarmistice.John’s delaying strategy hadfailed. He had no choice but

to accept the barons’ terms,oratleastpretendtodoso.

THEGREATCHARTER

MagnaCartahasbecome thecorner stone of Englishconstitutional law. In 1215 itwas a temporary expedient,like most of the treaties that

punctuated medievalconflicts. The originalagreement was overthrownwithinmonths,denouncedbythePope,itsundertakingsandguarantees declared null andvoid for ever. It acquired itsname and significance later.What Bishop Stubbs calledtheGreatCharterofLiberties,contemporary sources knewas the concordia deRuningemede, or carta deRunemede, from the place

whereitwasagreed.The Charter differed in

substancefromcontemporaryinternational treaties, dealingwith feudal custom, legalprocess, and economicregulation rather than lands,castles,ormarriages.Itssixtynumbered chapters and threesupplementary clauses madeitthelongestpieceofEnglishlegislationsinceCnut’sreign.No individual could claimsole responsibility for its

content. John had beenoutmanoeuvred not defeated.Hisforcesremainedinbeing.The document was acompromise, reflectingcommon ground betweenloyalist and rebel barons, thebishops, and John’s officials.Stephen Langton had theintellect to draft the charter,and may have produced anUnknown Charter of 1213–14, found 650 years later inthe French national archives.

Even a vengeful King John,however, could find noevidence for his authorship,howeverhardhetried.SidneyPainter credited Langton andWilliam jointly, but theMarshal’s role remainsopaque. Age, prestige, andexperience made him anessential interlocutor in thethree-week negotiations, buttheHistoryissilent.

Peace talks were alwaysheld at secure locations to

ensure that neither side tookadvantageoftheother.HenryII and Stephen discussedterms across the Thames atWallingford;Richardwent toLe Goulet in 1198 by boat.Runnymedewas a traditionalmeetingplaceonthesouthernbankoftheThames,betweenthe rival headquarters atWindsor and Staines. Lyingon the Roman road fromSilchester to London, lowmarshygroundprotecteditto

southandeast,whiletherivercoveredthebarons’advancedbase at Staines. Ponds andstreams along the river’s oldcourse provided furthersecurity, making the area avirtualisland.

John arrived fromWindsor on 10 June, andcamped at one end of thefield, thebarons at theother,‘with a multitude ofdistinguishedknights,allwellarmed’ (Coggeshall).Matters

weresufficientlyadvancedby15JuneforJohntoadmithisrecent enemies to the kiss ofpeace, whereupon theyrenewed their homage andfealty. Barnwell makes itclear that peacewas restoredbefore John ‘[granted] themall what they wanted,confirming it with hischarter’, thus preserving thelegal fiction that theagreement was by mutualconsent, not extracted under

duress. John did not signMagna Carta. Kings did notdo things like that. Royalistwitnesses included elevenbishops led by Langton,followedbytheMasteroftheTemple, and sixteen curialesledbyWilliam.The loyalistswerebalancedbytwenty-fivebarones electi, magnateschosen to oversee thecharter’s implementation.Originally unnamed, thesubsequent list includes such

committed rebels as RobertfitzWalter,EustaceofVesci,and the younger EarlMarshal.

Magna Carta lacks theringing statements ofprinciple fashionable inmorerecent constitutionaldocuments. Both sides’leaders were concerned withpractical issues. Neitheranarchists nor reactionaries,they sought to preserve thepositivefeaturesofHenryII’s

legal innovations whileprotecting themselves againsttheabuseofroyalpower.Theopening chapters reassertedexisting ecclesiastical andfeudal rights, limiting theroyal exactions that drove somany into debt. Scutagewasto be levied by commoncounseloftherealm,thethinendofaconstitutionalwedgethat would eventuallybroaden into ‘no taxationwithout representation’.

Chapters 39 and 40 placedreal limits on the arbitraryexercise of power. No freeman might be imprisoned,dispossessed, outlawed,banished,orotherwiseruinedwithout lawful judgement.Thenatureof that judgementwas unspecified, legalprocessbeinginfluxbetweenthe old-fashioned ordealfavoured by William in hisconfrontations with royalty,and theevidentialprocedures

favoured by canon law.Chapter40comesnearesttoastatementofprinciplewithitstersepromisethat‘Tono-oneshallwesell, refuse,ordelayrightandjustice’.

Other chapters reflect thecharter’s conflictual origin.Property confiscated beforeorduringhostilitieswastoberestored. The winners’ allieswere rewarded. London gotstandard weights andmeasures and guarantees of

freedom of movement,including removal of fishweirs from the Thames.Welsh and Scottish hostageswere to be freed. Magnatespassed on royal concessionsto their knightly accomplicesin rebellion. John’s alienservants, ‘knights,crossbowmen, sergeants,mercenaries, who had comewith horses and arms to theharm of the kingdom’, wereto be expelled. This was not

just xenophobia. Gerard ofAthée fromTouraine, one ofthose mentioned by name,had played a leading role indestroyingtheBraosefamily.The History describes himplotting William’s ruin in1207. The Barnwell annalistsummarised contemporarypriorities:

And the kingimmediately gave backhis right to everyone,

the hostages whom heheld, the castles andestates which he hadlongheldinhishand…and even those whichhisbrotherRichardhadcarriedoff…

Recent enemies restoredpeace with traditionalconviviality, eating anddrinking together. John worehis grandmother’s regalia,redeemedfromtheTemple.Aday was set to finalise

implementation, peacedeclared,and thosebesiegingLincolnandtheTowertoldtostop.Itwastoogoodtolast.

CIVILWAR

Magna Carta was a victoryfor John’s moderatesupporters, who probablyincluded the Marshal.

Extremistsoneithersidesawit as a breathing space. Johnstands accused of dragginghis feet, but he was promptenough to dismiss expensivemercenaries, and restorecastles and estates. He wasless willing to replacetrustworthy foreign officialswith disaffected Englishmen.Gerard of Athée and hiscolleagues remained in post.John’s immediate request forpapal dispensation from his

oath to observe the charter,however, casts serious doubton his sincerity. The rebelswere no better. Some leftRunnymede early, makingtheir absence a pretext forcontinued dissidence. Ascover, they arranged atournament at Stamford, theprize a live bear, anappropriate symbol ofEngland’sdescentintochaos.Mistrustwasmutual: ‘neitherdid he [John] entrust himself

tothem,nordidtheycometohim’(Barnwell).Somerebelsreturned toLondon,others totheir castles. Some builtmunitiunculae, minorstrongholds like those thatplagued Stephen’s reign. Inareas dominated bydissidents, royal servantswere beaten up andimprisoned.

Magna Cartasubordinated John to acommittee of twenty-five, a

revolutionaryconstraintthatamilderkingmighthavefoundintolerable. Baronialintransigence made mattersworse.WhenJohnlaysickofgout, they had him carriedinto court to give judgement,recalling Count Richard’sshameful treatment of HenryII. ‘Of such pride and suchoutrages,’ wrote Anonymousof Béthune, ‘there was greatplenty’. The bishops soughtto mediate. William

participated in one last effortat Oxford on 16 July. Johnstayed away, claiming thatthe presence of so manyarmed men made it unsafe.Meetings in August wereequally fruitless. TheTwenty-Five instituted aparallel administration,appointing themselvessheriffs to eastern andnorthern counties. Williamwithdrewtohisestatestoco-ordinate action against the

Welsh.Meanwhile,Johngathered

shipping,blockadedthesouthcoast, and summoned freshmercenaries. Hugh of Bovespreached a Crusade inFlanderswithpapal lettersofdoubtfulauthenticity,inviting‘all thosetrainedtoarms[to]come to England for theremission of their sins, andhand out death there’(Coggeshall). Real papalletters were equally deadly.

Consistently out of stepwithevents in England, the Popebecame increasinglyperemptory. Langton and themoderate bishops ignoredpapal demands forwidespreadexcommunications whilecontinuingmediation.LateinAugust they were overtakenby a papal bull addressed tothe Bishops of Norwich andWinchester. The former wasthe Italian legate who had

ended the Interdict in 1213,and was now a royalfavourite.ThelatterwasPeterdes Roches, a hard-lineroyalist, who exploited thePope’s commission tounleash counter-revolution.On 5 September hesuspended Langton andexcommunicated anyoneattacking theking,propellingthe archbishop into exile andEngland into civil war. TheHistory says little about the

conflictthatwouldeventuallybringWilliamtothesuprememoment of his career, eitherfrom embarrassment, orbecause John of Earley wason the Marches, away fromevents. Its course must betold from other sources.Anonymous of Béthune fillsmany gaps. Writing with asoldier’seyeofeventsthathehadoftenseenforhimself,hecomplements and confirmsmuch of the History’s often

sparseaccount.Raiding began

immediately, ‘the kingholdingoutinhisstrongholds… the barons roving freelyabout the country, althoughso far they had spared thepeople on account of theharvest’ (Barnwell). Royalestates and forests wereparticular targets, the rebelsselling the king’s timber andkilling his deer. John lurkedat Dover, commanding the

narrow seas across which helooked for support.Meanwhile, the arrogance ofthe Twenty-Five drovemoderate magnates into hisarms, much as intransigentParliamentarians created aRoyalist party in 1642.Summoned with dire threatsto discuss John’s deposition,a substantial number ofmagnates objected,‘especially as he hadpronounced himself ready to

observe the agreed peace.And so they were dividedamong themselves, and theills of the land weremultiplied’(ibid.).‘Ofallthisevil,’ theHistory assures us,‘nothing was undertaken ordone by the Marshal’sadvice.’KnownatthetimeasRegales or Reaulx, theroyalist hard core includedeight earls, among themWilliam. Their opponentsincluded six earls, besides

Robert fitz Walter andEustace ofVesci, ‘andmanyothers whom it would betedioustoenumerate’(ibid.).

Such generalitiesillustrate the problematicnature of medieval orders ofbattle.Romannumeralsweredifficult to manipulate,muster rolls scarce, andunworldly monks lessnumerate than merchants orarchitects. Roger ofWendover wrote with

spurious precision of ‘threebattalions of sergeants andcrossbowmen’, thirsting forhuman blood. Less inventivechroniclerswroteofGascons,Poitevins, and Brabançonspouringin,luredbypromises:‘foreign barbarians and agreat multitude of differenttongues steered for England,encouraging the king in hiserror’ (Waverley). TheHistory specifies Flemings,‘foreign knights and

sergeants, who wanted toplunder every day. Theyhardlythoughtofhelpinghim[John] win his war, but onlyof spoiling his country.’Estimates reached 15,000, afigure comparable with the14,000routiers thatHenry IIpaid off after the YoungKing’sRevolt.

Figures from recordevidencearegenerally lower.GilbertofMons,theCountofHainault’s chancellor in the

1180s, quotes Flemishcomitalforcesof700to1,000mountedmen.Fewermade itinto the front line.Villehardouin estimated theFourth Crusade at 20,000overall, but specifiesbattlefield contingents in thelowhundreds.Lackofmoneylimitedarmysizes,anddrovethem to plunder. ProfessorCarpenter reckons that Johnfielded 800 mounted men inlate1215.Garrisonsabsorbed

considerable numbers,although individualdetachmentswere small, likethe three knights and tensergeantscapturedatOdihamin June 1216. Literaryreferences suggest thataverage wartime garrisonswerenearer100.Evenathalfthat figure, John needed7,500 men to hold the 150castleshe isbelieved tohaveowned in 1215, a figurecomparable with Professor

Barlow’s estimate of 6,500for Henry II’s totalestablishment. These staticforces must have sustainedthemselves from localresources.Deployed across amuch smaller area thanHenry’sempire,John’slargerestablishment supportscontemporary perceptions ofamilitariseddespotism.

John’s opponents appearsimplertoassess,theTwenty-Fiveguaranteeingcontingents

totalling 1,187. The mostnotorious did not make thelargest contribution: Robertfitz Walter and Eustace ofVescisuppliedfiftyandthirtyknights respectively.Geoffrey of Mandeville andthe younger Marshal werejoint topwith 200 each. Thelatter’s contribution matchesthe mesnie his father led toNorthWales in 1212. It alsoexplains the History’sreticence concerning 1215–

16. None of these figuresincludes foot. Mountedtroops,knightsandsergeants,provideanindexofanarmy’sfighting value, but infantryalways surpassed them innumbers. Richard heldSaintonges against his fatherin 1174 with sixty knightsand 400 crossbowmen, andshipped 2,100 Welsh fromPortsmouth in 1196,comparedwithafewhundredknights. The role of infantry

was significant butunquantified.

The nascent conflictescalatedwithrebelsiegesofcastles at Oxford andNorthampton, while thebarons in desperation offeredthe throne to the Dauphin.The History dismissed thedecisionasgranz folie, but itdidensureasupplyofFrenchartificers to build siegeengines. Meanwhile, Johnsuffered his usual bad luck.

On 26 September, Hugh ofBoves and a large party ofFlemish mercenaries wereshipwrecked off Dunwich,theirbodieswashedupalongthe east coast. Then a rebelparty occupied RochesterCastle, perhaps as a stagingpost for Frenchreinforcements, or to block aroyalist advance on London.TheSheriffofKent,Reginaldof Cornehull, was holding itfor the Archbishop of

Canterbury pending legalconsideration of its rightfulownership. At Michaelmas,he admitted William ofAubigny,oneof theTwenty-Five and sponsor of theStamford tournament.FindingRochesterdestituteofwarlike stores, the rebelsconsidered returning toLondon, until Williamappealed to their honour asknights. They ransacked thetownforprovisions,butJohn

left them no time to gatherbootyfromfurtherafield.

The king, ‘who for somedays had been as it wereskulkingatDovernowbeganto raisehishead’ (Barnwell).The loyal Earl of Salisburytook some mercenaries torelieve Oxford andNorthampton, while JohntackledRochester.Lyingeastof the ancient bridge whereWatling Street crosses theMedway on the way from

Dover to London, Rochesterwas a strategic sore point,likeNorthampton. The sceneofaRomanvictoryofAD43,it was besieged by WilliamRufusin1088,andSimondeMontfort stormed the bridgein 1264. A rough diamondshape, the castle’s cornerswere oriented to the mainpoints of the compass, itsouter bailey surrounded bydeep ditches and crenellatedstonewallsonanearthbank.

Its curtain, as yet, lackedtowers to enfilade theperimeter. The keep in thesouthern corner was 70 feet(21m) square, rising113 feet(34m) to the parapet, withwalls 12 feet (3.6m) thickstrengthened by cornertowers.

John’s first step was toisolate the defenders fromtheir friends in London byburning the wooden bridge.He presumably attacked

downstream along the westbankopposite thecastle, ‘theriver flowing between’ saysCoggeshall. Robert fitzWalter, however, ’with 60knights and sergeants andtrusty crossbowmen held thebridge and put out the fire,compellingtheking,foiledinhis intentions, to flee’.Regrouping,JohnreturnedonSunday 11 October, ‘andbursting in, besieged thecastle,attackingthedefenders

with all kinds of machines’.Five of these were on BoleyHill south of the castle,whence they showered thedefenders with stones,covered by relays ofcrossbowmen and archers.Rochester’s defenders foughtback, ‘with over a hundredknights and sergeants andmany stout crossbowmen’,inflicting heavy losses.Betweenspellsintheline,theattackers stabled their horses

in the cathedral, ‘and thereindulged in eating anddrinking, whoring andlewdness, with none of theusual respect for saints orholyplaces’(ibid.).

Afortnightintothesiege,theLondonbaronsrodedownto Dartford with nearly 700knights, intending to lift thesiege: ‘but when they heardthekinghad set out in battleorder to meet them, havingleft no fewer continuing the

siege,itwasagreedtoawaitabetter time,because theyhadfew infantry, and the king agreat multitude’ (Barnwell).Returning to London, theyproposeda furtherexpeditionon St Andrew’s Day,choosing to believe that thebesiegedcouldholdoutuntilthen.John,however,urgedonthe siege, using miners tobring down the outer wall.Ralph of Coggeshalldescribes the technique used

by Richard I at Chalus-Chabrol:

So the king attackedthem himself withcrossbows, while othersdug around, so thathardly any dared toappear on the towerbattlements,ordefenditin any way.Nevertheless,theythrewlarge stones off the topof the battlements,whichfallingdownwith

great force, terrifiedbystanders, but couldnot injure theminers inthe least or prevent theworks, since thesewereprotectedonallsides…

When the bailey fell,Rochester’s defenderswithdrew into the greattower:‘Allelsebrokendown,onlythekeepstood,towhich,on account of the age andsolidity of the work, the

hurling of stones did littledamage’ (Barnwell). Minersdug beneath the keep’ssoutheastcorner,sincerebuiltwith a telltale cylindricaltower. Orders despatched toDover on 25 Novembercommanded the justiciar ‘tosend us…with all haste 40bacon pigs of the fattest andthose less good for eating touseforbringingfireunderthetower’. At La Roche-au-Moine John had

experimented with sulphur,pitch, and mercury. Now hereverted to more traditionalincendiaries.

Even when John’s menentered the shattered keep,the defenders held out northof the cross-wall, whoseimbedded well shaft sparedthemthirstifnothunger:

Nordoesouragerecordanother siege morevigorously pressed nor

so bravely defended.Fornorestwasallowedthem for days on end,alsowithinthekeeptheysuffered the pangs ofmost bitter hunger,lacking anything elsetheylivedonhorsemeatand water, which washard for those broughtupondelicacies.

(Barnwell)

John’s rapid investment,denying the garrison time to

plunder the locality,paidoff.On 30 November, StAndrew’s Day, the garrisonsurrenderedforwantoffood.Those who could not claimbenefitofclergywerethrowninto chains, while Johnconsidered their fate.Eventually the commonswerereleased,thegentryheldfor ransom. John wanted tohangthelot,asStephendidatShrewsbury in 1138 andHenry III would do at

Bedford in 1224, but Savariof Mauléon, the Poitevincommander, urged restraint.Thewar had just begun, andthe enemy might retaliate inkind. Finally, just onecrossbowman was hanged,whom the king had broughtup from a boy. Otherwise,only one of the garrisonwaskilled, though many ‘uselessmouths’ expelled during thesiege had their hands or feetcutoff.

The capture of Rochesterhasattractedmuchfavourablecomment. The Barnwellannalist thought it struckterror amongst John’senemies, who took refuge inreligious houses, as ‘few …would trust themselves tofortifications’. The Historywas less positive, focussingon the financialcost: ‘in fiveweeks [sic], he had spent allthe riches heused to have inhis treasury…whoever lays

outmuchandgains littleandallieshimselfwithevilpeopleissoonreducedtothedregs’.Ralph of Coggeshallestimatedtheoperation’scostat 60,000 marks, a third ofJohn’swar-chest in 1214.Soexpensiveavictorywasbothan opportunity and a spur toaction. His treasury empty,Johnhadtoendthewarwhilehisopponentswerecowed,orseekthemeansofprolongingit. His solution was a

chevauchée through northernEnglandtobringtherebelstoterms, while maintaining hisarmy at their expense.William Longsword, Earl ofSalisbury, stayed behind tokeep the Londoners in checkwith a handful of routiercaptains. The Marshalremained in the west, whereGiles ofBraose’s submissionin October may represent alocal success. Neither sidesought battle: the barons

awaited the outcome of theirnegotiations with PhilipAugustus; John, as always,preferred to put off adecision.

Leaving Rochester on 6December, John split hisforces at St Albans on the20th, headingnorthwith450knights. In sixty-fivedayshemarchedtoBerwickandbacktoBedford, nearly 600miles(900km) as the crow flies.Slower than William’s raids

on Mantes and Montmirail,but more extensive, John’swinter campaign bearscomparison with the BlackPrince’s Languedocchevauchée of 1355. Johnspent Christmas atNottingham, ‘not ascustomary, but as if oncampaign’ (Barnwell). Pro-forma charters were issuedfor repentant rebels to abjuretheir oaths to Magna Carta,forJohn’saimswerepolitical

as well as punitive. The dayafter Boxing Day, hepersuaded William ofAubigny’sgarrisonatBelvoirtosurrender,tosavetheirlordbeing starved to death.Passing through York,Newcastle,andDurham,JohnreachedBerwickonthe14th,an average of 12 miles(19km) a day. None stoodagainst him. The King ofScotland who had besiegedNorham in October retreated

acrosstheborder, leavingthecitizens of Berwick, then aScottish town, to face John’swrath. Ralph of Coggeshallclaimed that John penetratedas far as ‘theScottishSea’ –the Firth of Forth –depopulating baronial lands,spreading destruction andlevelling castles. Everyonefled his face, ‘except a fewwho gave themselves up tothe mercilessness of hismercy’.

Ralph lived 14 miles(20km) down Stane Streetfrom Robert fitz Walter’scastleatGreatDunmow,andsaw royalist depredations inEast Anglia for himself.Defying meteorology andmilitary convention,Salisbury’s southern taskforce stormed Geoffrey ofMandeville’s castle atPleshey in Essex onChristmas Eve, devastatinghis tenants’ estates.Nextday

they moved on to theCistercian Abbey at Tiltynorth of Great Dunmow.BurstinginduringMass,they‘destroyed all its furnishings,and breaking into thenumerous cellars looted andcarried off many merchants’deposits’.Ralph’sownabbeywas raided on New Year’sDay and twenty-two horsestaken. Turning north throughBury St Edmund’s, theroyalists then attacked the

Isle of Ely, where manyknightsandladieshadsoughtrefuge. Bitter cold froze thesurrounding marshes,allowing the routiers tobypass rebel roadblocks, andstormthecathedralswordsinhand, plundering refugeesand monks alike. Someescaped across the ice,while‘theworthyEarlofSalisbury’extendedhisprotectiontotheladies.WilliamLongswordisone of the History’s

favourites, ‘the good earl’,one who ‘made largesse hismother, and whose banneruntarnished prowess borebefore him’. Matthew Parisstyled him ‘the flower ofearls’.Thepresenceofsuchaparagon of chivalry at suchscenes highlights the intensemoral paradox of knightlywarfare.

Damage to life andproperty during theseoperations remains

speculative. There was nothirteenth-century DomesdayBook to assess devastatedmanors, as the original haddone after William theConqueror’s depredations.Ecclesiastical sources wereloud in their lamentations,particularly Roger ofWendover, but rarelyspecific. Monks were John’snaturalenemies;theirtreasurean irresistible temptation toacash-strapped regime. It is

hardtoknowhowfarclericalaccusations of cruelty werejust monkish propaganda.John maintained somediscipline,punishingasoldierfor stealing goods from achurchyard. Violence mayhave been more threatenedthanapplied.TheAbbotofStAlbans,‘lyingopentotheto-ingandfro-ingof themany’,preserved his abbey’s assetsby paying protection moneyto both sides: £951 in total

(Gesta Abbatum MonasteriiSancti Albani). Besidestaking cash, armies stoleuntold quantities of livestockand inflicted randomdestruction. St Albans lostover 100 horses in a year.King John took three fromRedburn, with an iron-shodcart. Fawkes of Bréauté’smen burnt three houses atLangley,withthirty-fivepigs.John Marshal andAnonymous of Béthune both

accompanied John’s wintercampaign, but neithermilitary source mentions it,whether from embarrassmentoracceptance.

King John resurfaced atBedfordon22February,afteran absence so protracted hewas rumoured to be dead.AdvancingintoEssex,hemetno resistance except atColchester,which fell after ashort siege. Apart fromMountsorrel and Helmsley

Castle in Yorkshire, onlyLondonheldoutagainsthim.Leading rebels, includingEustace of Vesci, consideredmaking terms.Late inMarchJohn reached Waltham, 12miles (19 km) outsideLondon.Thecapitalremaineddefiant, as in 1471, whenmenaced by another raidingarmy after the second battleof St Albans. Learning thatJohn had primed hismercenariestoattackthecity,

thecitizensopenedtheirgatesto give battle: ‘the kingrecognising their hostility,andnumbers,andreadinesstofight wisely withdrew fromdanger’(Coggeshall).Hewasprobably right. Jordan ofFantôme comments howevery Londoner of militaryage was armed to the teeth.As Savari of Mauléon rodepast the suburbs, he wasambushed and badlywounded. John had rallied

waverers throughout theMidlands, and brought therebels to the brink of defeat,but it was too late. Anotherplayerwasabout toenter thegame.

INVASION

OnereasonforJohn’ssuccesswas the absence of an

opposing field army. Castlesmust fall if unrelieved, butbarons never fought kings.Norman magnates hadavoided confronting PhilipAugustusatFontainein1194,because their own king waselsewhere.TheYoungKing’ssupportersonlyfoughtHenryII’s lieutenants, and fled hisface at Dol. Robert ofGloucesterwasexceptionalinattacking Stephen twice, butRobert was himself of royal

blood, defending his half-sister’s right to the throne.The rebels in 1215 needed aroyalfigurehead,astherebelsof 1173 needed the YoungKing.

Arthur’s murder andOtto’s humiliation atBouvines narrowed the field.The most hopeful claimantwas Blanche of Castile,John’s niece, whom he hadcarelessly allowed to marryPhilipAugustus’sonLouisin

1200. The title of DauphinusedbytheheirtotheFrenchthrone really does derivefromtheProvençaldalfin fordolphin, symbol of the lordsof Vienne in the Dauphiné.Born in 1187, the futureLouis VIII grew up withArthur, andnursed a lifelonghatred for King John. Asickly youth, Louis matchedthe Capetian stereotype ofpiety and sexual continencebetter than his father.Unlike

his great-uncle Philip ofAlsace, he never risked hisneck jousting, watchinghelmetlessfromthesidelines.Count of Artois from 1212,Louis became his father’ssubstitute field commanderafter Bouvines, earning thesurname of the Lion. Hisclaim to the English thronewas equally improbable. Themanifesto that his envoyspresented to the Papal CuriainMay1216wasamodelof

diplomaticchicanery,evenbyFrench accounts, itsarguments vague, false, andcontradictory.

Rumours of baronialappeals forFrenchhelpwentback to 1212. The followingyear, before the Interdict’ssudden end, Philip Augustusplanned to put Louis andBlanche on the Englishthrone, creating a unitedAnglo-French realm after hisown death. The renewed

negotiations ofOctober 1215progressed slowly, however.A direct assault on a papalvassal was a risky business.When agreement seemednear,Johnthrewaspannerinthe works, sending bogusletters under his enemies’seals, claiming that alloutstanding issues had beenamicably resolved, andapologising for any expensesthe French monarchy mighthave incurred. Saer of

Quincy, the barons’ leadingnegotiator, swore that theletters were false, allayingPhilip’ssuspicionswithfreshoathsandhostages.

The first Frenchcontingents reached Englandin December and January1216. Some 250 knightsaltogether with similarnumbersofcrossbowmenandmore sergeants, they wereinsufficient tochallengeJohnin the field. Short ofmoney,

they stayed in Londongrumblingaboutthefoodandtheir hosts: ‘The Frenchrabble,’ said the History,‘drankmanyabarrelandcaskof fine wine … full ofboasting, they said Englandwas theirs, and the Englishwould have to quit the land,for they had no right to it.’When John took Colchester,he sowed fresh discordbetween the allies byreleasinghisFrenchprisoners

while keeping the English.Back in London, the Frenchwere first threatened withhanging, then kept in ironspending the Dauphin’sarrival.

This was long delayed.While Louis struggled toraise troops by a mixture ofbribery and threats, a papallegate appeared. GualaBicchieri was a cardinaltaskedwithfrustratingFrenchdesignsonEngland,nowpart

of St Peter’s patrimony. Hewould become theindefatigable ally first ofKing John, and later of theMarshal. At Melun in April1216, Guala stroveunsuccessfully to prevent theDauphin’s departure forEngland.Learningfromspiesof Louis’s plans, Johndespatched William and theBishop of Winchester toremindPhilipAugustusofthetruce made after Bouvines,

‘but they returned withoutbeing heard’ (Coggeshall). Itwas William’s last cross-Channel excursion. Plannedfor January, promised forEaster, the Dauphin’sexpedition finally sailed theFriday evening afterAscension, from thetraditional embarkationpoints: Calais, Boulogne,Gravelines,andWissant.Theexpedition featured 1,200knights, as many as Philip

Augustus deployed atBouvines, inupto800ships.Eustace the Monk, piratafortissimus, who hadconveyedFrenchmilitaryaidto the barons the previoussummer, directed navaloperations. The crossingwasrough, the ships blownalongby the ‘euro-eagle’, a stiffnorth-easterly, which nextmorning (Saturday 21 May)brought Louis off the NorthForeland with just seven

ships.John had been patrolling

the Kent coast, assemblingships from Yarmouth, Lynn,Dunwich,andthesouthcoasttowns named the CinquePorts.His planwas to repeatthe pre-emptive strategy of1213, when English galleyssavaged French shippingfrom the Seine round toDieppe. The principle thatEngland’s front line was theenemy coast later became a

strategic commonplace.Drake and Nelson bothtackledinvasionfleetsinport,but as usual John wasunlucky. The gale thatbrought Louis struck theEnglishshippingonthenightof 18/19May, and ‘wreckedmost of the fleet throughcollisions,sunkthem,orblewthem far to the south’(Coggeshall). Runningdownwind, Louis landedunopposed at Great Stonar.

Just north of Sandwich,Stonar is now several milesinland,separatedfromtheseaby the Sandwich Flats. Afriendly crowd was on handto greet the invaders, acomment on John’spopularity.Anxioustobefirstashore, Louis fell in the seaandstumbleddrippingupthebeachtokissthecrucifixheldouttohimbyalocalpriest.

Ralph of Coggeshallclaims that John might have

attacked Louis and his menwhile exhausted from thecrossing,beforeotherFrenchships came up. John,however, had spent the nightatCanterbury.BythetimehereachedSandwich, itwas toolate. Besides, John wasparalysedbydoubt:

‘sincehehadforeignersand mercenaries withhim,forthemostpartofFrench allegiance, he

did not consideropposing the landingnor attacking [them]onceonthebeach’

(Barnwell)

The Dunstable annalistattributes the decision toWilliam:‘KingJohnhurryingup with a great army …withdrew (on the advice ofWilliam Marshal) for he didnot have much trust in hisown troops.’ John’s distrust

and William’s cautioncombined to postpone adecision.Williamhadarguedat Arras that foresight andcommon sense were thecomplement of courage:fighting at a disadvantagewas no part of his militarycredo. Anonymous ofBéthunedescribesJohnridingdistractedly up and down theshore, before leaving hisroutiers in the lurch. Unpaidforsometime,theypresented

a shabby appearance, andneeded more than a fewtrumpet blasts to cheer themup. His plans in ruins, Johnfled westwards in tears,slighting Hastings andPevenseyCastlesashewent.Boldly sending back hisships, Louis advanced onLondon.BypassingDover,hetook Canterbury andRochester, to link up withforces summoned fromLondon. Numerous English

magnates did homage,including the youngerMarshal. On 2 June, Louiswas received in Londonamidst general rejoicing, theburghersswearingfealtyinStPaul’s.TheTowerheldoutasusual, with the monks ofWestminster Abbey; ‘and itwas imagined the wholeisland was about to fall’(Barnwell).

Wasting no time, Louisfollowed the king, taking

castles at Reigate,Guildford,and Farnham: ‘and whereverJohn’s alien supporters werecaught, he hanged them’(Melsa). John and Williamretreated 120 miles (180km)west to Winchester,England’s second capital.Arriving on 28 May, they‘raisedthedragonflagofwarasiftocrushLouisinbattleifhe should come’(Coggeshall). But, beforeLouis arrived, John threw

down his standard and fled,leavingSavariofMauléon todefendthecity.Hismenfiredthesuburbs,withdrawingintoWinchester’s two castles: the‘castle in the town’, i.e. theroyal castle nearWestgate atthetopoftheHighStreet,andthe bishop’s palace, orWolvesey Castle, beside theRiver Itchen. The citizensextinguished the flames, andgreeted Louisenthusiastically. He

approached cautiously andunder arms, drawing up hisbatailles and making themadvance in conrois,suggesting a formation incolumn of squadrons equallyappropriate for movement orfighting.Louisstationedmenin the town to stop thedefenders burning what wasleft, while his perrières andmangonels battered thecastles.Tendayslater,Savarievacuated his men in

exchangeforsurrenderingthepalace and castle. Louismoved on to Odiham, wherethe tinygarrisonheldout fora week, capturing a dozenprisonersduringa sortie, andeventually ‘saving theirhorses and arms, to the greatadmiration of the French’(Wendover). MeanwhileHugh Neville surrenderedMarlborough Castle, Louis’swesternmostconquestandtheculminating point of his

offensive.The invasion wrought a

strategic revolution.Confronted withoverwhelmingnumbers,Johnwas physically andpsychologically incapable offighting back. The onlycoherent royalist responsecame from the legate. Theday before Louis landed,Guala arrived at Romney(Kent)dressedinpapalrobes,riding a white palfrey.

Avoiding capture atCanterbury,hefollowedJohnto Winchester,excommunicating Louis andhissupportersonarrival.Thishad little immediate effect,church services continuing inoccupied London.Meanwhile, Louis and thebarons ‘prevailed to such anextent that the king did notknow where he should turn’(Melsa).

John’swintertriumphhad

provedshortlived.Thosewhohad fled his face soon raisedtheir heads. The Northernerssurrendered Northumberland,Cumberland, andWestmorlandtoAlexanderofScotland. Robert fitz WalterregainedcontrolofEssexandSuffolk. The south-coastCinque Ports changed sides,to protect their trade fromEustacetheMonk.ByAugust1216, John was directingmerchantshippingwestofthe

Isle ofWight, as Portchesterand Southampton fell toLouis’s blitzkrieg. John’smercenaries were first to go:‘when the king had nomorewealth, few remained whowere there for money: theytook offwith theirwinnings’(History). Among them wasAnonymousofBéthune,whojoined a company led by theAvoué of Béthune, a brotherof William’s old friendBaldwin. Some of John’s

closest associates betrayedhim. The Earls of Salisburyand Warenne could bothresent John’s attentions to awife or sister, and hadterritorial interests threatenedby Louis’s advance.According to the History,only William, ‘who had apure and untarnished heart’,stoodbyhimtothedeath.

Thiswasnotstrictly true.The Earls of Chester andDerby remained faithful, for

their own reasons, while theMarshals played a doublegame. In July, the youngerWilliam occupied the city ofWorcester in the rebelinterest:

ButonStKenelm’sday[17 July], the Earl ofChester, Fawkes, andothers faithful to theking riding up, despitethe citizens’ bravelydefending themselves,much to the

astonishment of thebesiegers, at last brokeinto the town, throughthe castle not beingcarefullyguardedonallsides, and took thecitizens, hithertodefendingthemselvesonthe ramparts, bysurprise, and byexquisite tormentsextracted from themwhatever they had, andmore.(WorcesterAnnals)

The younger Marshal’ssoldiers were dragged fromthe cathedral, where theysought sanctuary, but heescaped,‘heedinghisfather’swarning by flight, as it issaid’(ibid.).

Worcester lay deep inJohn’s redoubt of westerncounties, outside which hecontrolled only theneighbourhood of hissurviving castles. Most ofthese lay in the Midlands,

with outposts at Lincoln,Windsor, and Dover. Theirresistance amply justifiedAngevin expenditure oncastlesandroutiers.Themostsignificant was Dover.Blocking Louis’s directcommunicationswithFrance,Doverwas ‘strongly fortifiedbyartandnature’(Barnwell).MatthewParisdescribeditas‘thefrontdoorofEngland’.ItwasheldbyHubertdeBurghwith 140 Poitevin and

Flemish knights, and aprofusion of sergeants andsupplies.JusticiarofEnglandsince 1215, Hubert haddefended Chinon long afterRouen fell, being woundedand captured in a hopelesssortieinJune1205.IfanyonecouldholdDoverhecould.

Louis occupied DoverPriorybelowthecastle,whilehis men built a hutted campoutside, completewith shopstodemonstrate their intention

to stay. Unimpressed, thegarrison launched ferociouscounter-attacks, to whichLouis replied by threateningto hang the defenders. Hethen launched a co-ordinatedattack from the high groundto the north-west, whiletroopsdemonstratedfromthetown, and ships cruisedoffshoretocutoffallhopeofrelief. Crossbowmen shot atthe defenders, and perrièresand mangonels battered the

walls. Engineers constructedatowerofhurdlesanda‘cat’toprotectminersenteringtheditch to dig beneath thebarbican, a palisadedfortification before thegatehouse. The avoué’scompany took the barbican,killingthesectorcommander,but when their minersbrought down one of thegatehouse towers, thedefenders repulsed thestorming party, and blocked

the breach with oak beamsand tree trunks.After twelveweeks both sides were readyforatruce.

ThesiegesofLincolnandWindsor were equally futile,though financially moreadvantageous for theattackers. The chatelaine ofLincoln, Lady Nicola de laHaye, bought off theNortherners, who rode toDoverwiththeKingofScotsto do homage. They were

followedinSeptemberbytheCount of Nevers, whomLouis had sent with manyEnglish barons to takeWindsor. This was defendedby Enguerrand of Athée,fresh from the defence ofOdiham.Hisgarrisonofsixtyknights launched violentcounter-attacks, twice cuttingthrough theFrench perrière’sarm. The French commanderbattered the walls for twomonths,but ‘when theywere

on the point of the castlegiving up, having accepted abribe from the castellan, hetreacherously withdrew withthe army.’ (Dunstable). On14 October, Louis agreed atruce with Dover’sundefeated garrison,consummating his triplefailure.

JOHN’SLAST

RIDE

For nearly twomonths, JohnlurkedinCorfeCastle,ontheremote and swampy Isle ofPurbeck, while the shock ofthe French intervention woreoff. Then, realising thatDover would occupy Louisfor some time, John went tosecure his rear in theMarches. His presence was

overdue. Exploiting theunusually mild winter of1215–16, Llewelyn had ledan army drawn from allWales to Carmarthen, whichhe tookanddestroyedafterafive-day siege, ‘havingexpelled the French [i.e.English] not in warlikeconflict,butsolelyfromfear’(WelshAnnals).Newport fellbeforeChristmas,withhalf adozen other castles. OnlyPembroke held out. On

Boxing Day Llewelyn tookCardigan andCilgerran, bothin William’s keeping:‘whence the Welsh wenthome rejoicing. The French,however, sorry andeverywhere driven out, werescattered here and there, likebirds’. The New Year sawfurtherWelshgains,with thecaptureofSwanseaCastle‘atthe firstonset’, thedefendersof Ros offering hostages and1,000 marks, ‘because they

couldnotresist’(ibid.).Llewelyn’s winter

campaign does little forWilliam’smilitaryreputation.His defence might be thatWales was a side-show, itslight infantry unlikely toleave the shelter of theirnative hills. What matteredwas to hold the frontier. HewasatHereford inJuly1216to join John’s counter-offensive, the Dunstableannalist claiming that they

‘took and destroyed thecastlesofReginaldofBraose[Giles’s nephew] and hisother enemies in the WelshMarches’.TheWelshBookofthePrinceswaslesspositive:John ‘came to Herefordaccompaniedbymanyarmedmen’, and ineffectuallysummoned Reginald and hisallies to make peace, ‘afterwhich he burned, ravaged,anddestroyedOswestry’.

Back at Corfe on 25

August,Johnsetoffnextdayto relieve Windsor, alreadypast the average term of asiege.HewasatReadingon6September, 18 miles (27km)uptheThamesfromWindsor.Anonymous of Béthuneclaims that the opposingarmies were so close thatJohn’s Welsh archers shotinto the rebel campbynight,‘inspiring great fear’. Whentherebelsofferedbattle,JohnveeredoffnorthofLondonto

ravage their East Anglianestates, as William hadthought he might back in1194. Burning their engines,the barons followed, Johnretreatingbeforethem:

And wherever he cameacross the lands of hisenemies in this march,he gave them over toplunder; and they weregiven over to burningandfoodfortheflames,so that our age cannot

remember such fires tohave been made in ourpart of the world in sovery short a space oftime.

(Barnwell)

Monasterieswereparticularlytargeted,asdissident refuges.ThedayafterMichaelmas(30September), Savari ofMauléon’smen:

…cameunexpectedlytoCrowland [in theFens],

and not finding therethose whom theywanted, burst into themonastery. Knights andhorses chargingthrough the church,cloister, and monasticbuildings, they seizedmen fromtheveryaltaritself, amidst the holysacrament of the Mass,and dragged them fromthe church. In theirwithdrawal, theycarriedoffwiththemanincalculable booty, as

much herds of cattle asflocksofsheep.

(ibid.)

The first signs of dysenteryinterrupted John’s career atKing’s Lynn on 9 October.Ralph of Coggeshall blamedover-eating ingeneral;Rogerof Wendover new cider inparticular. Monastic rumour,followed by Shakespeare,claimed that a black monkpoisonedJohnforthreatening

to raise the price of ahalfpennyloaftooneshilling.Turning back intoLincolnshire, the king lostpart of his baggage crossingthe River Wellstream, finalproof of incompetence. Hewas bled at Sleaford,aggravating his condition,and carried to Newark. HereJohndiedduring thenightof18/19October,duringastormso terrible the townspeoplefeared for their houses. The

dead king’s attendantsplundered his personaleffects, as usual, but theBishop of Winchester wasnearby,aswerea‘greatbodyofarmedmen…nearlyallofthem mercenaries andforeigners’ (Barnwell).William was directingoperations on theMarches, amore fitting role for aseptuagenarianthangallopingacross East Anglia. JohnMarshal was present,

however, with two ofWilliam’s Marcherassociates: John ofMonmouth and Walter ofClifford, near Hay-on-Wye.Theyseemtobethesourceofthe History’s account ofJohn’slastwords.

Part of a broaderconfession, these werecarefully edited to emphasiseWilliam’s pre-eminence.First, John asked thosepresent toseek theMarshal’s

forgiveness for the wrongsinflicted upon him. Then,becausehehadmore faith inhisloyaltythananyoneelse’s,John asked them to persuadeWilliam to take care of hisson, ‘for never will he keephis lands through anyone, ifnotthroughhim’.John’swill,which survives, shows thatWilliam was in fact one ofthirteen executors appointedto assist John’s sons in thedefenceandrecoveryoftheir

inheritance. Anonymous ofBéthune, however, repeatsJohn’sspecificrequestfortheMarshaltotakehiseldestsonHenry under his protection.PartialastheHistorymaybe,it reflects the political realitythat would allowWilliam toassert his leadership overJohn’s other supporters, andlead them to unexpectedvictory.

Closelyformedconroisofknightspursuefleeingopponentswithlancescouchedformaximumimpact.MailshirtsarelongerthanatHastings,buthelmetsremainopen.Oneknight(left)hasloweredhislancetofinishoffadismountedenemy.(M.736f7v–LifeofStEdmund,twelfthcentury.NewYork,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

(Author’sphoto)TheYoungKing’seffigyatRouencathedral–overshadowedbyhisyoungerbrotherRichardevenindeath.Theinscriptionreads:

WhosebrotherwascalledtheLionHeartHenrytheYoungersoughtaplacein

Normandybyrightofarms

Intheyear1183crueldeathtookhimhence

EffigyofRichardIinRouencathedral:onlyRichard’sheartisatRouen;hisbodywasburiedatFontevraudbesidehisparents.Like

theYoungKing’seffigythisisanineteenth-centuryimpressionofthedeadman’sappearance,whichisunknown.(Author’sphoto)

ThekeepandruinedinnerwardofKingRichard’s‘saucycastle’atChâteauGaillard,perchedhighabovetheRiverSeine.Builtatenormousexpenseasa

jumping-offpointforanAngevincounter-offensive,ChâteauGaillardfelltotheFrenchafterasix-monthsiegeinMarch1204.(Author’sphoto)

OneofKingJohn’sfavouriteobjects,adenierorsilverpenny:

Johnhoardedsomany,heprecipitatedaliquiditycrisis.TheroyalportraitandthenameHenricusremainunchangedfromthereignofJohn’sfather.Originalsizeabout1cm.(Author’sphoto;originalcoincourtesyofMarkWingham)

TheovergrownruinsofTancarvilleCastle:thesquaretowerwhereWilliamlivedasasquireistuckedawaybehindtheseventeenth-

centuryChâteauNeuf,andthewholesiteremainsdifficultofaccess.(PhotocourtesyofMarcelBarbotteandLesAmisduChâteaudeTancarville)

Anineteenth-centuryimpressionofaCrusader’sfirstsightofJerusalem,suggestingtheemotionalnatureofamomentsharedbyeverypilgrim.IntendedtorepresenttheFirstCrusadeof1099,thearmourdepictedisnearerthatwornbyWilliam’scontemporaries.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

ChepstowCastleontheRiverWyeintheearlytwentiethcentury:Williamaddedthegatehousewithitsrevolutionarydrumtowersinthe1190s

whenheextendedthelowerbaileytowardsthelandingareabelowthecliffs;thesquarekeeppre-datestheMarshalsbyacentury.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

TheMarshal’sToweratChepstowCastle,seenfromthebarbican.BelievedtohavebeenbuiltforWilliamand

Isabelasapersonalapartment,theaccommodationcomprisedagroundfloorkitchenandafirstfloorprivatechamberlitbyelegantwest-facingwindows.(Author’sphoto)

William’scastleatKilkennyconvertedintoaneighteenth-centuryIrishAscendancymansion:onlythemassivedrumtowersrecallthestrongholdthat

hiscountessdefendedagainsttheassaultsofKingJohn’shenchmeninthedarkwinterof1207–8.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

ThemurderofThomasBecketin1170,afterathirteenth-centuryimage.Notethevarietyofprotectiveheadgear–roundandflat-toppedhelmetsandachainmailhoodcaughtupatthefronttocoverthemouth.Theleftmostfigurehasmaillegguardsandanearlyheraldicdeviceonhisshield.(Author’scollection)

Twelfth-centuryblacksmithsforgingthetoolsofwar,includingararerepresentationofhorsearmour:the

helmetontheanvilisareminderoftheoccasionWilliamrequiredablacksmithtoremovehismuch-batteredhelmet.(MS0.9.34f24r,bykindpermissionoftheMasterandFellowsofTrinityCollegeCambridge)

NolongbowmenarerecordedfightingateitherbattleofLincoln,butoneappearsamidstthedecorationofthecathedral’swesternporch,areminderoftheirubiquityinEnglishsociety.Allowingfordistortioninherentinthemedium,thearcherisclearlypullingthestringtohisear.(Author’sphoto)

RochesterCastlefromthesideattackedbyKingJohn,engravedintheeighteenthcenturybeforethegatehouse(right)wasdemolished:thetwosquaretowersinthecurtainwallwere

addedafterthesiege,whenminersunderminedthewallsandbroughtdownthekeep’sleftmostcorner.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

DoverCastlefromtheeastshowingthedepthofthefortifiedarea:theFrenchattackedfromrighttoleft.Theybrokethroughthefirstlineofdefencesonthesiteof

today’sNorfolkTowers,butweredrivenoutagaininfiercehand-to-handfighting.(Postcardinauthor’scollection)

KingSaul’sbattlewiththeAmalekitesfroma

FrenchOldTestamentc.1250:knightsandsergeantsleadoffboundprisoners,drivingsheepandcattlebeforethem.KingJohnneverfacedoppositionlikethisduringhischevauchées,hisopponentsfleeinghisanger.(M.638f24v–NewYork,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

NewarkCastle,thesceneofKingJohn’sdeathandtheMarshal’slastmilitaryenterprise,isseenfromthebridge

whosemedievalpredecessorgavethetownitsname.Mostofthepresentstructurewasbuiltlater,butthesquarekeepandgatehouseontheleftistwelfth-century.(Author’sphoto)

GoodrichCastlewasinthefrontlineoftheWelshuprisingof1215–17.Llewelyn’smenattackeditontheeveofHenryIII’scoronation,forcingWilliamtointerruptthefeastingandsendarescueparty.ThekeepistheonlypartofthecastleleftfromWilliam’scustodianship.(Author’sphoto)

Joshua’sConquestofAishowingallthehorrorsofamedievalsiege:knightsrepulseasortie;sergeantsingambesonsscrambleupladders;minerssettowork

coveredbycrossbowmen;acapturedleaderisloadedintoatrébuchet,recallingWilliam’schildhoodexperienceatNewbury.(M.638f10v–NewYork,ThePierpontMorganLibrary.©2013.PhotoPierpontMorganLibrary/ArtResource/Scala,Florence)

ThreegenerationsofMarshalsbesiegedtheBishopofWinchester’sWolveseyCastle:

William’sfatherin1141;theRegentandhissonin1217.Boththestructuresseenhere,theEastHall(left)andWymond’sTower(right),werebuiltduringthereignofKingStephen.(Author’sphoto)

Lincolnfromthesouth-westintheeighteenthcentury,hardlyalteredsincetheMiddleAges:castleandcathedralontheskylinedominatethelowercitywhichrunsdowntheslopetowardsBrayfordPool(left);Wigford’schurchtowersarecentreright,behindthetrees.(ImagecourtesyofTheCollection:ArtandArchaeologyinLincolnshire(UsherGallery,Lincoln))

OneofthefinemedievaltownhousesattributedtoLincoln’sthirteenth-centuryJewishcommunityperchedontheaptlynamedSteep

Hill.Armouredknightsoncebattledpasttheirfrontdoors;todaytheyhouseabookshopandtheSocietyforLincolnshireHistoryandArchaeology.(Author’sphoto)

LincolnCastleandCathedralinthetwelfthcentury,showingtheformer’sWestGateenteredbyPeterdesRochesandFawkesofBréautéduringthe

battle’sopeningmoves.TheroundshellkeepistheLucyTower,thesquareNormankeeptheObservatoryTower.(DrawingbyDavidVale;courtesyoftheSocietyforLincolnshireHistoryandArchaeologyandtheUsherGallery)

Lincoln’snortherngateatNewportArch,thelastRomangateinEnglandstillinusefortraffic:themedievalstructurewasdeeperand

higher,whilethestreetlevelwaseightfeetlowerthantoday,makingitatoughnutfortheassaultingRoyaliststocrack–iftheyeverdid.(Author’sphoto)

TheWestGateofLincolnCastleretainsitsoriginalbox-likestructure,beyondthemodernbridge.Themassivesimplicityofthetwelfth-century

wallsandtheheightoftheNormanembankmentsdefiedeveryattemptbytheDauphin’ssupporterstobreakin.(Author’sphoto)

TheexterioroftheLucyTowerafteraneighteenth-centurysketchmadebeforehousingblockedtheview:theoriginalshell

keephadanextrastorey,dominatingLincoln’sskyline.Theposterngate’sinaccessibilitymakesitanunlikelyroutefortroopsenteringthecastle.(OriginalwatercolourcourtesyofEileenBrooks)

LincolnCastle’sEastGatethroughwhichFawkesattackedtheFranco-rebelknightsonCastleHill:theoriginalstructurewassimpler,

similartotheWestGate.Theturrets,whichhavelosttheirupperfloor,wereaddedlateraspartofageneralupgradeofthedefences.ThecannonwerecapturedintheCrimea.(Author’sphoto)

CastleHill,thesceneofthemainactionviewedfromthecastlewalls:Fawkessortiedbottomleft,tobejoinedby

WilliamfromBailgate,leftofcentrenexttotheblack-and-whitehalf-timberedTouristInformationOffice.Theenemycommanderwaskillednearthecathedralporch,beyondthelatermedievalExchequerGate.(Author’sphoto)

TheSiegeofLincolnasimaginedbyMatthewParis:acrossbowmandirectsapartingshotatfleeingrebels,whiletheAngevinleopardsflyoveranexpiringCountdelaPerche.Thetext

abovedescribesthefugitives’difficultiesnegotiatingtheflagellumgateatLincoln’ssouthernexit.(MS1655v,bykindpermissionoftheMasterandFellowsofCorpusChristiCollegeCambridge)

Theprobablesiteoftherebels’attempttorallyatthejunctionofSteepHillandChrist’sHospitalTerrace(rightforeground),lookingup

tothetopoftherise(left).ThemedievaltownhouseisattributedtoAaron,AngevinEngland’sgreatestmoney-lender.Notethegradient.(Author’sphoto)

AmodernimpressionoftheEastBargateafteraneighteenth-centurysketch.Nowdemolished,thetwoBargatesandthewaterloggedSincilDyke

wereaseriousobstacleforanybodywantingtoleaveLincolninahurry.Theturretsmaybethoserepairedin1228.(OriginalwatercolourcourtesyofEileenBrooks)

ThequayatSandwichwasstillincommercialuseattheturnofthetwentiethcentury.ThiswouldhavebeenthenearestpointforWilliamtohave

observedtheprogressofthebattle.TheBarbicangatebesidethebridgeinthebackgroundislatermedieval.(CourtesyofSandwichMuseum)

TheRiverStour’swindingcoursetoday,lookingbacktowardsSandwich:intheMiddleAgesthesereedbedswereopensea.The

medievaltownwaslocatedaroundStPeter’sChurchbehindthetrees(leftcentre).Stonar,wherePrinceLouislanded,isacrosstherivertotheright.(Author’sphoto)

Amedievalboarding

actionpicturedbyMatthewParis,resultinginwholesaleslaughterofthelosers:missileweaponsincludeastaff-slingandlongbowprojectingajarofsomeunspecifiedsubstance.Thelistofearlspresent,besidethetrioofbishops(left),omitsWilliam,epigraphicevidenceofMatthew’sunremittingbias.(MS1656v,bykindpermissionoftheMasterandFellowsofCorpusChristiCollegeCambridge)

Anearlytwentieth-centuryreconstructionofthecaptureofaFrenchvesselbyHenryIII’sgreatshiptheQueenintheBayofBiscayin1225.Painted

byCharlesDixon,thiswasoneofaserieslinkingVictorianandEdwardiannavalvesselstotheirheroicpredecessors.(Author’scollection)

ThechapelatStBartholomew’sHospital:materialevidenceforthebattle’slocationoffSandwich.

ThechapelwasrestoredbySirGilbertScott,designeroftheAlbertMemorialinthe1880s,anditsassociatedalmshousesstillsheltertheBrothersandSisters,remotebeneficiariesofthebattle.(Author’sphoto)

ThecircularnaveoftheTempleChurchwasinspiredbytheChurchoftheHolySepulchreinJerusalemthatWilliamvisitedinthe1180s.HenryIIIaddedtheGothicchancel(right)inthe1240s.Suchaprestigiousrestingplace,overshadowingthefamilymausoleumatBradenstoke,ismaterialproofofWilliam’scontemporary

reputation.(Author’sphoto)

InsidetheTempleChurch:William’seffigyliesnearestthefontaccompaniedbyhissonsWilliamandGilbertonhisleftandathisfeetrespectively.TheexactsiteoftheMarshal’sgraveislost,butthesettingretainsanelegantdignityappropriatetotheknightwhosavedEngland.(PhotobyChristopherChristodoulou,courtesyoftheTempleChurch)

William’ssorelydamagedeffigysufferedworseinjuriesduringthe

BlitzthantheMarshaleverdidinhislifetime.Oneoftheearliestsuchportraitsofalayman,thestylisedimagesuggestshowathirteenth-centurywarlordmightwishtoberemembered.(Author’sphoto)

TheFlowerofChivalry:partofamoderntapestrycelebratingtheMarshal’spartinthefoundationofNewRoss

inLeinster.ThepanelshowshisthreemanifestationsastheYoungKing’sguardian,knighterrant,andmagnate,andisedgedwithchivalricscenesfromWilliam’searlylife.(ReproducedbykindpermissionofTheRosTapestryProjectLtd.©TheRosTapestryProjectLtd,NewRoss,Co.Wexford)

J

V

WILLIAM’SWAR

ohn’s death altered thetone of the war. Hissavage policies had

achieved little at great cost.There would be no more

punitive chevauchées now.Fire-raisingrazziasmadewayfor a stubborn struggle foradvantage, characterised bythe Marshal’s quiet butpurposefulleadership.

RECTORREGIS

JohnwasburiedinWorcesterCathedral, the first Angevin

to rest on English soil. AsNewark lay within enemyterritory, John’s remains hadtobeescortedtosafetybythe‘great body of armed menattending him, nearly all ofthem mercenaries andforeigners …’ (Barnwell).William and the legate metthe cortège outsideWorcester.Williamhadbeenobserving the Welsh battle-front from Gloucester. Nowhetookcommand.

We may doubt theHistory’s claim that Williamregretted John’spassing.Theking’s death certainly gavehis followers a problem,similar to those thatWilliamhad confronted duringprevious changes of regime.This time, however, he waswell placed. His own menheldGloucester, theSevern’slowest crossing place. SavariofMauléon,anotherofJohn’stestamentary executors, held

Bristol, ensuring maritimecommunications withChepstow. Beyond theSevernlaytheForestofDeanwith its coal and iron,essential ingredients forcrossbow bolts, lance-heads,and armour. Relative to hisonly serious competitor onthe royalist side, the Earl ofChester, William enjoyedwhat a later age calledinterior lines, with readyaccess to the queen and her

children, held at securelocationsinthesouth-west.

Events moved swiftly.John received proper burialon 26 October, WilliamsendingJohnMarshaltofetchtherichclothsappropriatefora royal funeral. Immediatesteps were taken to fill thelacuna in royal authority bycrowning John’s heir, justfour weeks past his ninthbirthday. The royal sergeantresponsible for Prince

Henry’spersonalsecuritywassent to collect him fromDevizes Castle. William metthe royal party ‘on the plainoutside Malmesbury’,escortedby‘agreatcompanyof armed men … as wasproper’. There followed thefirst of several affectingscenes. Unlike Roger ofWendover’s syntheticspeeches, the History’sexchanges are credible andmoving,preservedbyJohnof

Earley. Too young to ridesolo,Henrywascarriedinhiscustodian’s arms, like one ofthose precious brides thatmedieval manuals enjoinedknights to imagine theywereholding when beginning acharge. The boy was welldrilled, greeting Williampolitely and recommendinghimself to the Marshal’skeeping: ‘As God has mysoul’, replied the oldman, ‘Iwill stand by you in good

faithandnotfailyou,aslongasIhavestrength’.Atwhich,everyone burst into tears.This touching encounter hada serious aspect. Devizes laywithin easy reach of Louis’soutpost at Marlborough. ItmadesensetoremoveJohn’sheir tosafetyunderasstronganescortaspossible.

Thereseemstohavebeenno ideaofabandoningHenryin return for a peace deal, asStephen’s partisans had done

with his heirs in 1153.PerhapsJohn’ssupportersfelttheyhadnothingtogainfromsuch treachery. For William,it would have betrayed alifetime’s service. There wasanxiousdiscussionofwhetherHenry should be crowned atonce,beforethearrivaloftheEarl of Chester. Expediencywon,‘fornobodyknowswhatmay happen’. Only oneperson could possibly knightthe little prince first –

WilliamMarshal, who forty-threeyearsearlierhadgirttheYoung King with his ownsword, and would thus haveknightedtwokings.

Two days after hisfather’s funeral, on 28October, Henry III wasanointed and crowned inGloucester Cathedral. It wasWilliam’s fifth coronation, ifone includesPhilipAugustusin 1179. The legate sangMass, then commanded the

Bishop of Winchester toplace a gold circlet donatedby the queen mother on thenew king’s head. Theceremony was a wartimeimprovisation: WestminsterAbbey was in enemy hands,the crown jewels in pawn,and the Archbishop ofCanterbury in exile. Onlyseven bishops attended, withWilliam and one other earl;‘the rest of the earls andbarons supported Louis’

(Waverley). It was a far cryfrom Richard I’s splendidcoronation, when Williamprocessedinstylewithfifteenothermagnates.Asifmakingup the numbers, the Melsachronicler counted Williamtwice, once as Earl ofPembroke and again as Earlof Striguil. Nevertheless, theramshackleaffairgaveHenryIII a sacral quality theDauphinneverenjoyed.

Afterwards, Henry’s

knights bore him into thebanqueting hall on theirshoulders, led by Philip ofAubigny, Constable ofBristol. Others held out theirhands, said the History, butwereoflittlehelp.Astheysatdown todinner, a rider camefrom Goodrich Castle, 17miles (25km) to the westbetween Ross andMonmouth, blurting out hismessage, ‘more like a foolthan a wise man’. Welsh

patriots had attacked thecastle that morning, and theconstable urgently requiredhelp. William reactedpromptly, despatchingknights, sergeants, andarbalestriers to ride throughthenight totherescue.Somethoughtitabadomenforthereign. It was a salutaryreminderofproblemsahead.

Henry III was England’sfirst minor king since theConquest.With no precedent

to guide them, beyondcustomary notions of feudalwardship,hissupporters tookjustovertwenty-fourhourstoput in place the troika thatwould defeat the Dauphin:‘Bycommonconsent,careofthekingandthekingdomwasentrusted to the legate, thebishop of Winchester, andWilliam Marshal, Earl ofPembroke’ (Barnwell). Johnof Earley’s eyewitnessaccount fills in the detail,

showing medieval decision-makingat itsbest: thesearchfor consensus; the elaboratecourtesy that masked thejockeying for position; theChurch’spractisedmediation.William’s handling of thediscussions shows hismaturity as a prud’homme,andhowfarhewas from theintellectually challengedknight errant evoked byPainterandDuby.

The coronation feast

concluded, a preliminarycouncilurgedWilliamtotakeimmediatechargeoftheking,buttheMarshalrefusedtoberushed. He was old andfeeble, he said. They shouldawait theEarlofChester.Asa good lord should, Williamwithdrewtotakecounselwithhis retainers: John of Earley,John Marshal, and RalphMusard, Castellan ofGloucester Castle. Temptedby the fruits of office, the

latter twopressedWilliam toaccept. More concerned forthe Marshal’s personal wellbeing, John of Earley soughtto dissuade him. Facingcontradictoryadvice,Williamsought refuge in sleep: Godwould provide counsel andpeaceofmind.

Ranulf Earl of Chesterarrived next morning. HalfWilliam’s age, his loyaltywas equally impeccable, andhis English possessions even

moreextensive,includingthesemi-autonomous CountyPalatine of Chester, and thehonours of Lancaster andBolingbroke in Lincolnshire.Erstwhile Duke of Brittanyby marriage, his claims toRichmond in Yorkshirebrought him intoirreconcilable conflict withthe Dauphin’s half-brother,the current duke. Politically,Ranulf was a moderate,having already extended

Magna Carta’s guarantees ofgood lordship to his ownvassals.Hisreadyacceptanceof the need to crown Henrybefore his own comingaugured a realistic approachtothemattersinhand.

When deliberationsresumed under theBishop ofWinchester’s chairmanship,Sir Alan Basset, one ofJohn’s senior householdknights,suggestedtherewerebut two possible royal

guardians: theMarshalortheEarlofChester.Thiswasnotstrictly true. In othercircumstances the legate orQueenIsabel,evenHubertdeBurgh, the kingdom’s chiefpolitical and judicial officer,might have had a claim.Guala was no soldier-administrator,however,andifEngland was a papal fief, itwas not an Italian colony.Queen Isabel later becameone of the century’s most

remarkable women asCountess of Angoulême.Matthew Paris styled her‘more Jezebel than Ysabel’.Herpartinherson’sminoritywas almost nil, however.John had denied her thefinancial means oropportunity to develop anaffinity of her own, cheatingher of her dower andguarding her closely.Hubert,as John’s last justiciar,mighthave taken a lead as

Richard’sjusticiarsdidinthe1190s,buthewasoccupiedatDover, deep in enemyterritory, and lacked the twoearls’territorialbase.

William stood firm,declining so great a charge.Hewas past eighty, or so hesaid, and broken down withage. He offered Chester hiswholeheartedsupport,aslongas God gave him grace.Chester responded as ifreading a script. The choice

could only fall upon theMarshal, ‘soworthy a knightand a proven counsellor, asmuchfearedasloved,andsowise … one of the finestknights in the world’.Complimentsover, the legatetookthecandidatesasidewiththeotherchiefmen,butcouldnot overcome William’sresistance. The breakthroughcamewhenGualainvokedhisdelegated papal authority tooffer William full remission

and forgiveness of his sins.This was too good a bargaintomiss.Nearingtheendofalong, violent, and acquisitivelife, William must haveknown how far short he fellof the Christian ideal. Someveteran knights soughtabsolution in the cloister.King John was said to havebeen buried in the cowl of aBenedictine monk, perhapshopingtoslippastStPeterindisguise. If the price of

salvation was to take chargeof the kingdom, Williamwould pay it. Even at thisexaltedmoment, his politicalinstincts remained sound. Topreservehispersonalfreedomof movement, and broadenthe basis of his support, heasked Peter des Roches, thehard-line royalist spokesman,to retain his oversight of theking’ssafetyandeducation.

William was now regent,a title then unknown.

Contemporaries used theLatin expression regis rectoret regni: keeper or guardianof king and realm. TheMiddleFrenchHistoryspeaksofWilliamreceivingthekingand la baillie. The modernEnglish ‘bailiff’ has squalidovertones of eviction andrepossession; in French itimplies a judicial officeracting for the Crown, notunlikethejusticiarship.Afewdocuments even called

William justiciar, a practiceabandoned when Hubertsurfaced from Dover.Anonymous of Béthunestyled William maistres orsouverains baillius de regne,‘lord or sovereign custodianof the kingdom’.Emphasising his pre-eminence, the title recalls theHistory’s earlier sobriquet,Sireetmestredesonseignor,used in connection with aprevious Young King. The

precise extent of theMarshal’s powers wasuncertain.Hewould struggleto subdue rebels or controlJohn’s unruly servants. Hewas,however,themainspringof what government therewas. Whatever taxes therewere passed through hishands.Thefirst letter‘bytheEarl’wentoutwithindaysofthe coronation. If Williamsometimes struggled, it ismore remarkable that he

prevented a repetition of theanarchythatcharacterisedhischildhood.

The common peopleoutside rejoiced at this luckyroll of the dice; God hadlookedupon themkindly, forno one in England couldresolve the situation moresuccessfully than William.The poet’s eulogy was notoverdone. Nobody on theroyalist side combined somuch military and political

experience, with servicestretching back to Richard’sandHenry’ssuccessesagainstPhilip Augustus and beyond.As long ago as 1183,William’s enemy, Geoffreyof Lusignan, had sworn hewastheonlymanabletohelpthe Young King, offering tofight anyone who disagreed.At the same time, William’ssemi-detachedattitudeduringmuch of John’s reigndistancedhimfromtheworst

excesses of Angevindespotism.Hewastheperfectfigure to reconcile thewarringfactions.

Even so, when Williamwithdrew to take counsel ofhis men, the task aheadbrought tears to their eyes.They were embarked on abottomlesssea,fromwhichitwere a miracle if they everreached harbour. Above all:‘the child has no money’.John of Earley took a more

positive view. If the worstcame, and William had toretreat to Ireland, he wouldstillwingreathonour;on theother hand, if he succeededhow much greater therenown. ‘By God’s sword,’swore the earl, ‘that counselisgoodandtrue.’Ifeveryoneelse failed theboy,hewouldcarry him on his ownshoulders from island toisland, even if he had to begfor their bread. On which

stirring note, they retired tobed, trusting thatGodwouldaidthosefaithfullyseekingtodoright.

STRATEGICBALANCESHEET

The younger son of a minorrobber baron, William hadreached such heights that he

mightbeexcusedanattackofvertigo. Later regents werealmost always members ofthe royal family: QueenIsabella in the 1320s or theDuke of Bedford a centurylater.Butwasthesituationasdesperate asWilliam feared?DidtheHistoryexaggeratetomagnify his achievement?Thenextfewmonthssuggestthat theMarshal’s trepidationwasnotunjustified.

Contemporary

assessments of the strategicsituation in November 1216vary. Roger of Wendoverreported that while John’ssupportersadhered tohissonmore firmly, Louis and thebarons ‘confidently expectedthat they now had thekingdom of England in theirown power’. Thosedependable analysts, theBarnwell chronicler andAnonymous of Béthune,disagree.The latter sawJohn

as ‘disinherited of the mostpart of England’. If the kingwas unbeaten, it was onlybecause he had avoided amilitary decision that musthave been unfavourable. TheExchequer was closed, andthe treasury empty. Royalistforceswere too attenuated torisk a battle or siege. But atsome point one or both ofthese would be necessary toexpeltheFrenchandcowtherebels. The fringes of the

British Isles were in uproar,Llewelyn’s raiding parties aday’s march from William’sheadquarters. Nevertheless,‘rumours of the king’s deathcheered the whole country’(Barnwell). They alsoundermined the rebelnarrative: Louis was nolonger the noble defender ofEnglish freedom, but aforeign usurper. Henry IIIwasbycontrast:‘aninnocentyouth, [who] had offended

nobody, [and] many whowere hostile to his father,began to adhere to him’(Dunstable).A review of thestrategicbalancesuggeststhatwhile conventional forcesmomentarily favoured theDauphin,popular feelingandthe soft power of the Popetendedtheotherway.

Sidney Painter countedninety-seven barons in revoltatJohn’sdeathagainstthirty-six royalists, implying that

Louis disposed of nearlythree-quarters of England’sfeudal levy, an ostensible3,500 knights. Such numbersnever took the field,but theygive a sense of the royalistdisadvantage. The disparitywas increased by whateverremained of the Frenchinvasion forces. These hadinitiallytotalled1,440knightsplus sergeants andcrossbowmen, plus defectorsfrom John’s service.

Unspecified Frenchreinforcements arrived inAugust,underCountPeterofBrittany, pursuing hisRichmond inheritance asbrother-in-law to themurdered Arthur. Evenwithout a major battle, thewearandtearofcampaigningsoon diminished thesenumbers. Geoffrey ofMandeville died in atournament;EustaceofVesciwas shot dead outside

Barnard’s Castle. ManyFrench and Flemish departedin the summer, fighting theirway past English pirates inthe Channel. The BarnwellchroniclerthoughttheFrenchtoo few to occupy such alarge kingdom: ‘Realisingthis,Louishoveredroundthecoast, so that if by chancesomething untowardhappened, his men and hewould have an easy wayhome.’

Supported half-heartedlybyhisfather,Louisdependedonhis ownCounty ofArtoisformoneyandtroops.Hehadfinancialdifficulties from thestart. The Dunstable Annalscomment that many of theknights that he sent ahead toLondon were ruined andbegging for want of wages.RogerofWendoverdescribesFrench troops withinsufficient clothing, ‘tocover their nakedness’.

Compelled to reward hisFrench supporters withEnglish lands, Louis riskedalienating the English, whowereoftenfightingtorecoverfiefs or castles lost over thepreceding eighty years ofrevolt and confiscation.WilliamMarshaltheYoungerlaunched his ill-fatedWorcesteradventureaftertheDauphin grantedMarlborough Castle to hisown half-brother Robert of

Dreux.TheHistorydescribesthe Count of Nevers,commandant of Winchester,as proud and cruel, guilty ofnumerous unspecifiedexcesses. The DunstableAnnals agree, claiming thatNevers ‘inflicted suchtyrannyupon thepeople, thathisnameand thatofhis lordmade a stink in their sight’.Many accounts of Anglo-French discord wereshameless inventions,

however. One of Roger ofWendover’s finest was adeathbedconfessionofGallictreachery attributed inSeptember 1216 to theViscount of Melun, whosurvived to accompany theDauphin to Winchelsea thefollowingApril.

The country was still indispute,despite John’s lossesduring the initial Frenchonset: ‘For there were manyroyal castles strongly

garrisoned, maintainingcontrol of nearly the wholekingdom’ (Barnwell). Self-sustaining, through ransomsand local extortion, theseformed a barrier across thecountry from Bamburgh toCorfe, inhibiting attacks onthe Angevins’ last-ditchpositionontheSevern.Manydominated river crossings orstrategic defiles, as Newarkdid the intersection of theFosse Way and the Trent.

AnonymousofBéthunelistedeleven, a figure which caneasilybetrebled:

ROYALCASTLES1216–17Region Location Lostto

Dauphin?

North Bamburgh

BarnardCastle

Knaresborough

NewcastleuponTyne

Midland Bedford

Buckingham

Lincoln Besieged

Newark

Northampton

Nottingham

Oxford

Sleaford

EastAnglia Cambridge Surrendered

Colchester Exchangedfortruce

Ely Besieged

Hedingham Exchangedfortruce

Norwich Exchangedfortruce

Orford Exchangedfortruce

Pleshey Captured

South Berkhampstead Exchangedfortruce

Dover

Hertford Surrendered

TowerofLondon Surrendered

Windsor

South-west Bristol

Chepstow

Corfe

Devizes

Exeter

Gloucester

Goodrich Besieged

Worcester

Many of these places werecommanded by professionalmilitary men, entirelydependent on royal favour,‘foreigners, who frequentlyranged about the countrylaying it waste and takingplunder’ (Waverley).Foremost was Fawkes of

Bréauté, Sheriff of Oxford,Northampton, Buckingham,Hertford, Bedford, andCambridge, thewar’s centralfront. Fawkes also controlledtheIsleofWight,throughhiswife, commanding theapproaches to PortsmouthHarbour. A poor royalsergeant of Norman origin,Fawkes ‘so bettered himselfthathewasoneoftherichestmen in England. Small hewas of body, but most

valiant’ (Anonymous).Matthew Paris and theWaverley annalist were lessenthusiastic, describing himrespectively as ‘a rod of theLord’s fury’, or quidemfuriosus–alunatic.

Medieval public opinionis hard to assess, as mostpeople were never asked.This did not stop theBarnwellcanonclaiming that‘Fewinthesetimeswereseento approve of Louis or his

coming into England, or thatheshouldgetthekingdom,asthosewhobroughthiminhadpromised’. The English,moreover, were changeableandfickle.Aparadoxfamiliarfrom modern invasionsensured that the invaderswere blamed for collateraldamage, even when theycameby invitation, andmostof the harm was caused bythe incumbent regime.Knights and sergeants, in the

sense of minor landowners,hid themselves to avoidfighting on either side.Common folk, unable toescape, turned on theirperceived tormentors. TheHistory’s informantsrememberedseeingahundredFrenchcorpseseatenbydogsbetween Winchester andRomsey.

The chief focus ofpopular resistance lay on theKent/Sussex border. West of

theprosperousWatlingStreetcorridor and the Channelports, the ancient forest ofAndredswealdfilledthegreatvalley between the SouthDowns and Surrey Hills. Itsuncleared woodland, sparsepopulation, and difficultaccess made it a classicrefuge for guerrilla forces.Kentish dissidents wouldharass Henry III’s forcesthere before the battle ofLewesin1264.Theywereso

successful in 1216 that theirleader’s name has beenpreserved, in some thirtydifferentspellings.HeismostsecurelyidentifiedasWilliamof Kasingeham orCassingham (nowKensham),a manor in the Kentishhundred of Rolvenden. TheHistorycallshimWillekindeWauzorWillyof theWeald,French tongues strugglingwith Kasingeham. Refusingto acknowledge Louis,

Willekinrecruitedathousandarchers, who harassed theFrench from thewoods, ‘andslew many thousands ofthem’ (Wendover).Anonymous of Béthuneconfirms that Willekin’sexploits were more thanpatriotic propaganda.Unfortunately for theories ofspontaneous popularresistance,thisreal-lifeRobinHoodwasaroyalofficial,anerstwhileFlemishmercenary,

of uncertain expertise withthebow.

The balance of externalforces favoured the royalists.Philip Augustus refused tomake the invasion a Frenchnational cause for fear ofpapal disapproval. Scottishknights were scarce, theirfootmen only suited toplundering the north ofEngland, which belonged tothe Dauphin’s allies.Alexander II had ridden to

Dover to do homage, but itwas a perilous journey.Eustace of Vesci was killedon the way, and John nearlyintercepted the party goingback. The Welsh had noknights at all, and their footwere commonly massacredwhenever they strayed intoEngland. This weak hand,two kings and a jack, wastrumped by the Pope’sunwavering support for theother side. Innocent III had

been ‘feared by everyoneabove all who preceded himformanyayear’.HisdeathinJuly 1216 encouraged John’senemies,‘speculatingthatthenewpopewouldmakeanewpolicy, andwouldnot followinhispredecessor’sfootsteps’(Barnwell). They weredisappointed.

Innocent’s successor,Honorius III, learned ofJohn’s death early inDecember 1216. He boldly

decided to make a stand onbehalf of the orphaned boyking, ‘the cause to besupported not only withwords, but if it werenecessary,witharmsaswell’(Barnwell). Like hispredecessor, Honorius wasorganising a Crusade torecover the Holy Land, andneeded to terminateChristiandisputes as soon as possible.Given time, papal supportwould alter the war’s moral

and numerical balance. Theprocess was slow to takeeffect,however, aseventsonthegroundwouldshow.

Theminority governmentlacked the resources foractive campaigning. Williamused John’s last reserves ofjewellery and rich fabrics topay the bills due atMichaelmas,includingwagesand supplies for the Dovergarrison. His well-documented distaste for both

sides’ excesses suggests thatthe regency had no appetitefor extensive raiding. Itpursued the war by othermeans, opening a peaceoffensive on three fronts.Two were business as usual;thethirdwasgame-changing.John’s policy of issuing safeconductsandoffersofpardonto potential rebel defectorscontinued under theMarshal’s name. Gualamaintained the spiritual

pressure, rallying thebishopsto the new king. Within afortnight of the coronation,would-be royalists wereinvitedtoswearfealtytotheirnew king at Bristol on 11November. Eleven bishopsattended, fourmore since thecoronation,nearlyallthoseinpost and not in exile. Walesand other areas under theDauphin’s control wereplacedunderanInterdict,andLouis and his followers

excommunicatedagain.The Bristol Council’s

most dramatic measure wastoreissueMagnaCartainthenew king’s name. Sealed byWilliam andGuala, forwantof an authentic royal seal, itwas witnessed by elevenbishops, four earls, andeighteen other magnates andcuriales. Among them wereHubert de Burgh, fresh fromDover, and the Earl ofAumale, one of the Twenty-

Five and the firstmagnate toabandon the rebel cause.William employed his newtitle for the first time: rectornostri et regni nostri –‘guardian of ourselves andourkingdom’.Havinghelpeddraft the original charter,William now rescued it fromthe oblivion intowhich PopeInnocent had consigned it,with the active assistance ofthe Pope’s personalrepresentative.

The new document’scontents reflected its officialorigin. Enforcement clausesand attacks on specific royalservantsweredropped,while‘weightyanddoubtful’issuesas scutage and forest lawswere reserved for futureconsideration. The crucialfeudal and judicial reformssurvived the exigencies ofwar, however, a commitmentto civil liberties whichcompares favourably with

modern governments’readiness to curtail themduringemergencies.Thenewdocument clearly reflects adesireforreconciliation,bornofWilliam’s own resentmentof royal tyranny and hisloathing of the excesses ofcivil war. There is everyreason to believe that hisviews were shared by otherloyal magnates, who hadsupported John out of habitand self interest rather than

absolutist conviction. Theincoming government’s boldstatement of its programmesuggests a remarkableconfidenceinfinalvictory.Inthe short run it stole therebels’ thunder. In the longerterm it foreshadowed a newstyle of more responsiblegovernment based on co-operation rather thancoercion.

ROYALISTMIDWINTER

The enemy were unmoved.Hearing of Henry III’scoronation, they hadsolemnly sworn ‘that nodescendant of King John,formerly king of England,shouldeverholdtheland,forthe samewere notworthy tobear the name of king’

(Barnwell).Asforthelegate,Louis denied his authority,andthreatenedchurchleaderswho bound themselves toHenry, ordering them toswear fealty to himselfinstead. The diocesanauthorities,however,tooktheroyalist side. Rebuffeddiplomatically,Louis and hisallies withdrew from Dover,‘determined to reduce thesmallercastlesthroughoutthecountry, so that after the

lesser fortresseswere in theirpower, theymight attack thelarger ones’ (Wendover). AsLouisleft,Dover’sundauntedgarrisonemergedtoreplenishtheir supplies by plunderingthe neighbourhood. TheDauphin’s withdrawal fromDover may be seen inClausewitzian terms as thecampaign’s culminatingpoint. The invaders hadexhausted their initialimpetus, leaving them over-

stretchedandvulnerable.Reaching London during

the first week of November,Louis took theTower on the6th. The Barnwell Chronicleimplies treachery, but this isthe common medievalattribution of militaryoutcomes to personal frailtyrather than the objectivebalance of forces. TheTower’s fourteen-monthsiegewaswellpastthenorm.Pursuing his strategy of

consolidating the south-east,‘[Louis] shifted his quartersfromLondonintotheinteriorof the country, draggingthrowing engines after himand the instruments of war’(Barnwell). While theroyalists gathered at Bristol,he opened siege operationsagainst Hertford Castle.North of London near thehead of the Lea Valley, alittle west of Ermine Street,Hertford’s capture would

safeguard Louis’s northerncommunications. It wouldalso protect the rebelheartland, blocking theRoman road from St Albansinto East Anglia, whichWilliam Longsword hadtakenthepreviouswinter.

HertfordCastleliesontheRiver Maran’s east bank.Once an Anglo-Saxon burh,its features are obscured bythe urban development thatoccupies most of the

semicircular outer ditch. Themound measures 100 feet(30m)acrossthebase,and22feet (6.5m) high. Itscommander was one ofFawkes’ household knights,Walter of Godardville, whohadrecentlyshakendowntheAbbot of St Albans for 50marks, a gold cup, and apalfreyworth5marks.Louissurrounded the castle withmachines to batter the walls,presumablyontheeastsideto

avoid attacking across theriver. Roger of Wendoverassures us that the garrisonmadegreatslaughteramongstthe French, beforesurrendering on 6December,saving their lives, arms, andproperty. TheHistory claimsthat the garrison requested atwenty-day truce, expectingno relief, but aswe shall seethe poet’s informants foundthis part of the war deeplyconfusing.

Louis moved on toBerkhampstead, 22 miles(35km)furtherwest.Anotherof William the Conqueror’sroyal castles and site of theEnglish surrender in 1066,Berkhampstead lies 10 mileswest of St Albans, and sixfrom Roger of Wendover’sbirth place (15km and 10kmrespectively). It occupies awell-chosen positioncommanding the narrowvalley through the Chilterns

taken by Akeman Street, theRoman road from Aylesburyto London, and the modernrailway. Strategically,Berkhampstead coveredWatling Street, which runsnorth-west from St Albanstowards Saer of Quincy’sestates in Leicestershire. Itmight also provide ajumping-off point for a rebeladvance into Oxfordshire,bypassing Windsor Castle intheThamesValley.

Berkhampstead Castle’souter perimeter is one of thelargest surviving in England,its oblong embankment 150yards (135m) north-to-southtopped with a flint rubblecurtain wall. The mound inthe north-east corner is evenbigger than Hertford’s, 180feet (54m) across the baseand 45 feet (13.5m) high. Itfeaturedacircularshellkeep,withwalls 7 feet (2m) thick,an economical way of

upgrading the originalpalisade.ThomasBeckethadbuiltthewallsandkeepinthe1150s. Since then littleworkhad been done, before Johnhad the defences repairedwith timber from nearbywoodlands. A wet ditchsurroundedthewholesite.

The garrison wascommanded by a Germanroutier called Waleran, andoffered a vigorous defence.While the barons were still

pitching camp, the defenderssallied forth, seizingbaggageand a standard. Waleran’smen sortied again at dinner-time, flying the capturedbanner in hopes of catchingthebesiegersbysurprise.Themain and south gates facedaway from the Frenchapproach, so these stirringeventsmay have occurred tothe north outside the DerneGate beside the motte. Nextday, Louis set up his

machines to launch adestructive shower of stones.Eightmoundsalongtheouterbank to north and east aresometimes identified as thefiring platforms, butarchaeological excavationsdisagree.

Meanwhile, William andthe king hovered aroundvarious royal strongholds inthe south-west. Lack ofmoney hampered vigorousaction outside the belt of

south Midland castles.Traditionandcommonsense,however, dictated thatunrelieved garrisons shouldsurrender in good time topreservetheirlives,arms,andhorses. William made themost of Berkhampstead’shopeless situation byexchanging the castle for aChristmas truce lasting until13 January 1217, the weekafter Epiphany. Its hero’sinactionpuzzledtheHistory’s

author, whose garbledaccount deepens thechronological confusion: theWaverley Annals dates thesurrendertoStLucy’sDayor13December,perhapswhenatruce was first proposed;Roger ofWendover’s date isa week later, perhapsreflecting the physicaltransferofcustody.

The royal party spentChristmas at Bristol, afterwhichbothsidessummoneda

council of their supporters:Louis at Cambridge, theguardians of the kingdom atOxford. Roger of Wendovermakes much of the rebels’predicament, disillusionedwith Louis, but unwilling togivehimup,‘lesttheyshouldbelikedogsreturningtotheirvomit’. In reality, they couldno more change sides thantheiropponents.Bothfactionswerecompeting for the samelimited set of territorial

assets. Neither would budgeuntil compelled by a shift inthe military position. Onlytwo prominent rebels hadchanged sides since theMarshal’s peace offensive,the weathercock Earl ofAumale, and Rochester’sgallant defender William ofAubigny, grown weary ofCorfe’s compulsoryhospitality.

The rebel garrison ofMountsorrel inLeicestershire

celebratedtheendofthetruceby raiding the Trent Valleyon 20 January. Alerted byscouts, the Nottinghamroyalists killed three of themand captured thirty-four.Louis resumed operations bybesieging Hedingham inSuffolk. Once more Williamexchangedathreatenedcastlefora truce, this timeuntil23April, four weeks afterEaster. Colchester, Norwich,and Henry II’s polygonal

castle at Orford allsurrenderedat thesametime.Lincoln and Ely were alsounder pressure, the city andIsle under rebel occupation,their castles closely invested.William seemed incapable ofstemming the Dauphin’sadvance. Nine out of thirty-two royalist castles held atHenry III’s accessionchangedhands by the end ofJanuary:‘Thusalltheeasternpart [of the country] fell into

Louis’shands’(Barnwell).Medieval motivation is

hard to fathom from thesources available. Intentionshave to be deduced fromactions, or the guesswork ofcontemporaries and earlierhistorians, who may havebeenworseinformedthanweare. The History blamed theHertford garrison’sunauthorised negotiations forthe loss of other easterncastles, a view which might

pass muster if William’swritten orders had notsurvived in the Rolls ofLetters Patent. When SidneyPainter disparaged royaliststrategy as over-cautious, hewas unaware of the regent’scrushing financial difficultiesas revealed in Exchequerrecords published after hewrote. William’s threat toburnWorcester in Decemberunlessthecitypaid£100thatit owed King John, is not a

story the History mightcelebrate.Hisinactionduringthewinterof1216–17bearsadepressing resemblance toJohn’sinertiainNormandyin1203 or at Stonar in 1216,episodes for which Williambore some responsibility. Inboth cases, however, Johnhad lacked the materialmeans to offer effectiveresistance. Decisive action isonlyjustifiableifattendedbyreasonable hopes of success.

William had been moreaggressiveinearlierconflicts,onamoreevenplayingfield.

As Chapter Three’sdiscussion of knightlywarfare suggests, medievalcommanders did not lackstrategic resource. Williamwas more than a baronialMicawber waiting forsomething to turnup.Painterhimself advances two goodreasons for the regent’sinactivity. Firstly, East

Anglia’s garrisons might bemore useful elsewhere.William had neverentertained exaggeratednotions of the value ofisolated strongholds. He hadadvisedRichardItoletPhilipAugustus keep the Vexin’sdisputed castles in 1198, aslong as he held thesurrounding countryside andits revenues. Richard’sroutiers beset the Frenchgarrisons so closely that

winter that they dared notwater their horses outsidetheir own castle gates. Thetablesin1217wereturned.Itwas Angevin garrisons whowere unable to venture out.Menandsupplieswerebettertransferred tomore importantsectors, as they were fromNorwich and Orford toDover, the war’s strategicpivot. Secondly, yieldingindefensible castles boughttime for negotiations with

uncommittedmagnates in thefar south-west, consolidatingthe Angevin position in thatquarter.

The Barnwell Chronicleaddsathirdconsideration:‘Itwas rather hoped that Louiswouldreturnhomeduringthetruces, and it might easilyhappen that the royalist sidewould gain [some] chanceadvantage through this’, aprecociously Clausewitziananalysisof the importanceof

gaining time when on thedefensive. William’s mainaim was to maintain theregency as a going concern,avoiding risky adventures inareas dominated by theDauphin’s friends. His firstsortie toNottingham in earlyJanuary, to organise help forLincoln’s hard-pressedgarrison,stayedsafelywithinthe Angevin castle belt.William took steps toencourage other threatened

garrisons,writing to BedfordandNorthamptontothanktheconstables for their efforts,assuringthemthatreasonableransoms would be paid foranyonetakenprisoner.

LENTENAUSTERITY

Medievaltrucesrarelylasted.

The History blamed thecustomary arrogance of theFrenchforWilliam’srefusingfurther negotiations. TheBarnwell Chronicle says itwas the English who brokethe peace. Everyone agreesthat hostilities restartedaround Quadragesima, thefirst Sunday in Lent, whichthatyearfellon12February.Gervase of Canterburyrecords a French defeat nearLewes,probablyat thehands

of William of Cassingham.High-status prisonersincluded two nephews of theCount of Nevers. About thesame time, the royalistsregained control of Rye, oneofLouis’sfewChannelports,parengienorbycunning.

Louis had been thinkingofreturninghometoconfronta papal diplomatic mission,and gather reinforcements.His English supporters smeltarat,andmadehimswearon

the sacraments thathewouldreturn before the truce’sscheduled end. As heprepared to sail, bad newscame from Sussex, ‘whenceLouis angrily moved thearmythither,althoughhehadfew men’ (Barnwell).Anonymous of Béthuneconfirms Louis’s march toLewes, and thenWinchelsea,the next place to Rye.Cassingham’s men,‘retreating into the woods,

broke down the bridgesbehind him [Louis], and laidambushes, so that he couldnot bring up supplies behindhim’ (Dunstable). The stagewas set for an obscureepisode that might havebrought the war to a suddenand embarrassing conclusion–fortheFrench.

The History naturallyattributed the Sussexcampaign to the Marshal’s‘prudent and high-minded

counsel’. Assembling everyroyalist capable of bearingarms, he sent Philip ofAubigny, who held the kingaloft after the coronation, tooccupy Rye with combat-hardened knights andsergeants. As royalistwarships cruised offshore,William approached with agreat host, gripping Louis sotightlyhedidnotknowwhichway to turn. The Frenchhistorian Charles Petit-

Dutaillis dismissed suchclaims of co-ordinated actionas ‘fantaisistes’, but somedocumentary evidencesuggests pre-planning. Theregent sent letters inDecember to Irish shipmenontheNormancoasttogatheratWinchelseaby13January,the end of the first truce.Philip of Aubigny tookcommand in Sussex a weeklater, a suggestivecoincidence. William

remained in the ThamesValley gatheringreinforcements, but it is hardto deny him credit for astrategic combination carriedout under his overalldirection.

William’s ability toconfront Louis in the fieldwas a product of Guala’stireless preaching and itsdramatic effect on publicopinion: ‘those who hadformerly called themselves

thearmyofGod,andboastedofdefending the freedomsofthe church and kingdom,were [now] counted as thesonsofBelial’(Barnwell).Asdays grew longer, ‘Many,nobles as well as commons,placed the sign of God’sCross on their breasts thatthey might eject Louis andthe French from England,preferring to have a king oftheir own country than aforeigner’(Waverley).Played

down by sceptical ProtestantEnglish historians, Crusadingideas and rhetoric werefundamental to the royalistwar effort. Henry III hadrenewed his father’sCrusading vows, soon afterhis coronation, reinforcingthe respect due to royaltywith Crusader immunity.Henry’sopponentswerenowthe enemies of God and theChurch. Where Robert fitzWalter once posed as

‘Marshal of theHost ofGodand Holy Church’, Philip ofAubigny was now ‘leader ofthe army of Christ’. Rebeldefectors or reversi took theCross as a condition ofabsolution. Those who haddone so already postponedtheir departure overseas tojoin the royalists. When thewar ended, combatants fromboth sides left for the HolyLand to fulfil their vows.While Guala played the

Crusade card, his clericalopponents attacked hismoralauthority,accusinghim–andthePope–ofacceptingbribesand trampling justiceunderfoot.

WinchelseaandRyeweretwo of the Cinque Ports, anassociation of towns on thesouth coast. Founded beforethe Norman Conquest, theyoriginally numbered fivetowns, hence their collectivename. Prospering from

fishing and piracy, theydominated cross-Channeltraffic. In return for royalrecognition, they ‘defendedthesea-coastfromtheattacksof the enemy’ (Gervase ofCanterbury). Winchelsea andRye joined the confederationduring the twelfth century,providing five and ten shipsrespectively. They were tinyplaces. Domesday Bookrecords sixty-four burgessesatRye,implyingapopulation

of justover300.Thanks toashifting coastline, the twotowns now lie amile or twoinland from Rye Bay,halfway between Hastingsand Dungeness. Rye standsabove the surroundingcountryside on a hillsurrounded by rivers: theTillingham to the west, theBrede to the south, and theRother on the east. Theirconfluence with WainwrightCreek formed an excellent

harbour known as theCamber. Land access waslimitedtothenarrowisthmusfrom Rye Hill to the north.Anonymous of Béthunedescribes Rye as a strongplace, although today’sdefences are thirteenthcentury. Modern Winchelseawas rebuiltwestofRyeafterthirteenth-century floodsdestroyed the original town.In 1217,Winchelsea lay eastof theCamber, amangonel’s

throw across WainwrightCreekfromRyetothenorth.

The loss of Normandylent the Cinque Ports a newsignificance,converting themfrom a transportation facilityto England’s first line ofdefence.Johnrecognised thisby confirming their chartersin 1205, styling theirburgesses ‘barons’, likeLondon’sleadingcitizens.Asusual, however, he alienatedessential allies. The History

tellsusthatinthesummerof1217, the men of SandwichstillresentedtheinjuriesJohnhad done them nine yearsearlier. Gervase ofCanterbury describes himhangingsomeonthegallows,slaying others by the sword,imprisoning more in fetters,exacting heavy ransoms andhostages. The Cinque Ports’initialresistancetoLouiswasminimal.

Courted by royalist

diplomacy, the Cinque Portswere among the earliestdefectors from theDauphin’scamp, essential allies forWilliam’s Sussex campaign:‘Louis … having notconfirmed the truces hegranted earlier, went toWinchelsea near the CinquePorts, which had abandonedhim. Our men interceptedhim,andhavingbrokendownthe bridges, kept him in direstraits’ (Worcester).

AnonymousofBéthune,whowitnessed the siege frominside Winchelsea, observedLouis’s difficulties at firsthand. The townspeople hadfled on board ship, smashingtheirmillstonesastheywent.Therewasplentyofcorn,butnowayofgrindingitforflourto bake bread, the medievalsoldier’s staple. The Frenchtried rolling grain betweentheir hands and fishing, butEnglish boats shot them up.

The best foodwas a store ofnuts. The History confirmsthe Brabançon’s account.Williamwasononeside,atadistance; on the other sidewas Philip of Aubigny’schivalry,whokilledmanyofLouis’s men, while the fleetinjuredthemfromthesea.Inthe countryside, Willekin ofthe Weald harassed themmercilessly, cuttingoffmanyheads to show he was notplaying.

TheDauphinwascaught,ashis fatherhadbeenamidstthe Flemish polders in 1198.Courageous French sergeantsran thegauntlet to fetchhelpfrom London, which cameslowly. The Castellan of StOmersetoffwithinsufficientnumbers to risk entering theWeald.His knights rode eastdown Watling Street toCanterbury, then turnedwestpast Romney, where theyfound Rye blocking the land

route into Winchelsea.Frustrated, they retreated toRomney, and summonednavalassistancefromLouis’svassals in the Boulonnaisregion across the Channel.Severalhundredshipssetsail,but only one ran the Englishblockade, ‘through thecourage of the sailors’(Anonymous). The othersstopped at Dover, whereLouis had left a detachmentwhenheabandonedthesiege.

TheRomneyforcerodebackto Dover, but stormsprevented them from goingaboard.Forafortnight,Louisand his men endured anunusually rigorous Lentenfast.

The ship that did reachWinchelsea was commandedby Eustace the Monk, whopromptly justified hisreputation for maritimeingenuity. Winchelsea hadbeen a royal dockyard,

constructing ten galleys forKing John in 1213. Eustaceconstructed a floating siegetower from local material,planning to tow it across theCamberwith his own galley,toengagetheEnglishbeyond.Ontopofacapturedboat,hebuiltafightingcastle,‘sobigthat everyone stared at it inastonishment for it overhungthe ship’s sides in everydirection’ (Anonymous). Hethen placed a perrière on a

second ship lashed alongsideto provide covering fire.Meanwhile, Louis mountedtwo more perrières to shootacross the creek. BeforeEustace was ready, however,an English raiding partydestroyedthegalleyunderthevery eyes of the starvingFrenchmen, only four ofwhom had been fit to standguard.

The History speaks of athousand French killed over

the course of the siege, ‘assoonastheystrayedfromtheranks’, suggesting they werecut off while out foraging,andneverproperlycounted.Itwas a largenumber, equal tothe infantry force John tooktoIrelandin1210:

andsowereruinedandrouted the lowborntroop,who made suchexcessive boasts of

havingEnglandat theirdisposal.

Louis himself might havebeen captured, had Fortunenot turned in his favour.Theday after Eustace’s galleywas destroyed, the Frenchreliefsquadronbrokethroughfrom Dover. Thereinforcements, says theHistory, brought Louis’snumbers up to 3,000, not animpossible number if it

includes sailors and infantry.Louis launched anamphibiousassaultacrossthecreek to drive out Rye’soutnumbered defenders,capturing welcome stores ofwine and food, and theEnglishships,whomthenewarrivals had cut off from thesea.

Louis sailed off home on27February.Nextday,whenit was too late, Williamaddressed a letter to Rye’s

erstwhile defenders urgingthem to hold out, promising‘greater succour than theycould believe possible’. Allthe royalists’ secular leaderswere assembled, four earls,halfadozenMarcherbarons,and a troop of mercenarycaptains, followed by amultitude of knights,sergeants, crossbowmen, andloyal Welshmen, ‘togetherwith the lord legate, theclergy, and a host of

Crusaders’. William’s army,however,wasstillatDorking,several days’ march away.RyewasinFrenchhandsandLouis safely overseas.Nevertheless, the Sussexcampaign had two lessons.Firstly, the French were notinvincible. Secondly,medieval strategiccombinations lacked neitherscalenorambition.Landandseaoperationsextendingfromthe Thames Valley to the

south coast and across theEnglishChannelhadaimedatnothing less than thewholesale decapitation of theFranco-rebelarmy.

SPRINGBOARDTOVICTORY

The Dauphin’s departurerestored the initiative to the

royalists,andunderminedhispolitical position. Thefollowing month saw 150safe-conducts issued to rebeldefectors. The mostsignificant reversi were theEarlofSalisburyandWilliamMarshal the Younger.Avoiding inconvenientdetails, the History suggeststhat they simply fell in withtheregentnearShoreham-by-SeainSussex,andwentofftobesiege the oldBraose castle

at Knepp. Their change ofallegiance had been underdiscussion for some months.John’s death had assuagedtheir personal grievancesagainst the Crown, and bothmen nourished claims tocastlesthatLouishadgrantedto more reliable supporters.Salisbury was especiallyvaluable. An experiencedcommander, hewouldplay asignificantpart in theclosingstages of the war, leading a

royalisteschieleatLincoln.William would have

known of Louis’s oath toreturninlateApril.Thisgavehim seven weeks to regainlostground.TheFrenchfieldarmybeingabsent,rebel-heldcastles became vulnerable.Garrisons were small andexposed. Mountsorrel’snumbered just ten knights,plus sergeants. Deep inhostile country, with littleprospect of relief, they were

easily intimidated. Louis hadleft his nephew Enguerrandde Coucy to safeguardLondon during his absence,and the latter took a narrowview of his responsibilities.UntilLouisreturned,Williamhadafreehand.

He began with FarnhamandWinchester.Carrying thewar into Hampshire, awayfrom the solidly fortifiedThames Valley, Williamopened a new front and

menaced London’scommunications with thesouth coast. Sir RalphHopton’sCavalierswouldtrya similar manoeuvre in the1640s. The two sieges weremutually supporting, a day’smarch apart along a goodroad. Farnham lies at thewestern end of the Hog’sBack, forming an advancedpost for England’s secondcapital, and the Solent ports.The castle belonged to the

Bishop of Winchester, theking’s tutor, another goodreason for taking it. Its greatcentral motte was not at oneend as usual, but in themiddle of a tear-shapedembankment, the eleventh-century earthworkssurmounted by a polygonalshell keep and a curtainwallof flint rubble. The Historygives no details of events atFarnham, a particular loss asother chroniclers are equally

uninformative. Documentaryevidence shows thatWilliamwas there 7–12March,whenthe garrison received a safe-conductbacktoLondon.TheDauphin’s rapid recapture ofthebaileyafterhisreturn,butnot of the keep, suggests thelattersufferedlittledamage.

Winchester was a moreserious proposition,with twocastles and extensive walls.Lying at the junction ofRoman roads from

Portchester, Southampton,Salisbury, and Marlborough,it was a major centre ofgovernment, and Henry III’sbirthplace. The ancient wallsformed an irregularquadrilateral stretchinghalf amile (880m) westwards upthe slope from the RiverItchen. In 1141, William’sfather had helped besiegeWolvesey Castle, whosesquare keep and gatehousestill stand in the south-east

corner of the walls. Williamthe Conqueror’s royal castlelay at the other end of town,overlying the south-westcorner of the city walls neartheWestgate.Theroyalcastleoccupied an elliptical mound300yards(270m)longnorth–south and 100 yards (90m)across, separated from cityand countryside by a wetditch 30 feet (9m) deep andwide. Stone walls had beenadded in the late twelfth

century, John spending 100marks on repairs in 1215. Acluster of square towersoccupied the motte at thesouthern end of the bailey, asquaregreattowerstandingatthe northern end, near thesectionofcitywallleadingtotheWestgate.Today, the siteis occupied by the LawCourts and the old PeninsulaBarracks. The only medievalstructure left is Henry III’sGreat Hall, built after the

siegeinthe1220s.Salisburyandtheyounger

Marshal establishedthemselvesatHydeAbbey,agood spot north ofWinchester for directingoperations against eithercastle. Wolvesey fell almostimmediately. Then, for aweek, the two friends besetthe royalcastle socloselybyday and night that thegarrisoncouldneitherrestnorshowtheirfaces.TheHistory

doesnotmentionengines,butreferences to both shootingandthrowingimplybowsandmachines. The defendersprobably had engines too.Castle accounts from the1190sincludepaymentsforamangunelandapetraria.Theattackers’bestfiringposition,by analogy with John’spractice at Rochester, wouldhavebeentothewest,onthehigher ground beside theRomsey Road. The presence

on that side of the castle’smain gate, always a weakpoint,wouldalsoinviteattackfrom that direction. Thegate’s subsequentreinforcementwithabarbicanmay not have beencoincidental.

Operations weremomentarily interrupted byan urgent summons from theMarshal, during which thegarrison came out to punishthe citizens for siding with

the royalists. Winchester’ssuburbaninhabitantsjoinedinthe looting, suggestingtension between those livinginside and outside the walls.The History puts theinterruptionearlyinthesiege,but the return of Salisburyand the younger Marshal onhearing that Farnham hadfallen suggests a date nearer12–13 May. The regentarrived on the 14th, ‘withsuch a company of knights

the river banks andcountrysidewerefullofthemand the town all round’.There were already enoughroyalists to bottle up thedefenders, so Williamdespatched his more activeassociates to recoverSouthampton, Portchester,Chichester,Odiham,andevenRochester.TheHistoryneverexplicitly mentionsWinchester’s capture,suggesting a gap in the text,

which suddenly jumps todescribing how the poorerroyalists enriched themselvesat their enemies’ expense.Thecastleheldoutaslongaswas prudent. When Louisreturned, Anonymous ofBéthunerevealsthathefoundmuchofthewallcollapsedbymining, and had to fill thebreaches with stout oakpalisades. The defenderspresumably gave up towardsEaster, for shortly after that

theMarshaldividedthearmy.The Earl of Chester headednorth to pursue his claim toMountsorrel Castle. FawkeswenttorelievehisgarrisonatEly. Blending familyconcerns with the nationalinterest, theyoungerMarshalinvested Marlborough CastletheFridayafterEaster,whichhe took, ‘though not withoutgreattrouble’.

Louis was back inEngland by then, ready to

take theglossoff theroyalistrecovery. His trip home hadmixed results. PhilipAugustus was mendingfences with the Pope, andpretended not to be onspeaking termswith his heir.TheHistoryclaimsthatLouisreturned with a large andwarlike army, butAnonymous of Béthune sayshe‘broughtbut fewknights’,seven score of them besidessome mercenaries. More

interesting was the Trebuket,something ‘much spoken offoratthistimetheyhadbeenlittleseen inFrance’.Amongseventeen named magnateswas the ill-omened Thomasde la Perche, the FrenchcommanderatLincoln.

The date on which Louisreturned has caused muchconfusion, but theWorcesterAnnals support Anonymousof Béthune’s timetable,placing it on Saturday 22

April, theeveofStGeorge’sDay. A favourable windcarried the French fleet pastDover so close that Louiscould see the huts left fromlast year’s siege. He did notland for Willekin of theWeald chose that day toattackthecaretakersandburnthehuts,whilecountrypeoplelinedthecliffsreadytoshootdown into the ships. Louislanded further north atSandwich,notwithoutfurther

loss from English galleyslurking offshore. Here hereceived intelligence thatWinchester, Southampton,Marlborough, andMountsorrel were allbesieged, diverting him fromhis immediate objective ofrenewing the siegeofDover.Keeping the pick of hisknights and sailors, hepatchedupa local trucewithHubert de Burgh andmarched top speed for

Winchester. Before leavinghe fired Sandwich, agratuitous atrocity reflectingthe deterioration in Anglo-French relations. TheBrabançon’s timetableprovides a rare insight intothe marching powers of amedieval army underpressure:

LOUIS’SMARCHFROMKENTTOHAMPSHIRE

APRIL1217Date From To

Tuesday25th Canterbury Malling

Wednesday26th Malling Guildford

Thursday27th Guildford Farnham

Friday28th Farnham

Saturday29th Farnham Winchester

Wednesdaywasqualifiedasalong march. The transportstopped overnight at Reigateprotected by the rearguard,andcaughtupnextday,whileLouis stormed the bailey atFarnham. The daily averageof26miles(42km)comparesfavourably with nineteenth-century march rates. TheBritishGeneralStaff in1914advised that only smallcommandsofseasonedtroopscould cover such distances,

under favourable conditions.John did 40 miles (65km) adayatMirebeau in1202,butLouis was held up by histrain: ‘carters, sergeants andcrossbowmen, mercenariesand riffraff’ (History). Atvespers on the 26th, the sunappeared red as blood, andremained so for many days,celestial confirmation thatdreadfuldeedswereafoot.

Still at Farnham, Louiswas joined by Saer of

Quincy,withgrantchevaleried’Englois. Of the rebelstrongholdsundersiege,onlyMountsorrel still held out. Abone of contention betweenthe Earls of Leicester andChester during the Anarchy,Mountsorrel lies 8 miles(13km) north of Leicester inthe SoarValley. Standing onhigh ground south of thevillage, the castle wassituated near the intersectionof the boundaries of

Leicestershire,Nottinghamshire, andLincolnshire. Not far fromFosseWay,thegreathighwaythat runs diagonally acrossEngland from Exeter toLincoln,itmenacedChester’scommunications with hishonour of Bolingbroke insouth Lincolnshire. ForfeitedtotheCrownafterapreviousEarl of Leicester wascapturedatFornham,fightingfor the Young King, the

castle had been returned toSaer followingMagnaCarta.Saer’ssupportforLouisgaveChester a fine chance toreassert a claim dating backtohisgreat-grandfather.

Roger of Wendover’sstatement that the siege wasundertaken on William’sorders affords it widerstrategic significance than abaronial property dispute.TheonlyrebelcastlesouthoftheHumber to escape John’s

clutches in 1216,Mountsorrel’s capture wouldease pressure on the Lincolnroyalists, 45miles (72km) tothe north. Chester’s armyincluded Fawkes and aswathe ofMidland castellanswith their garrisons.Batteredby machines, the defenders‘courageously returned stonefor stone and shot for shot’(Wendover). Havingdemonstrated their mettle,they called on Saer for help,

who appealed to his ownfeudal lord. Focussed on thesouthern theatre, Louis hadlittle to send. ‘Unable to getridofhimotherwise’,hegaveSaer permission to relieveMountsorrelwith hisEnglishchivalry, supported byseventyFrenchknightsledbyde la Perche. MoreBrabançonsmighthavegone,but the Avoué of Béthunewas not asked. Two otherleaderslackedthemen.

The rebel army dividednext day, 29 April. Saerreturned to London; Louisheaded for Winchester,hoping to win the war at ablow by capturing the boyking. Squires riding ahead toseek billets caught someroyalist stragglers, but kingand regent had gone,retreating to Marlboroughalong the road that JohnMarshal had traversed sopainfully seventy-six years

before.ForallWilliamknew,Louis’s whole army waspresent including Saer’sEnglish, while he had onlypart of the royalist array. Byluck or cunning, the youngerWilliam Marshal persuadedMarlborough’s defenders tosurrender just before theDauphin’s return becamecommon knowledge. Thegarrisonsavedtheir livesandbodies, avoiding death ormutilation, but were deeply

embarrassed.Frustratedinhiswider aims, Louis spentseveral days restoringWinchester’sdefences:

Rebuiltthekeepandthehigh walls richly withstoneandmortar,And all the breaches inthe walls and thedamageMade well and trulygood,asiftheywereallbrandnew.

He then returned to Londonen route for Dover, leavingthe Count of Nevers to holdWinchester with a stronggarrison. When Louis satdown before Dover on 12May, itwasas if the royalistspringhadneverhappened.

Saer of Quincy’s columnleft London on Monday 1May, ‘pillagingall theplacesthey passed’. Roger ofWendover put their numbersat 600 knights, which is

credible,and20,000infantry,whichisnot.Roger,whosawthemravaging thevicinityofBelvoir Priory, describedthem as the refuse and scumof France, ‘their poverty andwretchedness…sogreatthatthey had not enough bodilyclothing to cover theirnakedness’. Marching via StAlbans and Dunstable, Saerapproached Mountsorrel onthe Wednesday. If Chester’sforce represented half the

royalist troops present atLincoln three weeks later, itwould have beenoutnumbered two-to-one inknights. For all the royalistsknew,Louiswascomingwithhisentirearmy.Afterthewar,some commentators stillthought he had been there.Warned by scouts, theroyalistsburnttheirmachinesand huts, and withdrew toNottingham to await events.The rebels re-provisioned the

castle, repaired mangoneldamage, pillaged the localchurchyards,andmarchedoffto Lincoln. Hugh, Castellanof Arras, and Gilbert ofGhent, Louis’s candidate forthe Earldom of Lincoln, hadbeen besieging the castlesince Lent. With Saer’sreinforcements, they felt sureof liquidating its gallantdefenders.

The crisis of thewar hadcome.Bothsideshaddivided

their forces, but the royalistsoccupied a central positionbetween the enemy corps atLincoln and Dover, able tostrike a concentrated blow ateither before the other couldcome to its aid. William,lyingatOxford,enjoyedeasycommunicationswiththeEarlof Chester at Nottingham.The situation called forextrememeasures.Therebelswere pinned down in sieges,their nearer detachment

commanded not by theDauphin but by magnatesinferior in status andreputation to the Marshal.Theywereripeforslaughter.

T

VI

LINCOLNFAIR

he second battle ofLincolnwasfoughtonSaturday 20 May

1217, the eve of TrinitySunday. The climax of the

Marshal’s military career, itwas theconsummationofsixdecades of chivalry and16,000 lines of poetry. Thedebates surrounding theaction are surprising giventheextensivesources,notjusttheHistory,butalsoRogerofWendover’s unwontedlyfactual narrative. The mostserious deficiency is lack oftestimony from the defeatedside.Asifstrugglingtodigestthe rare surfeit of

information, historians havedisagreed over operationalresponsibility for the action,thewisdomofitsconduct,themeansbywhich the royalistsgained access to the city’sinterior, and the significanceofitsoutcome.TheHistory’sauthor set the pattern byadmittinghisowndifficultiesreconciling the contradictoryaccounts circulating in the1220s.Theseproblemscanbereduced by adapting

contemporaryaccounts to theground, as it stands and asuncovered by archaeologicalinvestigations. The urbansettingmakesthiseasierthanfor a conventional encounterfought in some meadow,lacking permanent structureslikecastlesandcathedrals.

LOCATION

The ancient city of Lincolnoccupies a dominatingposition on the narrowlimestone ridge known asLincoln Edge, just north ofthe gap through which theRiver Witham turnseastwards to gain the Wash.A northerly spur of theNorthamptonshire uplands,the Edge divides reclaimedFen country to the east fromtheValeofTrenttothewest.Just short of the obstruction,

the Rivers Till and Withamflow into Brayford Pool, thesource of the city’smedievalprosperity. This inlandharbouralsogaveLincoln itsname, its first syllablederiving from the Celtic for‘pool’. The ill-drainedswamps and ponds south ofLincoln would exert apowerful negative influenceonthecourseofthebattle.

The intersection of ridgeand stream made Lincoln an

early communications centre.Just short of the Humber, itwasanaturalanchorpointforthe invading Romans’ rightflank, their headquartersabove Brayford Poolshielding the junction ofErmine Street, runningnorthwards,with FosseWay,the only Roman road inEngland not leading toLondon. The two roads joinjust south of Lincoln, andcontinue north along High

StreetandacrosstheWitham,beforeclimbingtheStraitandSteep Hill, gaining 175 feet(53m) in660yards (600m)–a9percentgradient.BeyondLincoln, Ermine Streetcontinued northwards to theHumber ferry, en route forYork. Three miles (5km)north of Lincoln, anotherRoman road forks left.Crossing the Trent by thepavedfordatLittleboroughtoreach York via Doncaster,

Tillbridge Lane hadwitnessed several Dark Ageconfrontations. Harold II,England’s last native king,marched down it forHastings, sleeping atLincolnontheway.

Lincoln’s prosperity,however, derived fromwatercommunications. Eastwards,theWithamledtomarkets inEurope and Scandinavia.Westwards, the Fossdykeassuredcommunicationswith

the Trent and the Midlands.Once a Roman canal, thisreopened in the 1120s, tomake Lincoln the third- orfourth-richest town inEngland. Physical evidenceforLincoln’smedievalwealthsurvives in its architecture:the Norman vaults beneathHigh Bridge; StMary’s Hallin High Street; thetownhouses on Steep Hillattributed to the Jewishcommunity. Its Domesday

Book population of some6,350 compares with that ofNorwich.

Commercial success wasa mixed blessing: Lincolnwas attacked nine timesbetween 1141 and 1265.Nearly a third of the pre-Conquest city wasdemolishedtomakeroomforthecastlein1068.Fiveyearslater, however, William Itransferred the seat ofEngland’s largest bishopric

from Dorchester-on-Thamesto Lincoln, initiating twocenturies of spectaculararchitectural development.Henry II granted the citizenstheir first royal charter in1157, which Richard Iconfirmed in 1194 for 500marks.WilliamMarshal wasamong the witnesses. As atLondon, civic pride breddisaffection. John fined thecity£1,000inFebruary1216,its mayor being absent,

apparently serving with therebel army. Since then,Lincoln had attracted thelargestconcentrationofrebelsoutside London: ‘every day,manygreatmenflockedtherewiththeirwivesandchildren,as theymadeout itwassaferto stay there, as much fromthe strength of the place, asthe presence of powerfulmen’(Barnwell).

The thirteenth-centurycity comprised three main

areas spread along ErmineStreet, measuring 2 miles(3km)north to southbut lessthan a mile (1.5km) wide.The upper city or Bail wasthe original Roman fortress.A sparsely populatedgovernment quarter in 1217,its square walls enclosed thecastle and St Mary ofLincoln’s Cathedral in theirsouth-west and south-eastcornersrespectively.SouthoftheBail,thelowerwalledcity

ran down the slope towardstheWitham.Dividedfromtheuppercitybyaninternalwalland gate, this formed thecommercial quarter withwharves along the modernPoolside.Outside thewalledcityandsouthofHighBridgelay theHistory’sWikefort orWigford, a suburb housingthe weavers who madeLincolnGreencloth.Wigfordextendsamile (1.5km)alongHigh Street to the Great or

West Bargate whosemechanism would bafflerebel fugitives and historiansalike. This, and a connectingwall to the nearby Little orEast Bargate, was Wigford’sonly formal defensive work.The suburb’s flanks,however, were protected bywaterfeatures:theWithamtothe west and Sincil Dyke, adrainage ditch carryingexcessriverwater,totheeast.An enemy from the south

faced sufficient obstacles todeteranyarmy.

Lincoln remained awalled city into thenineteenthcentury.Romaninorigin, its walls had beenrebuilt in the fourth century:10–13feet (3–4m) thick,23–27 feet (7–8m) high, behindan 80-foot (25m)wide ditch.Afewslabsofrubblecorearestill visible from East Bight.They shouldnot be confusedwith the less substantialwall

built later around theCathedral Close. Lincoln’swallsconstitutedasignificantmilitary obstacle in 1217,contrary to the opinion ofProfessor Tout who believedthattheywerelowandeasilysurmounted. The only placethismay have been true wasto the east, where the Bailwalls had been breached toextendthecathedral.

Access to the city wascontrolled by a number of

gates, many of which wouldplaya role in thebattleor inthe subsequent debates.Those extant in 1217 areshown below, in clockwiseorder:

LINCOLNCITYGATESLocation Name Fate

Northwall–UpperCity

NewportArchRomanGatestillinusetoday

Eastwall–UpperCity

Eastgate Demolished1764

Eastwall–LowerCity

Clasket/Claxledgate

Southwall–LowerCity

Stonebow

Fifteenth-centuryrebuildstillinuse

Westwall–UpperCity

WestGate Demolishedc.1700

Thecastlehad its owngates,discussed below, and moregates were built later, forexampleExchequerGatenearthe cathedral, and NewlandGate leading from theLowerCity to West Common.Several historians assign thelatter a role in the battle, butSir Francis Hill, medievalLincoln’s great historian,found no evidence for itsexistence soearly.Foraddedconfusion,manyofLincoln’s

streetsarenamed‘gate’intheScandinavian manner. Themost important here isBailgate, running betweenNewport Arch and CastleHill.

Adjacent to the openspace of Castle Hill lies thecastle itself. Archaeologistsdisagree over its originalextentandbuildingsequence.By 1217, however, it wasfirmly established in itsmodern form in the south-

west corner of the Bail.Looking out across the Valeof Trent, it was anuncompromisingstatementofpower, visible for miles.Earth embankments probablydate from the castle’sfoundation in 1068: 50–80feet (25m) broad and 20–30feet (9m) high, they slopegently within, falling steeplyinto ditches outside. Thecurtain was built along theembankmentswhen the earth

hadsettled,sometimebefore1115whenthefortressisfirstdescribed as walled. Thewalls today stand 30–40 feet(9–12m) high and 20 feet(6m) thick. The masonry isrough and hasty, but wellgrouted with good mortar.Lincoln has none of thegeometric appeal of EdwardI’sWelshcastles, resemblinga crushed parallelogrambulging out to the south andeast.Itsoverwhelmingeffect,

as the walls curve round outof sight, is of unyieldingbrutestrength.

Thebailey is large foranurban castle, roughly200x150 yards (180x135m).As if to emphasise its scale,Lincoln has two moundsinstead of the usual one: theonly English castle to do sobeside Lewes. Sequence andnomenclature arecontroversial, but the largerLucy Tower is probably

earlier. A classic motte,sitting astride the south-westenceinte, it is crowned by apolygonal shell keepwith aninternal diameter of 64–74feet (19–22m) and walls 8feet thick (2.4m). Nowreduced to one storey, in1217 it was a floor higher.The Observatory Tower tothe south-east is lessimpressive, amuch amendedrectangular tower, with anirregularheapofeartharound

itsbase.Lincoln’sonlyothertower is Cobb Hall at theperimeter’snorth-eastcorner.Constructedafterthebattle,itis significant for what itsuggestsaboutthelocationofthefighting.

The castle’s size reflectsits intendeduseasabase formounted columns, riding outto intercept hostile partiesobserved from the lookoutpost atop the Lucy Tower’smound. This offensive

function is reflected by itstwo major gateways. Builtoriginally to a common box-like pattern, they allowindependent access to CastleHill on the east, or to opencountry on the west. Bothfeature prominently in thebattle, the west gate oftenconfused with its civicnamesake which penetratedthe city wall just beyond thecastle’s north-west corner.Smallerposterngatesexisted,

westofCobbHalland in theLucy Tower’s south-westface, but they were narrowand difficult of access forbodies of troops. Theextensive bailey, however,allowed ample space for thehalls, kitchens, andstorehouses that subsequentsurveys describe,administrative featureswhichhelped the garrison ride outtheprotractedsiegesof1215–17.

Lincoln’s twin mottesreflect twelfth-centuryterritorial and jurisdictionalconflicts.TheAnarchysawacomplex three-corneredstruggle for the castle, thecounty, and its shrievalty.Breaking out afresh in 1217,the contest illustrates thedifficulties that Williamexperienced in keeping hisown side together. Thetriangle’s weakest point wasGilbert of Ghent, nephew of

King Stephen’s ephemeralEarlofLincoln.Aprominentrebel who owed the Jews£800,Gilberthadbeentryingto capture ‘his’ castle sincethe summer of 1216. Thestrongest contender was theroyalist Earl of Chester.Ranulf’s claim derived fromhis great-grandmother, theeponymous Lucy, who builtone of the towers in thecastle, probably not the onebearing her name. Ranulf’s

grandfather attacked Lincolnseveral times during theAnarchy,provokingthebattleof 1141. ForRanulf, Lincolnresembled Mountsorrel, anobstacle to his broaderambitions.

Physical possession,however, was firmly in thehands of John’s longstandingchatelaine LadyNicola de laHaye:

Whom God keep body

andsoul,Who was lady of thecastle,Defendingitwithallhermight.

LadyNicolawasoneofthosefewmedievalwomen toplayan active political role.Luckier than theCountess ofLeicester, pulled out of aditch after Fornham, or theWelsh princess Gwenllianslain near Kidwelly in 1136,

Nicola better resemblesCountess Eleanor deMontfort, who defendedDover Castle against HenryIII in 1265. Nicola’shereditary rights were asrespectable as the Earl ofChester’s. Having outlivedherhusbandandson,shewasdefending the castle on hergranddaughter’s behalf, ‘andshe held it most loyally’(Anonymous).Appropriately,if misleadingly, the History

termed the battle ‘la batailledeNichole’, from theFrenchforLincoln.

Nicola had been underspasmodic siege for nearlytwo years, since theNortherners briefly occupiedthe city in June 1215. Theyreturned next year with theKing of Scots, but once shebought them off, and oncethey fled the wrath of KingJohn. The Christmas trucehad interrupted a fresh

investment, which wasrenewed in Lent 1217, andintensified when LouisreturnedfromFrance:

It was ordered thatthose who were atLincoln shouldvigorously press thesiege. Whence, havingset up engines, norespitewasnowgiventothe besieged, [whowere]expectingnothingexcept only to be

captured.(Barnwell)

APPROACH

Williamandthekingreturnedto the Thames Valley afterthe Sussex campaign,reaching Oxford on 9 May.DevelopmentsatMountsorreland Lincoln were

unwelcome, ‘theking’spartythinking that if Lincoln withits garrison should fall intoLouis’s hands, they shouldsuffer greater harm, besidesincurring shame for notrelievingtheladydefendingitso gallantly’ (Barnwell).Seekingclarification,Williammoved to Northampton, aday’smarchnearertheaction.There he took the singlegreatest decision of his life,forsakingthecautionthathad

guided royalist strategy sinceJohn’s flight fromSandwich.William’s resolve to seekbattle at Lincoln has beencriticised as hazardous andcontrarytomedievalpractice.Civilwars,however,demandspeedy resolution. Thedecision was not William’salone, for it followedconsultation with the legateandthehard-headedPeterdesRoches.TheHistorysawitasamarvelsentfromGod.

Williamissuedhiscall toarmsonSaturday13May,theeve of Pentecost. His wordsring true, as at Gloucester,keptfreshinJohnofEarley’smemory.Williamadvancedavariety of reasons for action:material, chivalric, andspiritual. Henry’s supporterswereinarmstopreservetheirrenown; to defend theirfamilies and win honour; todefend thepeaceof theHolyChurch and win redemption

oftheirsins.Theenemy,likefools, had divided theirforces, and Louis waselsewhere. The royalistswould be soft not to seekrevenge on those come fromFrance to steal theirinheritance. It was God’swill,hesaid,inanechooftheoldCrusaders’battlecry,thatthey defend themselves withiron and steel. Orders weredespatched to castellans andknights commanding

garrisonstogatheratNewarkthe following Tuesday, toraise the siege of Lincoln.William was late, being stillatOakhaminRutlandshireonthe Tuesday, then slippingbetweenMountsorrel and theFens, to reach Newark onWednesday. Stages werelong: 36 miles (58km) toOakhamand28miles(45km)toNewark;furtherifWilliamside-stepped tomeet theEarlof Chester outside

Nottingham.Thehostspent threedays

atNewark,restinghorsesandpreparing for battle. Thelegatewasinattendancewithnumerous bishops, ‘to assailwith prayers as well as armsthese disobeyers of theirking’ (Wendover).Enthusiasm was at feverpitch, for William’s wordshad set everyone’s heartsafire. Factions disputed thehonour of striking the first

blow.Normanexilesclaimedthe privilege, but the Earl ofChester said he wouldwithdraw unless given thefirst bataille. Unwilling tolose Ranulf’s help, theMarshal adjudicated in hisfavour, saving the Normans’rights. Some commentatorsascribe the squabble toRanulf’s frustratedaspirationstotheregency,butChester’sgrandfathermadeasimilar claim before the first

battle of Lincoln, and itmayhave reflected localambitions.

Earthly disagreementsresolved, the legate donnedhis white robes, andexcommunicated Louis byname,withallhissupporters,especially Lincoln’sbesiegers, but absolving allthose fighting for the king.Everyone made confessionand took communion,‘determinedtoconquerordie

in the cause of right’(Wendover). Protractedspiritual exercises were anessential preparation forbattle, building confidenceand creating an exaltedexpectation of victory. TheFirst Crusaders fasted forthree days before their sortiefrom Antioch in 1098, thesame period as at Newark.Victory’s spiritualfoundations assured, Gualatook the king back to

Nottingham, leaving PeterdesRochesashisdeputy.

The army flew to horsenextmorning,Friday19May,whitecrossesoneverybreast.Instead of heading directlyforLincolnalongFosseWay,the royalists hugged theTrent, describing a broadturningmovementwestofthecity. Brooks and Oakley intheir1922studyof thebattledescribe this indirectapproach as ‘one of the very

few pieces of tactical insight… found in this campaign’.The Marshal and hiscolleagues would have beenvery dense indeed to havemarched straight up FosseWay. Wigford with itssurrounding swamps and thelower city presented aninsuperable series ofobstacles on that side.Besides, the besieging rebelslay south and east of thebeleagueredcastle,interposed

between it and the relievingarmy. As the Barnwellchronicler noted, ‘whereasthe city was perceived to bemore strongly defended onthe southern side, turningfurther off by the northernside, where the castle issituated, theydrewnear’.Aneasterly turning movementwould have required a stillwider detour, withoutaddressing thecommunication issue. Robert

of Gloucester had swum theFossdyke within sight of thecastle and fought KingStephen on West Common.William was morecircumspect.

TheHistory says that theroyalistsspentFridaynightatTorksey;RogerofWendoverputs them 5 miles (8km)further on at Stowe. TheNewarkroadcertainlycrossesthe Fossdyke at Torksey,where the canal leaves the

Trent. Described by athirteenth-centuryjuryas‘thekey of Lindsey [part ofLincolnshire], asDover is ofEngland’, Torksey had acastle, two monasticestablishments, and acamping ground for shirelevies.Threeroadsrunthenceto Lincoln: two via Saxilby,one less directly via Stowe.An episcopal manor with afineeleventh-centuryminster,Stowealsohadattractionsfor

amedievalarmy.Johnstayedthere twice, once in 1216when John Marshalaccompanied him on hisnortherncampaign.William’snephew was one of severalpossible sources of localknowledge. Stowe lies justnorth of Tillbridge Lane,which theNewark road joinsat Marton. Eight miles(13km) from Lincoln as thecrow flies, Stowe is an easyridetoLincolnEdge,whichit

climbs a safe distance fromthecityatNorthCarlton.Themore direct routes fromTorksey do so at Burton,dangerously near the castle’sbesiegers. It may be that theroyalist advanced guardpressed on to Stowe, whileothers stayed at Torksey.Total mileage, 22 miles(36km),wasundemandingbycontemporary standards.Short but rapid stagesavoided tiring precious

destriers, while ensuringsurprise. Before the rebelscould absorb the royalists’departure from Newark, thelatter would be approachingLincoln from the north,forcing the besiegers to fighton the level terrain outsideNewportArch, or stay insidethewalls.

William wasted no timeorderinghisarrayoncewithinstriking distance of hisobjective.TheHistory speaks

inthethirdpersonplural,butit was customary forcommanders to take personalcharge of forming up:BohemunddidsoatAntioch,as did Simon de MontfortbeforeMuret, and his son atLewes in 1264. The troopsfell in early on Saturdaymorning, arranging theirconrois in four or fivebatailles or eschieles. ‘Fewthey were, but they borethemselves well’: 406

knights, 80–100 persquadron, and 317crossbowmen. Precise andrealisticnumberssuggestthatthe poet saw a contemporarymuster roll in the Marshalfamily archives. Later herefers to another 200sergeants,andtheremayhavebeen more. Roger ofWendover gives similarfigures: 400 knights and 250crossbows, ‘besidesinnumerable sergeants and

horsemenwhocouldtaketheplaceofknightsifnecessary’.TheEarl ofChester took thevan, followed by the twoMarshals,fatherandson,thenWilliam Earl of Salisbury,and finallyPeterdesRoches.Peterlaterappearsinfrontofthearmy,whichsuggeststhathedelegatedcommandofthefourthsquadron.Ablanklineafter the History’s referencetoPetermayhavementioneda fifth squadron whose

existenceis impliedlater,butit is anybody’s guess. Rogerof Wendover namesseventeen other royalistbarons,‘withmanycastellansexperienced inwar’.He alsospecifies ‘seven dense andwell drawn up squadrons’,but the History’s account ispreferable, derived fromeyewitnesses and reflectingthe battle’s tacticaldevelopment.

Thecrossbowmenformed

an advance guard, a mile(1.6km)ahead,ledbyFawkesofBréauté.Omitted from theHistory’s order of battle, theroutier for once earnedRoger’s approval aspraiseworthy – laudabilis.Wagons and pack horsesfollowed: ‘on every side theglitteringbanners and shieldsstruck terror into onlookers’(Wendover). Such pageantrywas customary. Richard ofHexham describes the

English going to fight theScots in 1138, ‘with costlysplendour, as to a royalmarriage’. Unlike moderncamouflage, knightly displayfocussed attention on theindividual combatant,encouraging prowess andensuring notoriety forslackers.

Once the troops wereformed up, ‘as they shouldbe’, the Marshal addressedthem, ‘as someonewhowell

knew how’. He spoke morebriefly in the field than atNewark. The enemy whosought to take the land byforcewere at theirmercy, aslong as hearts and couragedid not fail; the slain wereassured of paradise, whilevictory ensured everlastingrenown; the enemy werefightingGodandhisChurch,andwouldgostraighttohell:

Godhasdelivered them

intoourhands;Let us hasten to falluponthem,Fornowisthetimeandthehour!

Before moving off, theMarshal made some finaladjustments. Peter desRochestookcommandofthecrossbowmen, who weredrawn out in extended lineopposite the enemy’s rightflank,withorders topickoff

their horses. This obliqueposition kept the marksmenclear of the mounted action,shooting into the enemy’sunshielded side, as Normanlongbowmen did in similarcircumstances at BourgThéroulde in 1124. As afurther precaution againstmounted attack, 200sergeantswere toldoff readyto kill their own horses toform an obstacle. Oneimaginesthiswasless tohalt

the hostile onslaught outrightthan to disrupt its formation,leaving it vulnerable to thecounter-charge that had beenWilliam’s trademark in the1170s. The ready acceptanceof such hazardousinstructions indicates aremarkable confidence anddisciplineamongstJohn’soldroutiers:

All thosewhoheardtheearl, bore themselves

joyfully,As cheerfully as if itwereatournament.

Inflamedbyhopesofheaven,victory, and plunder, theironly concern was lest theenemydecampedbefore theyreachedthecity.

CONTACT

A contemporary song saysthattheroyalistsmovedoffas‘the sun was touching theearth with its first beam’,about 3.40 am GMT at thatseasonand latitude.RogerofWendover started the battlebetween the first and thirdhour. Calculating twelvehoursbetweendawnandduskinthemedievalway,thehostmight have reached Lincolnbetween 5.00 and 7.45 am,ratherlessthanthreehoursto

cover the 9.5 miles (15km)from Stowe via TillbridgeLane. They rode slowly: 3.5miles per hour (5.7 km/h).Exactly equal to the 1914War Office cavalry ‘walk’rate, such a measured pacewould preserve bothhorseflesh and formation,while preventing surprises.The Earl of Salisbury haddone likewise at Winchesterin April, when he told hismen to ride prudently, well

closedup,toavoidambush.The optimum final

approach would follow the60-metre contour along thetop of Lincoln Edge. Theroute of today’s B1398 hasseveral tactical advantages,beside approaching Lincoln,as Roger of Wendover says,‘from the castle side’. Thesteepwestern slopeprotectedtheMarshal’s right flank, thegentler eastern slope leavingspace for his second and

subsequent eschieles todeploy left of thevan,whichthey presumably followed inanopencolumnofsquadrons.Had William followedErmine Street directlytowards Newport Arch, hewould have lost the highground, and hamperedcommunications with LadyNicola.

The rebels had sufficientnotice of the Marshal’sapproach to avoid tactical

surprise, though not enoughto respond so effectively assome historians suggest theymight have done. Not beingin the castle, they lacked theextensive views available toLady Nicola. They couldhave posted a lookout in achurch tower, as Simon deMontfort did at Evesham in1265,butthereisnoevidencefor this. The alarm probablycame from scouts posted onLincoln Edge, perhaps at the

viewpoint where TillbridgeLane climbs the escarpment.Lacking telescopes, theywould see only the glitter ofarmsastheroyaliststraversedthe flat country east of theRiver Till, towards 5.00 am.Allowing twentyminutes forreportstoreachLincoln,theircommandershadjustoveranhour to react to William’sapproach.

RogerofWendoverhasalong rigmarole explaining

howtherebelslaughedatthemessengers, before sendingtwo separate reconnaissanceparties, one English and oneFrench. Robert fitz Walterand Saer of Quincy arguedthat the rebel army hadsuperior numbers, so shouldmeet the royalists at theascent of the hill, where ‘wewillcatchthemalllikelarks’,like limed birds. The Countde la Perche reckoned theroyalist array ‘in the French

manner’, and was misled byspare banners flying from itsattendant wagons.Overestimating enemynumbers,hepreferred tostaywithinthecityanddefendthewalls.

The History’s account issimpler and more credible.TheCountandSaer rodeouttogether,andreportedthat,inthe usual epic fashion, neverhad anyone anywhere seen aforcebetterequippedforwar

ormoreresolute.Onthis,therebels retreated inside thewalls,sayingthattheroyalistslacked the strength to assaultthe city, and were bluffing.When they were forced towithdraw,thebesiegerscouldattackthematadisadvantage,the relieving army’s horsesworn out from bearing theirriders all day. The Historyhasno suggestionofheadingofftheroyalists,anevolutionforwhich therewas no time.

William was already nearerthe crucial ascent than therebels. The Barnwell andDunstable chronicles bothsuggest that the rebels hadjust enough time to deployoutside the walls beforeretreating inside: ‘The otherstrusting in numbers andcourage,havingatfirstdrawnup their squadrons, indeedwent out to meet them, butsoon withdrawing, havingchanged their opinion, took

themselvesbackintothecity’(Barnwell). Roger’s speechesare highly suspect, themultiplicity of banners amonkish tale to explain thebattle’s surprising outcome,while casting the blame onthecowardlyFrench.

Therebelwithdrawalwasa setback, frustratingWilliam’s scheme for an all-armsbattle.Hemadethebestofabadjob,asagoodleadershould, claiminga successful

first round. The French,usually foremost in atournament, had broken theirarray and hidden behindwalls. William was not farwrong. The rebels nowoccupied an ambivalenttactical position,simultaneously attacking thecastleanddefending thecity,with the disadvantages ofboth forms ofwar. From thestreets,therebelcommanderscould not see what the

royalists were doing, leavingthemselves open to furthersurprises. Their mountedopponentscouldhardlyclimbwalls, but they could rideround to exploit any breach.Assaulting knights enteredNorthampton during theSecondBarons’War in1264in just thisway.A defensivelinehasonlytobepenetratedatonepoint tocrumblemoregenerally.

Rebel numbers justified

de la Perche’s confidence:611 French knights and athousand foot, ‘withoutcounting theEnglishon theirside’.Thelatterclaimappearsunlikely; the poet isexaggerating enemy numbersto enhance his hero’s glory.Reports of prisoners andfugitives added togetherindicate a total of 600mounted rebels. Most of thenamed prisoners appear tohave been English,

suggesting that real Frenchknights were in a minority.Again theHistory’sprecisionsuggests a written source,suchasaransomroll.

ProfessorTout’s idea thatthe walls were too extensiveforthedefendersis incorrect.The Burghal Hidage, a pre-Conquest document listingcontingents required todefend English burhs,allowed one man per 4 feet(1.2m)ofwall.Givensimilar

military technology, therebels had quite enoughinfantry to defend Lincoln’snorthernwalls.Thehalf-mile(800m) circuit from WestGate to East Gate wouldabsorb660men, leaving300to blockade the castle.Nobody attacked the lowercitywallsonthesteephillsidebelow. Some rebel baronstook charge of the gates.Others formed a mobilereserve, south of Bailgate in

Castle Hill. If the royalistsever got in, however, thenarrow streetswould hampereffortstocontrolthedefence,lack of space preventing therebels exploiting theirsuperiornumbers.

RECONNAISSANCE

At this point, a pause ensues

in both narrative and battle.The History’s author foundthat his sources disagreed,andhecouldnotfollowboth:‘for in a true story, no-oneought to lie’. A humble poethadtosteercarefullybetweenthe conflicting accounts ofpowerful men, especiallywhen one of themwas Peterdes Roches. John theTourangeau quicklyrecoveredhisnarrativepoise,however, describing two

successive missions to makecontact with the garrison ofthe castle, leaving thecontinuity to take care ofitself. Roger of Wendovermentions neither mission,saying that the garrison tookthe initiative incontacting itswould-be rescuers. All threeaccountsmaybe true, the to-and-fro of messengersreflecting various royalistattempts to resolve theirtacticalimpasse.

William’s first move, ashecloseduptothewalls,wasto send his nephew to clearup the situation in the castle.On the way, John MarshalmetGeoffreyofSerland,oneofLadyNicola’sknights.Notonly was the castle still inroyalist hands, Geoffreyshowed John an entrance bywhich the hostmight enter –clearly the castle’s WestGate, not a postern as somesourcessay.Onhiswayback,

John crossed some Frenchlaggards. It was a classicknightly encounter, exceptthat they all attacked him atonce. Undismayed, he metthe leaders so boldly theotherslethimpass:

Wellhemadethemsee,He had come to seekthemoutAnd challenge them forhisland.

The spotlight then shiftsabruptly toPeterdesRoches,undermining the History’schronology if not itscredibility.Thesuccessionofevents makes military sense,an individual patrol naturallyprecedingareconnaissanceinforce. Seeking moreinformation, the bishop led aparty of crossbowmen downto the gate. Leaving themoutsidetocoverhisretreat,heentered the castle and met

Geoffrey of Serland, ‘whohad been in a great fright’.The walls were shaken andtottering, rebel mangonelsandperrièrescrushingpeopleand buildings, smashingeverything in the bailey topieces. Urged to take cover,Peterhurried into‘the tower’tomeet LadyNicola. As thegarrison’s senior officer, thepersonal embodiment of thecastle’s resistance, shepresumably occupied the

Lucy Tower on the south-west wall, safer frombombardment than theObservatoryTowerandbettersuitedtoherageanddignity.Perrières were no respectersofsocialstatus.TheyearafterLincoln, Simon deMontfort,the Albigensian Crusade’sinvincible leader, was killedbyastoneshotbyagroupofToulousaine women, hiscorpse buried without itshead.

Peter des Roches enjoysmixed reviews. Roger ofWendover, no admirer ofKing John’s servants, admitsthathewas‘learnedintheartof war’. The Historydescribes him as ‘mastercounsellor to our people thatday’, onwhich basismodernhistorians anachronisticallypromotehim tobeWilliam’schief of staff. Peter’sbiographer credits him withprimary responsibility for the

victory, a full-scale battleovertaxing the Marshal’sintellectual capabilities.Brooks and Oakley are lessenthusiastic, describing Peteras over-excited, dismissinghis scouting exploits asinvented.Wemight prefer tocompare Peter to BrotherGuérin,BishopofSenlis, theerstwhileHospitallerwho ledthe French army in theopening stages of Bouvines,shaping events without

diminishing PhilipAugustus’s overallresponsibility.

Monastic sources took adim view of the ‘warrior atWinchester’ – ‘sharp at theaccounting, slack at thescripture’.Hefoundithardtoescapepersonalresponsibilityforthedescentintocivilwar,theWaverley annalist stylinghim ‘the principal agent ofdiscord’. The TewkesburyAnnals punningly describe

Peter as ‘hard as a rock’.Militantbishopswerealwayssuspect, likeRichard I’sbêtenoiretheBishopofBeauvais.Roger of Howden showedlittlesympathyfortheBishopof Acre shot in the face atHattin,whohadplacedmoretrust in his hauberk thandivine protection. Peter’ssulphurous reputation wasentirelyconsistentwithbeinggivencommandofa troopofmercenarycrossbowmen.

HavingcheeredLincoln’schatelaine, Peter pursued hisreconnaissance, sparking thebattle’s most vexed debate.Going out on foot through apostizorpostern,hespiedanoldgate:

…ofgreatantiquityand which joined thewallsofthecitywiththoseofthecastle.…ancientlyclosedupwithstoneandcement,so no-one could pass

through…

TheHistory says a mercifulGod showed Peter the gate.More likely somebody in thegarrison pointed it out. Petermayhaveknownalreadythatit was there, having oncebeen precentor at LincolnCathedral. Some historians,forgetting the poet’s lack ofarchaeological training, haveinterpreted the words grantantequitéasimplyingthegate

wasRoman.Thisisadifficultview to maintain.Archaeologists agree that theRoman West Gate haddisappeared beneath thecastle’swestern embankmentyears before the battle, toemerge briefly duringbuilding work in the 1830s.TheLucyTower’ssouth-westpostern has similarly causedmuch confusion. KateNorgate, a pioneeringhistorian of Henry III’s

minority, thought Peter usedthe postern to explore thebesiegers’ front line indisguise, making a counter-clockwise circuit past theenemy siege engines in fullswing, and so intoWestgate.Professor Tout found thestory so improbable herejecteditentirely.

The consensus today isthat Peter found the NormanWest Gate, which had beenblocked up by persons

unknown. Just beyond thenorth-west corner of thecastle, West Gate wouldindeedconnect thecitywallswiththecastle,astheHistorysays. Its location near theStrugglerspublichouseatthejunction of Burton Road andWestgate suits the directionof the royalists’ approach.The Dunstable Annalsspecifically say that theMarshal ‘approachedLincolnfrom the west side’, the

barons forming their line ofbattle‘outsidethecityonthewest’, while the BarnwellChronicle specifies that theroyalists ‘broke in at thenearest gate’. Covered byarcheryfromthecastlewalls,thiswouldhavebeendifficultfor the rebels to watchclosely.There isnoevidenceof any aperture in the citywallssouth-westofthecastle,where the ground slopesawayatanawkwardanglefor

pedestrians, let alonehorsemen. Leavinginstructions to clear thebarricade, Peter returned tothe army with his news,laughingandjokingthat theyshould reserve him thebishop’s palace, as he hadfound the way into Lincoln.Everyone was in an exaltedhumour, the troops singing,liketheCrusadersatAntioch,as if they hadwon the battlealready.

BREAK-IN

The battle narrative thatfollowsbelowisacomposite.Neither of our main sourcestells the whole story. Rogerof Wendover distinguishestwomain events: a diversioncreatedbyFawkesofBréautéfrom the castle, while theroyalist main body broke inthroughNewportArch,anda

single decisive encounterbefore the cathedral. TheHistory adds William’sentrance through the blockedgate, while downplaying thepart played by Fawkes.Accordingdueprominencetothe cathedral fighting, itadditionally attributes thefinal decision to the jointdefeat of a rebel counter-attack on Steep Hill byWilliam and the Earl ofChester, who appears from

nowhereon theenemy flank.Both sources then describethe defeated rebels’ flightacrossHighBridge,andtheirescape to open countrythroughtheBargate.

Ourunderstandingof thiscomplex battle would begreatly impoverishedwithouttheHistory.Itsluckysurvivalin a single manuscript is areminder of the slender basisofourknowledge,not justofthis battle but of so many

othermedievalevents.TakenwithRogerofWendover, theHistory suggests a four-stagebattle: a break-in at threeseparate points; the meléebefore the cathedral; therepulse of the rebel counter-attack; their flight. TheBarnwell Chronicle’ssummaryissimilar:

seeing [the rebelwithdrawal], andthereby encouraged,

[the royalists] boldlychargedandbrokeinatthenearestgate,thoughnotwithoutloss.Meanwhile some

of the king’s army,having got inthrough the posterngate of the castle,fellonunexpectedly,and shouting cameinstantly to swordstrokes. Astonishedthe other side,

hardly able tomovefromthenarrownessof the place, foughtback less bravely.The royalists beganto burst in on allsides. There wasfighting in the citystreets, and even onthe cathedral porchitself;andtheking’sparty coming offbest, the othersturnedandfled.

The initial attack came inthree stages: the Earl ofChester’s assaultonNewportArch; Fawkes’ diversion;William’s charge downWestgate. Rejecting theHistory’s account of BishopPeter’s doings out of hand,Brooks and Oakley wouldshift the axis of the battleeastwards, so that WilliambrokeinatNewportArchandRanulf at East Gate. Carriedaway by scepticism, they

ignore the additionaldifficulty of forcing not onebut two closely defendedgates, and neglect severaltellingpiecesofevidence.

The Earl of Chester’svanguardwouldnaturallyrunupagainstNewportArchasitfollowedtheretreatingrebels,who had no other way ofregaining the city. JohnMarshal’s passage of armssuggests that his missionoccurred before Chester’s

men sealed off the city’snorthern entrance. Modernaccounts attribute Ranulf’sinitiative to impatience withWilliam’s cautiousinvestigationof thedefences.As in other respects,however, Chester wasfollowing family tradition.His grandfather had beenrepulsed fromNewport Archin 1147 with heavy loss.There is no evidence thatChester got any further.

Roger of Wendover and thecontemporary songster bothsaythattheroyalistsbrokeinthere,butfailtoexplainhow.TheNormanshadupdatedtheancientRomanstructurewithsquare bastions and a newarchontheoutside,creatingasubstantial defensive feature.This stood considerablyhigher than its modernremnant,whichowesitssquatappearance to an 8-foot(2.5m)riseinthestreetlevel.

Newport was a tough nut tocrackwithoutladdersoraxes.

FawkesofBréautéplayedthe vital role in the battle’sopening phase. Whiledistracting attention fromLincoln’s outer defences, healso inflicted significantmaterial and moral damageon the enemy. The castle’slarge gates, East and West,made it the obvious way toenter the city, asGeoffreyofSerlant appreciated when he

opened the castle’s WestGate.TheHistory gives onlythe briefest account ofFawkes’ intervention, sayingthat he entered the castleimmediately the bishopreturned from hisreconnaissance, and that hismen were roughly handled.The brevity may be politic,the poet writing soon afterFawkes’ disgrace in 1224.Alternatively, his informantsmay have been unaware of

events within the walls. Inanycase,theirpurposewastocelebrate the Marshal, notrehabilitate some low-bornroutier.

RogerofWendoveris,foronce, the better source,adding significant detailwithnoneofhisusualembroidery.Entering the castle’s WestGate while the royalist mainbody was parading outsideNewport, Fawkes swiftlydeployedhiscrossbowmenon

the ramparts to pick off theFranco-rebel horsemen inCastleHill:

who, directing theirdeath dealing missilesatthebarons’chargers,laid horses and ridersontheground,sothatinthe twinkling of an eyethey had reduced agreat mass of knightsand barons to footsoldiers.

Seeing so many valuableprizesat theirmercy,Fawkesand his companions dashedout through the East Gate,into the midst of the enemy.Surrounded by hostile‘legions’, Fawkes washimselfcapturedanddraggedoff, having to be rescued byhis household knights andcrossbowmen. One has toadmire theirnerve,goingouttomix itwith heavily armedknights who would have

slaughtered their humbletormentors with no questionof ransom. The DunstableAnnals swell the chorus ofpraise: ‘Fawkes, like a braveknight indeed, brought inthrough the castle posterngatebythegarrison,attackedthebaronsintherear.’

Peter des Roches wasunimpressed. ‘They have notfound the correct entrance,’he told theMarshal. ‘Part ofthewall is open for our use,

and concealed from thoseinside. I will take you there;come on.’ William wasequally anxious to press theattack: ‘God’s Lance!’ hesaid, ‘Fetchmy helmet.’ Thebishopwasanxiousnottofallinto a trap, and insisted onsending forward ten scouts,two from each bataille, likethe flankers thrown out byNapoleonic cavalrysquadrons. The numbersconflict with the History’s

order of battle, but theprecaution belies idlestereotypesofknightlyarmiesrushingblindfoldtodisaster.

Pressing on, William’smen roughed up somesergeants fleeing the city,without appreciating thetactical advantage thediscomfited routiers hadbought them. While Fawkeswashogging the limelightonCastle Hill, another royalistparty had been clearing the

city’s West Gate. KateNorgate suggests that stonespiled outside the doors weresurreptitiously removed, outofsightof thosewithin,untilsuddenlythegateswereflungopen.William now seems tohave lost patience with thebishop’s prudence. ‘Errez!’he cried, ‘Charge … you’llsee them, they will soon bebeaten. Shame upon anyonewhohangsbackany longer!’Bishop Peter continued to

advocate cohesion overspeed: ‘Await yourmen,’ hesaid,‘ourenemieswillfearusthemorewhentheyseeusalltogether.’ William spurredon, ‘quicker than a falcon’,his boldness infectious. Avalethadtoremindhimabouthis helmet. An enemy at hislance point for the first timein fifteen years, Williamcould hardly be expected toresist this God-givenopportunity to relive the

excitementsofhisyouth.Helmetlacedon,William

looked the finest of themall,as swift as a bird, asparrowhawk or eagle. Afamished lion, the sameimage the History uses forRichard at Gisors, could nothave fallen upon his preymore quickly than theMarshal charging hisenemies. Striking inwith hisspurs, he thrust three lancelengths into the opposing

ranks, disrupting theirformation, driving the pressbefore him: espresse andempresse – dense andunyielding–aplayonwordsthat the History uses morethan once. The bishop rodebehind him, raising the oldtournament cry:Ça! Dex aïeal Marechal – ‘Here! Godhelp the Marshal!’ Onecasualty of the suddenirruption was the Frenchperrière master. Mistaking

royalists for his own people,hecalmlyloadedastoneintohismachine:

And someone who wasbehindhim,Just as he said ‘é!’twice made him missanother‘é!’Forhecuthisheadoff,without furtherceremony.

The poet’s sponsor has hisownmomentofglory,young

William leading his menthrough the breach while hisfather was donning hishelmet, his banner foremostin the melée. Together, theMarshals and the Earl ofSalisbury drove the enemybefore them, roughly downthe line of today’s Westgatestreet, past the castle’s northwall towards St Paul’sChurch. Established on thesite of the Roman forum, StPaul’sstoodnearthesouthern

end of Bailgate until itsdemolitionin1786.Itwasthelogical place for the royalistmain body to turn right toreach the upper city centre,between the cathedral andCastle Hill. The perrièremaster’s immediatelypreceding death implies aFranco-rebelartillerypositionnearby, opposite the castle’snorth-east corner. As yet thearea was unswept by thearrow slots of Cobb Hall,

builtafterthewar,perhapsinresponse to the sector’sproven vulnerability.Archaeologists may havefound the attackers’ exactroute, a curved lane whichshadows thecastle’snorthernembankment, passing eitherside of St Paul’s beforeturning south-east towardsStMary’sCathedral.

As the royalists wheeledright,theypassedunmoustierorminster on their left.Kate

Norgate believed that thiswas All Saints Church,described in 1114 as amonasterium, meaningminster. Brooks and Oakleydenied this, claiming thatother buildings blocked theview and ‘a minster’ mustmean the cathedral, a fatalblow they thought for aWestgate entry point. Theuppercitywas still relativelyempty, however; All Saintsand the newly discovered

lanewereadjacent,andifthepoet meant the cathedral, hewould surely have used thedefinite article, as he didunambiguously twenty-twolines later. We do better toaccept the consensus, andimagine the Marshalclattering into Bailgatebetween St Paul’s and AllSaintswith 200–300 knights,to confront the rebel’s mainbodybeforethecathedral.

DOGFIGHT

The Franco-rebel armyappeared paralysed, ‘in greatfear and dismay’. Attackedfrom several directions, theywere caught under a deadlyhail of crossbow bolts, towhich slow-acting perrièreswere no answer. Not everyrebel remained spellbound.Robert of Ropelai, one of

King John’s witnesses atRunnymede, had turnedtraitor. Now Gilbert ofGhent’s second-in-command,hecounter-chargedwithsuchforce that he broke his lanceupon the Earl of Salisbury.William in turn struck him asword blow between theshoulders that almostknockedhimfromhissaddle.Fearing worse treatment tocome, Robert slipped into anearbyhouseandhidupstairs

asthecavalcadesweptpast.As often happens, the

attack became bogged downonce the initial impetus wasspent. The royalists wereprobablyinfullstrengthnow,the Earl of Chester forcingNewport Arch as rebelsnervous of being outflankedabandoned their positions.Fawkes was still in action,one of his household knightsfeaturing in the melée’ssavage denouement. It was a

struggle in slow motion,horses at a standstill whileriderslaidabouttheminfury:

They defendedthemselvesmoststoutly,Whileourpeoplesoughtto injure them with alltheirmightFor they hated themenofFrance

Many on both sides werewounded,bruised,crushed,orcaptured, for nobody looked

for quarter: ‘Everybodymeanttofight’.

The melée’s epicentrewas unequivocally devant lemoustier – before thecathedral – between itsWestFrontandthelaterExchequerGate. The area had been aburial ground before theNorman Conquest, theDunstable annalistconfirming that theCount delaPerchedefendedhimselfin‘a certain cemetery’. The

Barnwell Chronicle placesthe fighting in ipso atriomatricis ecclesiae – on thevery cathedral porch itself.Franco-rebel numbers shouldhave proved superior toroyalist fury. Roger ofWendover,however,seemstohavediscussedthebattlewithone of Fawkes’ veterans. Heaccorded rare praise to theplebeian crossbowmen: ‘bywhose skill the horses onwhichthebaronsweresitting

were mown down andslaughteredlikepigs’.Unliketheirnobleriders,safeintheirhauberks, the rebel horseswere terribly vulnerable tocrossbow bolts raining downfromabove.

Killing horses wascommoninbattle,asopposedto tournaments, but it tooktime. Joinville’s horseremained operational atMansourah in 1250 afterfifteen hits. William’s pincer

movement through the castleand downBailgate, however,had trapped the rebels in akilling ground from whichthey could only escape byflight. Fawkes’ crossbowmenon the castle ramparts couldsafely support William’schargefromtheflankwithouthitting theirownpeople.Thecombination of missile andshock action had featured inthe Marshal’s deployment atStowe, and inmore than one

of Richard I’s battles; itsreappearance at Lincolnsuggests tactical foresightrather than a topographicalfluke. For Roger, or hisinformant,itwasthecrossfirefrom the castle that woredown the barons’ resistance,‘for when the horses fell …their riders were takenprisoner,as therewasno-oneto rescue them’. Stunnedfrom the fall, theywere easymeat for royalist squires

whose job it was to followtheir lords into action tofinishoffdisabledenemiesordrag them off in chains,depending on theircommercialvalue.CharlesofAnjoudetailed twovarlets tomopupbehindeachmountedman at the battle ofBeneventoin1266.RichardImade similar arrangementsduringhisattackonaSaracencaravanin1192.

The Marshal watched

rebel resistanceebbingaway.Ashismenpushedtheenemyoff the high ground tosurround the Frenchcommander, he seized thecount’s bridle to take himprisoner:

…asseemedrightBecause he was themosteminentmanWho was there amongtheFrench…

It would have been thecrowning catch of William’scareer: the commander of ahostilearmy,representingtheheir to the French throne,takenonthefieldofbattle:

But first he waswoundedThrough the eye-holesmortallyBy a straight cruelswordthrust.

Reginald Croc, one of

Fawkes’ knights, had rudelyinterrupted the chivalricniceties. Offered quarter,Thomas refused to surrenderto English traitors, and wasneatly stabbed through theoiliére of his helmet. Thrustthrough the brain, the dyingcountdroppedhis reins, tookhis sword in both hands, anddealt William three greatblows so powerful they leftmarks on his helmet, beforefalling backwards off his

horse.Everyone thought the

count had fainted. Williamasked a knight to dismountandremovehishelmettogivehim air. Great was thedistress when, on removingthe helmet, Thomas wasfound stone dead. The griefmayhavebeenasinsincereasWilliam’s for his brother in1194.Thomaswas related totheMarshalsviaanauntwhomarriedade laPerche in the

1140s.HeleftEnglishestatesto which the Earls ofPembroke and Salisburywould soon lay claim. AsGeorgeDubyremarked,griefwas a sentiment onlyindulged in by those due toinherit.

The moral ambiguity ofde la Perche’s death,liquidated by a mercenarywhile the Marshal tried totakehimprisoner,oncemorereveals the clash between

competing styles of war:professional ruthlessnessagainst chivalric cupidity.The word leidement, used toqualify the fatalblow,meansshabby and outrageous aswell as cruel. UnlikeReginald who used the pointor estoc, William is usuallydescribed as delivering greatsweepingblowswiththeedgeofhissword,nodoubthopingto disable his opponent, likethe constable at Milli, while

leaving them in a saleablecondition. Croc’s initiativecould have had disastrousrepercussions for theMarshal. Henry I survived aseriesofblowstotheheadatthe battle of Brémule thanksto his helmet, but a similaronslaughtin1106leftRobertfitz Hamon with permanentbrain damage. Williamremained clearheaded,however,directingoperationsand finding time to discuss

the course of the battle withhisson.

The count’s deathconvinced the rebels theycould no longer defend thegraveyard, and they filedaway towardsWigford downastreetontheirleft,i.e.SteepHill. A commander’selimination was usuallydecisive, as Bouvines andMuret demonstrated, but therebelshadotherleaders.MenasinuredtotreasonasRobert

fitz Walter and Saer ofQuincywereunlikely togiveup prematurely. Part waydown the slope, they foundsome more of theirsupporters, upon whom theyrallied,though,astheHistorycomments, they might havedonebettertokeepmoving.

The exact spotwhere therebels reformed is debatable.Roger of Wendover is nohelp, omitting the episodeentirely. Some historians put

itbeyondtheStraitoutsideStPeteratArches,atthebottomof the lower city just insideStonebow. Others, led byBrooksandOakley,prefertherelatively level junction ofChrist’sHospitalTerraceandSteep Hill, just beneath theNorman House attributedsometimes to Aaron ofLincoln,theprinceofusurers.This would save the rebelsremounting the slope, achallenge for unencumbered

pedestrians let alonearmoured men on jadedhorses.ItalsoagreeswiththeHistory’s statement that therebel counter-attack wasdefeated near the top of thehill, as the royalists emergedbetween the church andcastle.

The rebel advance beganin good order, serré &bataillé, but soon ran intotrouble. The Earl of Chesterre-enters the History’s

narrative on the rebel rightflank, implying that he hadfound the breach in the citywalls created to extend thecathedral eastwards, andwaspicking his way across thesite of the unfinishedBishop’s Palace. If theencounter took place nearStonebow, he must have gotin through Clasketgate,raising similar accessproblems to the upper citygates. It is a pity we do not

have Ranulf’scommemorativepoem, ifoneexisted, to elucidate his partinthebattle.

Outflanked by Chester’sgallant band, the remainingFrench and their Englishassociatesweremet frontallybytheMarshal:

Our people chargedthemSo vigorously theythrewthem

Back down the hill byforceWithout caring whichwaytheywent.

At this psychologicalmoment, another royalistparty led by Sir Alan Bassetcharged the rebels in rear.OneofJohn’sfamiliars,AlanhadaccompaniedtheMarshalto Flanders in 1197, andproposedtheregencyshortlistin November 1216. Now he

decidedthebattleofLincoln,sending the rebels tumblingdown thehill in irremediabledisarray.

DECISION

The rebels did not stop untilHigh Bridge, where ErmineStreet crosses the Withamand becomes High Street.

Here they were outside thecity, on soft ground ratherthan paved streets. Sosuddenly did they halt at theobstacle that the youngerMarshal’s standard bearerovershot and went into theriver, horse and all. Pinnedagainst the stream, the rebelsexpended their last reservesof strength. No-one had tolook about for feats of arms,for everyone had their handsfull. There was no time for

thealehousechallengesofanevening. Even the strongestwere exhausted with givingandtakingblows.

This final passage ofarms,onthepointofvictory,is the poem’s dramaticclimax,anopportunityforthepoettointerruptthenarrativeand ponder the nature ofchivalry, justifying thepampered life style of itsexponents,comparedwiththepeasant’s humdrum

existence:

Whatisittobeararms?AretheyhandledLikeasieveorriddleOramalletoranaxe?No, it is much harderwork,For he who labourstakesarestWhen he has worked awhile.Whatthenischivalry?So rough and bold athingAnd so very painful to

learnThat no-one unworthydareundertakeit.

To emphasise the knightlycalling’s uniquely fearsomenature, the poet evokes thefinal struggle in all its soundandfury:

There might be seengreatblowsstruck,Helmets ringing andechoingAnd lances flying in

pieces,Knights captured andsaddlesemptied.There might be heardamongthecourtyardsGreat blows of swordsandmacesOnhelmetsandarms,AndknivesanddaggersdrawnTostabhorsestodeath:Horse covers were notworthamonk’shabit.

There might be seenhandsstretchedout

On many sides to seizebridles.SomespurredontohelpTheir companions andtorescueThose they saw comingtogrief,But safety there wasnone.There was the noise soverygreatGod’sthundermightnotbeheard…When they cried,‘Royals,Royals!’

Thestruggledidnotlastlongbefore the rebels turned andfled.The fugitiveswouldnotrally again. Among thosetaken were Saer of Quincyand Robert fitz Walter,leavingtherebelsdefinitivelyleaderless.

Thesurvivors’difficultieswere not over. Their flightdown High Street soonbrought them to what theHistory called la derereneporte–Lincoln’sbackdoor–

theonlyexitfromthecul-de-sac formed by the Withamand SincilDyke. Thereweretwo gates, West Bargate onthe main road and EastBargate off to one side.Primarily a commercialbarrier, they were lightlyfortified. The king allowed£20fromLincoln’staxbillin1228 against repairs to thewalls and little towers of‘Vicford’,nearStKatherine’sHospital, which like modern

hospitals lay just beyondurban limits. None of thesestructures survive, except thebridges, the Dyke itself, andthestreetname‘Bargate’.

Our sources do notspecify which Bargate thefleeing rebels sought to pass.One can imagine the leadersarriving directly at WestBargate,laterarrivalsforkinglefttoavoidthetailback.Thiswas aggravated by acircumstance so ridiculous

that Brooks and Oakleyclaimeditwasinvented.Boththe History and Roger ofWendover refer to theincident, however, and it istoo bizarre to suppress. Bothsourcesdescribethegateasaflail, fleel porte or flagellumrespectively. Sometimestranslated as ‘drawbridge’ or‘portcullis’, this term alsosuggests a vertical swingbarrier,withanupanddownaction like a counter-weight

stone thrower.Easier to raisethan a portcullis, it allowedjust one rider through at atime.Notonlydidindividualshave to dismount to activatethe mechanism, the Historyclaims that a luckless cowhad trapped herself in thegate, blocking the passage,and a great haul of knightswastaken.Onechivalricdeedshone out amidst the rush toescape. A rebel knight waslifting his wife onto his

saddle to get away, when aroyalist toldhim to leaveherbehind.Puttingherdown,theknight dismounted hischallenger with a well-directed lance blow to thechest,recoveredthelady,androdeoff.

Roger of Wendoverreckoned that 200 rebelknights escaped to London,ledbytheCastellanofArras,whom the History made thebuttofarudejokeaboutrats.

So frightened were thefugitives, they stoppedneither by night nor day, norin town nor house. Thinkingevery bush full of Marshals,they threw away everythingthat might slow them down.Where Holland Bridge wasbroken, they killed theirhorsestomakeawayacross,as defeated English men-at-armsdidafterBannockburnacentury later.HollandBridgewas the causeway at

BridgendnearHorbling,nowthe A52 Sleaford–Bostonroad. Its eastwards directionsuggests that some rebelstookKing’s Street, a RomanroadthatforksleftoffErmineStreet, heading forPeterborough.Thattheywerestillrunning,25miles(40km)south of Lincoln, indicatesthe complete moraldislocation of the defeatedarmy.

AFTERMATH

Thebattlewasalloverbythe‘ninth hour’ – almost 4.00pm. If the royalists spent allmorning probing thedefences, the fighting hadlasted about four hours. Thisseems a long time for thesmall numbers engaged.Battles in theopen, likeFirstLincoln, were often resolved

‘in the twinkling of an eye’.TheconfinedspaceatSecondLincoln, and the successionof partial engagements withpauses to regroup, ensured amoreprotractedaffair.

Fatalities among thechivalry were absurdly low:Thomas de la Perche,Reginald Croc, and anunknown rebel sergeant.Matthew Paris added twomore French knights, but heislateandunreliable.Neither

of the baronial party’scasualtiescouldbeburiedonconsecrated ground beingexcommunicate, so the countwas laid in the hospitalorchardnear the sceneofhisarmy’sfinaltrial;thesergeantat a crossroads outside thecity. Themoral ambiguity ofthe count’s death wasunderlinedbyReginald’sownkilling, the only royalistcasualty of note. Thehistorical novelist Alfred

Duggan suggests foul playspiced with class prejudice,William’s retinue permittingthe count’s men to takerevenge on the mercenaryintruder.

Therebelfootdidnotgetoff so lightly, ‘for theinhabitants of the townsthroughwhichtheypassedintheir flight, went to meetthem with swords andbludgeons,and,layingsnaresfor them, killed numbers’

(Wendover). The BarnwellChronicle confirms Roger’saccount, referring to thefugitives’sufferingsalongtheroad, ‘which was long andexceedingly dangerous,[being] either spoiled orindeed killed’. Enragedpeasants exacted a terriblerevenge on their demoralisedtormentors, as they had afterNorthallerton, Fornham, andAlnwick.

Roger of Wendover said

that the royalists restrictedtheir pursuit for reasons ofkinship. Prisoner lists do notsupport him. Gervase ofCanterbury, the mostextensive, named forty-sixmagnates,amongthem‘thosewho had most activelypromoted the war’(Waverley). Eight weremembersofthecommitteeofTwenty-Five,nowreducedtohalf strength following theearlier deaths of Eustace of

Vesci and Geoffrey ofMandeville. The rebel causehad been decapitated.Anonymous of Béthunecommentedthatnearlyallthegreat men of England hadbeentaken.JohnMarshaldidespecially well, capturingseven barons flying banners.Most sources claimed that300 unnamed knights weretaken, a figure that theBarnwell chronicler inflatedto 380, ‘though of sergeants,

burgesses and the middlingsort of men there was nocount’. About 200 knightsreachedLondon.Toeliminateover half the enemy’smountedstrengthandmostoftheirfoot inasingledaywasnotbadgoing.

Record evidence revealsnoinhibitionsaboutextortingransoms. Some prisonerswere held into the 1220s,compelled to pay such highransomstheycouldnolonger

fulfil their social duties asknights.Thiswasnotjustthebehaviour of hard-facedcastellans with garrisons topay. Nicolas of Stuteville,one of Gervase ofCanterbury’s list, paid theMarshal1,000marks.Amongthe hardest bargainers wasJohn Marshal. The Historymade no bones about thematerial advantages ofvictory:

NoknightintentOn gain or takingknightsCould miss doing sothatday.

Lincoln was given over toplunder. The citizens hadbacked thewrong side, as in1141, and were ‘pillaged tothelastfarthing’(Wendover).TheHistory says little aboutthis. The deliberate sack ofone of England’s most

prosperous cities would notenhance its hero’s image.Roger of Wendover coveredthe episode at some length,andothersourcesconfirmhisstory.Churches,includingthecathedral, were a particulartarget, partly as traditionaldepositories of treasure, andalso ‘because the clergy ofthe city had sided with therebels, and [were] henceexcommunicate and theirchurches defiled’ (Barnwell).

The royalists came preparedwith axes and hammers tobreak open chests and storerooms, ‘seizing the gold andsilver in them, clothes of allcolours,women’s ornaments,gold rings, goblets, andjewels’ (Wendover). BishopPeter’ssuccessorasprecentorlost 11,000 marks in silveringots,animmensesum.

The disorder was soonover, comparedwith the twodays and nights when

Wellington’sarmyranriot inBadajoz in 1811. After sixhours, King Henry’s peacewas declared, and everyone‘ate and drank amidst mirthand jollity’ (Wendover). Theworst aspect of the sackwasthe accidental loss of lifewhen a large number oftownswomen took to theboats in Brayford Pool withtheir children, servants, andproperty, and capsized theover-loaded craft. The

disasterwasasadconclusionto what became known asNundinae Lincolniae –Lincoln Fair. Roger ofWendover said itwas namedin derision of Louis and thebarons, but the term wascommonly associated withtournaments and othermilitary gatherings. Stephenbannedmilitares nundinas atYork at Easter 1142 as adistraction from fightingMatilda. When Richard beat

theFrenchatGisors,thepoetcompared the press to amarket or fair. William theregentcouldnotstaytoenjoythe festivities. Once theprisoners were secured, herode straight back toNottinghamwithouteating,tocarry news of the victory tothekingandlegate.Thisfinal36-mile (58km) ride wouldhavetakenhimsevenhoursata regulation ‘trot and walk’,not arriving before 11.00 pm

at the earliest. For aseptuagenarianwhohadbeenin the saddle for nineteenhours and led a cavalrycharge, it had been a long ifsatisfactoryday.

VII

THEBATTLEOF

SANDWICHANDTHETREATYOF

TKINGSTON

heFairatLincolndidnotendthewar.Somedeny that it changed

anything, claiming that theDauphin’s diplomaticdifficulties guaranteed theeventual ruin of his cause.Strategic decisions, however,follow tactical outcomes ontheground:lossofpersonnel,

the exchangeof territory, thedestruction of materialresources. At the very least,Lincoln confirmed Louis’sweakness. More realistically,itrepresentedadecisiveshift.Before Lincoln, the royalistshad never risked confrontingLouisintheopen;afterwardshedarednotfacethemagain.

The only land battle in awar of raids and sieges,Lincoln was a triumphfollowing the

disappointmentsofthewinterand spring. It vindicated theMarshal’s strategy andconsolidated his authority.William had appealed to theAlmighty, and God haddeclared inhis favour.Rogerof Wendover shared theHistory’sprovidentialviewofthe Franco-rebel defeat:‘unless they were corrected…menwould say, “There isno God”.’ Popular songsconfirm the battle’s electric

effect upon public opinion.RebeldefectionsshotupfromalmostzeroinMayto150inJune and July, including theEarls of Warenne andArundel. As long as Louiscontrolled London, however,heremainedamenace.

Anewstalematesetinfora brief period, but theequilibrium was deceptive,soon upset by anotherstartling victory, foughtbeyond all precedent on the

open sea. The battle ofSandwich on StBartholomew’s Day,Thursday 24 August, wasdecisive in every sense.William was less directlyinvolved than atLincoln, buthewasnolessresponsibleforthe outcome, steering tovictory in the face ofopposition from enemies andfriends. The Treaty ofKingston in Septemberembodiedhis achievementof

the war’s central aim, theexpulsion of the French andthe establishment of HenryIII’s authority across therealm.

AFTERTHEFAIR

Themorning after a battle isno time for renewed efforts,as the most energetic

commandershavediscovered.Physical exhaustion,emotional reaction, thedisruption of tactical units –all conspire to hinderimmediate exploitation. Theruthless pursuit followingNapoleon’s victory at Jenawas a unique event in theemperor’s career. Inertiawasmore usual.Medieval armieswith their informal commandstructures were especiallypronetosuchchecks.

William himself wastedno time. Despite hisexertions, he was back inLincoln on Sunday 21 May,to discuss the next move.Some wanted to march onLondon, others to bypass thecapital and raise the siege ofDover. The Earl of Chesterrode to Mountsorrel to fulfilhis personal victoryconditions by razing thecastle to the ground. In theabsence of agreement, the

Marshal, ‘who knew moreaboutwar,andhadseenmoreof it’ (History), suggested apause to secure theprofitsofvictory. Everyone shouldlodge their prisoners insafety, and presentthemselves refreshed atChertsey, at an agreed date.Withaccesstoeitherbankofthe Thames via the Romanbridge at Staines, Chertseymade a good jumping-offpoint for further operations.

Occupying a central positionon London’s westernapproaches, just south of theriver, it covered Angevinpositions in the ThamesValley, isolated Frenchgarrisons in Hampshire, andmenaced the capital. Thepausetosecureprisonerswasno chivalric nicety, but goodbusiness practice. A knight’sfirst duty, as William knewfromDrincourt,was tomakeaprofit.

TheDauphinhadreturnedto Dover on Friday 12May,settinguphistrébuchetonthehighgroundnorth-westofthecastle. Progress was slow,however. His siege enginescaused little damage, andreinforcements from Calaiswere driven back by badweather, or intercepted byEnglish vessels sailing fromRomney, ‘four score nefs[ships] large and smallincluding twenty great ships

all embattled and rigged forfighting’. The Mondayfollowing, the Englishcaptured eight French ships,and massacred their crews.The knights were clapped inthe bilges, ‘where theysuffered pains enough’(Anonymous). The Englishthen anchored off Dover toprevent food or other helpfromreachingtheDauphin.

Thursday 25th broughtnewsofLincoln.Oncemore,

Anonymous of Béthuneallows us to look over thehill, fleshing out imaginaryEnglish accounts of Louis’sreaction. Advised towithdraw to London andsummon help, he dismantledhis trébuchet, but awaitedconfirmation before movingfurther away fromhome.Sixscore French ships foughttheir way past the Englishnext Monday, ‘but all weresergeants, merchants, or

seamen:ofknightstherewereonly eighteen’.Vexed at thismeagre assistance, Louisdespatched letters homerequestinghelp,andretreatedto London, having burnt therestofhisships:

For he greatly fearedandsuspectedLest the Royalssurprisedit,OrtookitbyforceOr that they shouldcomeandattackhim.

Louis reached London on 1June, lodging in theArchbishop of Canterbury’svacant Palace at Lambeth,‘not venturing forth in anydirection, nor launching anyrisky attacks’ (Barnwell).Allbutoneofthecitygateswereblockedforaddedsecurity.

TheHistory savoured theimagined despair of PhilipAugustus on learning ofJohn’s death and theMarshal’s taking charge:

‘nothing is to be gained inEngland, for the landwill bewelldefendedbythewisdomof that prud’homme’. Louiswould soon be chased out,since the Marshal had takenthe matter in hand. PhilipAugustus had his ownproblems. RecentlyreconciledtothePopeafteraprotracted dispute over hismatrimonial entanglements,he was unwilling to courtrenewedpapaldispleasureby

openlysupportinghisson.The prime mover in

French rescue attempts wasthe Dauphin’s wife. Blancheof Castile, mother of SaintLouis, was the mostimpressive of Henry II’sgrandchildren. Like theMarshal’s countess inLeinster, Blanche took thelead in her husband’sabsence, attracting a barbedtribute from Matthew Pariswho compared her to the

Babylonian QueenSemiramis: ‘a woman in sexbut a man in counsel’. TheHistory describes Blanchescouring the cities of Francefor men and money, whichshedidsoeffectivelythathadall the troops raised come toLondon, they would haveconquered the entirekingdom. Her efforts wereconfined largely to Louis’sCounty of Artois, however.Despitecovertsubsidiesfrom

her father-in-law,moneywasshort.Merchants and seamenwere unpaid from theexpedition of May 1216.Somewerestillawaitingtheirmoney in the 1230s, fouryears after Louis’s death.NobleswhohadaccompaniedLouis complained of theirpoor reward. Thedisappointing reinforcementsof 29 May were a clearreflection of this lack ofmeans.

The royalists approachedChertsey on 6 June, billetingtheir troops in the countryroundabout, ‘for they wellthought that Louis and hispeople, who little trusted thepeopleofLondon,wouldnotdare leave the city alone’(Anonymous). The royalists,however:

…risingupeverywhere,grew stronger beyondall measure. Having

occupied, captured andfortified its approacheson all sides, theyapproached Londonwithastrongforce,asifto besiege Louis in thecity. And while thosewith Louis werepreparing to defendthemselves,somehavinginterceded that theremightbepeacebetweenthe parties, set off byturnsandmetinhopeofpeace. Louis, however,put itoff,onaccountof

the assistance he wasexpecting fromoverseas, and theroyalists so they mightmore freely ravage thepossessions of thosewho were on the otherside.

(Barnwell)

The motivation behind thedeadlock was not entirelycynical. The Archbishop ofTyre led a delegation ofabbots to Chertsey on 12

June, negotiating terms notdissimilar to those agreedthree months later. Louis,however,would not abandonhis clerical allies to thelegate’s vengeance.Exploratory talks with theLondonersalsocollapsed,thecitizensfearingtobepillagedlike Lincoln. Egged on byinflammatory sermons, theyrenewed homage to Louis,and remained obdurate.Vexed at the legate’s

intransigence, the royalisthost dispersed, Williamreturning to Oxford with theking. To maintain politicalpressure, he instructedsheriffs to have the Charterreadoutinpublic,andlooktoits implementation. Louismoved into the Tower forsafety. Post-Lincolndefections proved a mixedblessing in the west, theWelsh reacting violently toReginald of Braose’s

changing sides. Llewelynravaged Brecon and Gower,and besieged William’sFlemish tenants inHaverfordwest, extractinghostages and the promise of1,000 marks comeMichaelmas. William visitedGoodrich and Chepstow, buthadlittletimetodomore.

Meanwhile, Blanchegathered her forces: 100knights said theAnonymous;300saidRogerofWendover,

enough to replace the lossesat Lincoln. TheMarshalwasgreatly distressed, ponderingdeeplyhowhemightsavethekingdom. The king wasyoung and lacked money;most of the magnates sidedwith Louis, and now thechoicebaronsofFrancewerecoming all equipped to taketheland.Latergenerationsofstrategists might have hopedtointercepttheenemyatsea.In 1217, however, a naval

solution was anunprecedented and riskyoption.

THEWARATSEA

The Anglo-Danish kings ofEngland had maintainedpowerful fleets, which theirpost-Conquest successorsallowed to decay. When

threatened byViking raiders,they massed troops on thebeach, or fortified estuaries.DuringtheAnarchy,invaderscame and went as theypleased. Navies require abuoyant economy and strongcentral government, theantithesis of Anglo-Normanfeudalism. As Scandinavialapsed into chaos, however,no obvious threat demandedan English navy. Normandyand its Flemish allies

controlled both sides of theChannel, while poorcommunicationshindered theinterception of invasionfleets. It was better to catchinvaders on dry land, likeHaraldHardrada at StamfordBridge in 1066, or theFlemings at Fornham. Badweather was a more certaindeterrent to overseasadventures than warships.Memories of the contrarywinds that frustrated the

Young King in 1174 mayhave comforted William in1217.

What Anglo-Normankings needed was a cross-Channel ferry service. Thiswas assured by the king’ssnecca, an updated Vikinglongship, or by hiredmerchantmen. The preferredroute, before the loss ofNormandy, was betweenBarfleur and eitherSouthamptonorPortsmouth–

originally Portchester, theRomanfortressattheheadofPortsmouthharbour.HenryIIhad sailed from Barfleur toSouthampton in 1174 at theheight of the Young King’sRevolt. Portsmouth, asmodernferryoperatorsknow,is nearer France thanSouthampton,apowerfultidecarrying ships in and out oftheland-lockedharbourtwicedaily. Richard I andWilliamsailed thence to Barfleur in

1194. When John leftNormandy for the last time,he did so from Barfleur,reaching Portsmouth twodayslater.

The grant navieassembled by Richard I fortheThirdCrusadewasanewdeparture in English navalaffairs. The greatest royalexpedition since the NormanConquest, it comprised 170sailing ships and thirty-sixoared galleys. More

significant for the long-termrecovery of English navalpower was the charter thatRichard granted Portsmouth,a fishing village by theharbour entrance. LikeRichard,Johnkepthisgalleysand other naval stores there,probably near the futureGunwharf, convenient forRichard’s royal palace at thetop of the High Street. Johnordered a strongwall for hisexclusa at Portsmouth in

1212,usuallyinterpretedasasluice gate, implying a wetdockor basin.The followingyearitwastoPortsmouththatJohn directed shippingmobilised against the Frenchinvasion threat. Besidesimpressing civilian ships,John built a fleet of galleys.He had fifty-two in 1205,distributed around thesouthern coast from EastAngliatoIreland.Amongthesquadron commanders was

WilliamofWrotham,‘keeperof the sea ports’, a prototypeLordoftheAdmiralty.

WemaygaugeWilliam’sopinion of naval operationsfrom his comparison of theproblems of regency withbeing embarked on the opensea, unable to find shore orbottom. His active careerended before John recreatedEnglish naval power.William’s maritimeexperience as a passenger

suggests some of the risksinvolved. Hurrying to meethis new bride in 1189, hesuffered a painful leg injurywhen the ship’s deckcollapsed, leaving himclinging onto a cross timber.Maintenance was lowpriority. Roger of Howdenexplained one shipwreck bythe drying out of the ship’stimbers,which let in the sea.We know of William’s firstvisit to Ireland in 1201 from

hisfoundationofamonasteryin gratitude for not beingdrowned on the way. Fouryears later, Portsmouthprovided a backdrop forpolitical shipwreck, whenWilliam refused toaccompany John to Poitou.Documentaryevidenceshowsthem in residence atPortchester, but the Historyspecifies the locationof theirconfrontation as Portesmue,beside the harbour and the

open sea, perhaps during anofficial visit to the nascentroyaldockyard.

John’s naval build-upsuffered two majorconstraints. No medievalgovernment had theadministrative and financialresources to maintain apermanent navy, and thenecessary infrastructure.John’s ships and facilitiesdisappeared under hisimpoverished successor.

Secondly, most shippingcame from private sources.There were three main shiptypes.

The most significant wasthegreatshipornef,fromtheLatin navis. Sometimesknown as cogs, they wereEurope’s standard ocean-going vessel, capable oftransporting horses and evenaroyalelephant.Possessingadeephullandhighfreeboard,such vessels were stable

enough to mount castellatedfighting platforms fore andaft.F.W.Brooks,inhisstudyof Angevin naval forces,reckoned that Englishexamplesranto47feet(14m)long and 15 feet (4.5m)abeam,withamaster, twentymen,andaboyortwotosendaloft.They stood high out ofthe water with several decksandathree-storeyaftercastle,a great advantage in a seafight, allowing their crew to

shoot or leap down onto thedecks of lower craft. Flat-bottomed and driven by alarge square sail on a singlemast stepped well forward,nefs steered with difficultyandwent rapidly to leeward,i.e. downwind. Masts weremassive structures, 100 feet(30m) high, stout enough tocarry the heavy sail and itssupporting yard, aswell as aroundfightingtopforseveralmen armed with rocks and

other projectiles. The 1217Channel fighting suggestssuch that vessels could tack,but had little capacity forbeating into the wind. Foulwinds were ridden out atanchor, of which a dozenmightbecarried.TheHistorymakes particular reference toanchors, ‘for lying offharbour’, in the prelude toSandwich.

KingJohnhadsomegreatships, but most royal ships

were galleys, also describedas sneccas or snakes. Theywere distinct from theMediterranean galley, up to130feet(40m)long,builtforspeedwithonerowof16–30oars a side, each pulled by asingleoarsman.Galleyswerelowinthewater,incapableofattacking a nef, as theHistory’s description ofRichard’sfleetshows:

Many great ships there

were embattled withcastlesAndrichlyequipped,Manned by such finecrewsTheyfearednogalleysNor hostile people whomight come againstthem…

Tactical inferiority wasconfirmed by the lack of aniron beak. Classicallyinfluenced chroniclersthought galleys should have

one, but there is no financialorphysicalevidenceforsuchitems.Thebestagalleycoulddo in a melée was to smashthe rail along an opponent’sside that supported his oars.When Richard’s galleysencountered a large Muslimship off Acre, they allegedlyemployed a diver to boreholes below her waterline, atactic more appropriate to afolksongthananavalbattle.

Galleys usually operated

under sail, their faster linesmaking them invaluable forreconnaissance, explainingtheir dispersal around thecoast as an early-warningscreen. John despatchedGeoffrey de Lacy with sixgalleystohuntpiratesofftheIrish coast in 1210.Independence of the windwhen under oars suited themto amphibious and coastaloperations. John sent twentyto ravage theGwyneddcoast

in 1213. The task force thatrecoveredtheChannelIslandsfrom the French in 1205included five, accompaniedby three great ships. TheMarshals operated their owngalleys, presumably from theWye at Chepstow.William’sson Richard used his torescue a fugitive Hubert deBurghin1233.TheMarshals’successor, Gilbert of Clare,dominated the BristolChannel in the 1260s with

threenavespiracticas,‘whichin the vernacular are calledgalyas’(ThomasWykes).

The least significant craftin size though not numberswere known as bastiaux orboats. Great ships towed orcarried several, as suggestedbythepresenceoftwowithagreatshipandfourgalleysatPortsmouth in 1228. Ofuncertain fighting power,they acted as auxiliaries,carrying English boarding

partiesacross the shallowsatDam in 1213. Some mayhavebeensignificantfightingunits:thelossofaloncbatielor longboat off Rye inFebruary 1217 shook theEnglishfleetenoughtolettheFrench lift the blockade.Anonymous of Béthuneincludedseveralsuchcraft intheEnglish order of battle atSandwich.

Armsandweaponsatseawere generally the same as

ashore.Theabsenceofhorseslevelled the playing fieldbetween knights andsergeants, the latter’s lesselaborate armour enablingthem to move more easilyarounddecks.Menowning atwelfth of a ship at Bayonnewere expected to have ironmail, other seamen agambeson and iron cap. Theabsence of horsemenfavoured missile weapons,‘bows,arbalestsandquarrels,

sharppointedandswift’,saysthe History apropos ofRichard’s fleet. Thethirteenth-century Romanceof Eustace the Monkdescribes the English atSandwich using ‘great bowsandarbalests’,whileRogerofWendoverreferstothedeath-dealing missiles of thearchers and crossbowmen,echoing his earlierrecognition of the commonsoldier’s role at Lincoln.

Matthew Paris’s illustrationof Sandwich shows alongbow, drawn to the ear,and a staff sling. Maritimecontracts confirm theimportance of missileweapons, particularlycrossbows whose operatorscouldshelterbehindbulwarksto reload.Someshipscarriedthemorepowerfultwo-footedvariety of crossbow, whoseextra rangewould have beenuseful at sea. Numbers

specified vary from a coupleto twenty per ship, withthousandsofquarrels.

Naval specialitiesincluded rochets or hooks tocut the enemy rigging, andtriboli – triple pointed ironboobytraps–toscatteronhisdecks. Financial records for1213showsoapbeing issuedto render enemy decksslippery,butnopaymentsforthe quick lime reported atSandwich. Siege engines

sometimes appear duringnaval actions in confinedwaters during siegeoperations, as at Rye, neveron the open seawhere targetandplatformwereinconstantmotion. The trébuchetfeatured at Sandwich wascargo. None of the weaponsavailabletothirteenth-centuryseamen could sink an enemyship.Battleswereresolvedbyhand-to-hand combatfollowing a preparatory

barrage to sow confusionacrosstheenemydecks.AsinNelson’s day, ships werevaluable prizes, to becapturednotsunk.

John’s naval renaissancewas made necessary by theFrench eruption along theChannel’s far coast.The lossofNormandy and the Frenchacquisition of Flandersshifted themaritime focus tothe Dover–Calais narrows,the shortest route between

England and the continent,and the traditional route forforeigninvasions,fromJuliusCaesar to William theConqueror. When theMarshal emerged frominternal exile in 1213, hefoundKingJohnawaitingtheFrenchatBarhamDown,nearDover. The maritimestruggle, of which Sandwichformedthelastact,wasmoreamphibiousthannaval.Troopmovements by sea were

common, but encountersbetween hostile squadrons ararity.Shipsstruggledtobeatto windward or ride out astorm. John’s precociousattempt to intercept theDauphin’sfleetinApril1216fell victim to the weather. Itwas easier to destroy enemyships in harbour, as the Earlof Salisbury did in the firstmajoractionofthewar.Damwas an old-style coastalbattle, a surprise attack on a

fleet drawn up along thebeach.ItwasthesortofblowHarold’s ships might havedeliveredagainstWilliamtheConqueror, had the latter notwonaswiftvictoryashore.

TheHistory’senthusiasticreaction to the plunder atDam is a reminder ofthirteenth-century frugality.Standardnaval stores – corn,bacon, and wine – drew thecomment that ‘never beforecamesuchbootyfromFrance

toEngland,sinceKingArthurwent to conquer it’. Notcontent with his partialdestruction of the Frenchinvasion fleet, Salisbury layoff Walcheren until PhilipAugustus completed the jobby burning the rest andwalking home. Philip’sofficial biographercommented,‘Thewaysofthesea were not well known toourFrenchmen’,whichseemshard on seamen from the

Biscay coast. The Englishreturn voyage was nopleasure cruise, fierce galesscatteringSalisbury’sshipsasfar as Northumberland andScotland.

Raids and transportationescalated into deliberateattempts to assert commandof the Channel. John’s badluck in April 1216 wascompounded by thesubsequentlossofdockyards,thecollapseofroyalfinances,

and defections of keypersonnel, as William ofWrotham joined the rebels.Louis, or rather Eustace theMonk,controlledtheseawaysfor nine months, allowingFrench reinforcements tocomeandgoatwill.NotuntilFebruary1217didtheCinquePorts return to the Angevincamp, perhaps resenting theMonk’s depredations,allowing royalist shipping tocontest command of the

narrowseas.Maritime forces were

central to William’s Sussexcampaign.WhiletheMarshalwas away at Lincoln, Philipof Aubigny continued todispute thestraits,hamperingLouis’s renewed siege ofDover,notjustbyblockadingthe port, but twice offeringbattle inmid-Channel, on 15and 29 May. The latteroccasion saw a two-phasechase action, resembling the

tactics used three monthslater at Sandwich. Menacedby superior numbers ofFrench ships, the Englishretreated until the Frenchgave up, whereupon theEnglish went about and fellupon the enemy rear, takingeight stragglers before theyreachedDover.Notonlywassea power a crucial elementin the four-year cross-Channel confrontation, navalwarfare had evolved a new

tactical form which atSandwich would provedecisive.

SANDWICH

TheMarshalwasnotunawareof Blanche’s preparations.Sometimes English shipssailedcloseenough toCalaisto shootat theFrenchsailors

astheymadeready.OncetheFrench came out, compellingthe lightly manned Englishshipstoscuttlehome.Englishmonastic sources put theFrench fleet between sixtyand 100 ships. TheAnonymous splits thedifference with eight scorenefs great and small,includingtenlargeones,fourmannedbyknightsandsixbysergeants, ‘and in the othersmall ones were the harness

[i.e. armour] andmerchandise’. The History’sclaim that there were 300French ships is exaggerated.Wemay imagine the fleet asten capital units convoyingseventysmallersupplyships.

Ordersofbattleareeasilyconfounded with totalcasualties. The MelroseChroniclemay reproduce theexpedition’s militarycomplement in its statementof French ‘losses’: 125

knights, thirty-threecrossbows, 146 mountedsergeants, and 833 footsergeants. The total forcebears comparison with theFranco-rebelarmyatLincoln.Mounted numbers (271)resemble those given by theAnonymous and Roger ofWendover (100 and 300respectively), assuming thatRoger conflated knights andmounted sergeants. Eitherthirty-two or thirty-six

knights were captured in theflagship, leaving thirty ineach of the other threeknightly manned vessels.Knights sailed together toescape the insolence of shipmasters. Wendover boastedthat the French were unusedto fighting at sea, but this isjingoistic bravado. Frenchnational sea power was ofrecentgrowth,but the sailorswere heirs to centuries ofcross-Channel bickering, and

recently encouraged by theEnglishsetbackoffCalais.

Militarycommandwas inthe hands of Robert ofCourtenay. Castellan ofReigateCastle,Robertwas aclose associate of Louis,becoming royal butler on theDauphin’s accession andaccompanying him on theAlbigensianCrusade.Also inthe flagshipwas the youngerWilliamdesBarres,aveteranofMuret,oftenconfusedwith

his father of the same name.Navigation was entrusted toEustace theMonk,who ‘hadtakenmuch trouble over thisbusiness; many times hadcrossed the sea, as one whoknew all about it’(Anonymous). Englishsources were lessenthusiastic, describing himas a frightful pirate andturncoat to both sides(Dunstable). Matthew Pariscalled him viro

flagitiosissimo, an uttervillain:

Who never missed anychanceTo do all the harm inhispower…Noworsetrickstercouldbe.

(History)

The Barnwell chroniclersummed up Eustace’s careeras ‘inclining sometimes to

one side or the other, asfortune willed, [he] had formanydayspreviouslycausedmuch trouble on the sea andcoast,asmuchthissideofthesea as the other, and alsoseized certain islands byforce’. English records andthe Romance expand themonasticepitome,sometimesstrayingintofairytale.

Eustace was born about1170,thesonofaBoulonnaisknight, inheriting the family

nameleMoine.Hedidpursueamonasticcareerat first, theRomance alleging thatEustace had gambled awayabbey funds in the alehouse.A Laon chronicler describedhis progress ‘from blackmonk to blacker demoniac’.Medieval humour enjoyedascribingclericalconnectionstodoubtfulcharacters.Oneofthe knights who praisedWilliam’s prowess at the StBricetournamentin1166was

nicknamed Bon-Abbé deRougé;heoncespentaperiodas an outlaw, much asEustace would do. Eustace’seducation also included aspell at Toledo, a focus ofArab scholarship andnotorious hotbed ofnecromancy. Here he is saidto have acquired themagicalskills behind his navalexpertise,studyingthezodiacand learning to foretell thefuture. It is easy to see how

puzzled landsmen mightinterpretanabilitytoforecastthe Channel’s ever shiftingtidalflowsasablackart.

Unjustly driven intooutlawry,Eustacebecametheanti-heroofaseriesofRobinHood-style adventures,blinding and mutilating hisenemies, reversing his horseshoes to baffle pursuers, andbeingofferedagroat(4d)forsexual favours whiledisguised as a woman.

Clerical transvestism is atypical feature of medievalhumour,previouslyoccurringin William Longchamps’smisadventures. Having madethe Boulonnais too hot forhimself,Eustace took servicewith King John, becominganother of his alienmercenaries. EustacerecoveredtheChannelIslandsfor the Crown, ‘leavingnothing to burn either incastle or manor’ (Romance),

being rewarded with estatesin Norfolk. Adept at helpinghimselfatothers’expense,hemade Sark a pirate nest, andbuilt up connections withWinchelsea, which returnedto haunt him. John’srapprochement with theCount of Boulogne beforeBouvines drove Eustace intothe arms of Philip Augustus,nowinneedofnavalexperts.The Romance describes hisescape disguised as a

minstrel, but the Dunstablechronicler said that Eustaceleft in style, taking fivegalleys with him. He alsosufferedfromJohn’shostage-taking, his daughter beingheld atWiltonAbbey,whereshemayhavedied.

Perhaps for this reason,Eustacetookaleadingroleinthe naval war againstEngland, gaining such anascendancy over the popularimagination that his

imaginary exploits eclipsedthose of the strait-lacedDauphin. Eustace featuressignificantly on at least sixoccasions:guidingtheFrenchfleet to Dam, ferryingmilitaryaidtoEnglishrebels,retaking the Channel Islandsfor the French, twicetransporting Louis across theChannel, and helping rescuehimfromRye.

The French could hardlydisguise their preparations to

rescue the Dauphin. TheAngevins had a tradition ofintelligence-gathering. John’sspies, ‘of whom he had thebest’ (Wendover), hadwarned him of previousFrench expeditions, andhelped him evade pursuit inEastAngliain1216.William,said the Anonymous, waswell aware of Blanche’spreparationsatCalais.Onhisadvice, the king deputedPhilip of Aubigny and John

Marshal to guard themaritime approaches withseamen of the Cinque Portsand other forces. Williammoved closer to the scene inmid-August. LeavingReading on the 14th, hemarched via Farnham, backinEnglishhands,andLewes,reachingRomneyonthe19th.Command was shared, as atLincoln, leading to similardisputes over responsibilityfor the success. The debate

has been fuelled by navalhistorians’ failure to utilisethe extensive range ofcontemporary material. Fewmedieval sea battles are sowell documented, includingthree independent accountsbased on eyewitnesstestimony. Their duplicationsuggests an underlyingaccuracy. The battle wasclearly perceived as a majorevent, a providentialdeliverance from foreign

invasion, comparable fromour point of view with theSpanish Armada, Trafalgar,andtheBattleofBritain.

The usual port of call isRoger of Wendover,supplemented by MatthewParis,who for once providesgenuine additionalinformation,basedonHubertde Burgh’s reminiscences.Available before the Historywas rediscovered, Paris hasdominated naval

historiography of the battleeversinceheformedthebasisoftheaccountofthebattleinthe Victorian Dictionary ofNational Biography. Paris,with his customary anti-Marshal bias, suppressed thepart played by William andothers of greatercontemporary significancethanHubertdeBurgh,whomMatthew hailed as victormiraculosus.Theneweditionof theDictionaryofNational

Biography casts doubt on deBurgh’s central role asretailed by Wendover andParis, but the latter’s partialaccount appears in the NavyRecordsSociety collection ofBritishNavalDocuments,andcontinuestoformthebasisofrecent discussions of theaction.

The History’s author, asat Lincoln, struggled toreconcile his severalinformants’ accounts,

providing a bumpy butinvaluable narrative. Repletewith new information, itcorrects Paris and enrichesour understanding of thebattle. Anonymous ofBéthune, changing sides asoften as Eustace, contrived aringsideseat intheentourageof theEarl ofWarenne,whohadabandonedLouisinJune.As well informed as ever,Anonymous confirms muchof the History’s account

while avoiding its excessivefocus on the fate of Eustace.Monasticnoticesofthebattleshare that weakness, as doesthe Romance, of whichSandwich provides thedramaticconclusion.

The true hero ofSandwich, apart fromEustace, was the Marshal.Without him there wouldhavebeennobodytofightthebattle.Hasteningtothecoast,William summoned mariners

from the Cinque Ports andelsewhere,winningthemoverwith gifts and promises ofpolitical and financialadvantage.Trustinghisword,they went straight toSandwich to refit their shipswith new rigging, goodanchors,andstrongcables,tofight the French and bringdowntheirpride.Twofactorscomplicated the Marshal’stask. The mariners stillresented the wrongs King

Johnhaddonethem,andtheywereshakenfromtheirrecentmishandling off Calais. TheHistory recounts this setbackas if it occurred on themorning of the 24th,immediatelybeforethebattle,throwing the narrative intoconfusion. It makes moresense as a misplacedreferencetotheearlierdefeatmentioned above. Leaderlessand fearing the enemy’ssuperiornumbers,theEnglish

shipmen had shamelesslytaken to their boats and fled,leaving their ships under fullsail. William restored themariners’ spirits, saying theywould have knights andsergeants, ‘valiant, daring,and bold’, and promising torestore their franchices – theprivileges John had slighted.William offered persuasivematerialinducementsbesides.The king would replace anyships lost in action, while

prizes would be the propertyof their captors. In return theseamen pledged that therewouldbenoslackingontheirside,whethertheyweretakenorkilled.

William did not takecommand at sea. His meninsistedheremainashore,forwho would defend thecountry if he were taken orkilled?Matthew Paris claimsthatHubertdeBurghtookthelead.Williamand theBishop

of Winchester, two ofMatthew’s least favouritepeople, had both declined,makingtheimprobablereply,‘We are not sea soldiers, norpirates, nor fishermen, goyourselfanddie’.Thesecularnarratives show that Hubertwas just one among severalcaptains. Philip of Aubignyhad held the king’scommission in the Channel,whileHubertwasconfinedtoDover Castle, and carried

newsof thevictory toHenryafter Sandwich, anoperational commander’scustomary responsibility. Hedisappears from subsequentaccounts, overshadowed bythe justiciar. Richard ofChilham,KingJohn’sbastardsonbytheEarlofWarenne’ssister,alsocommandedashipfull of knights and sergeants,flying his uncle’s banner,who, like the Marshal,remainedashore.Seawarfare

was a young man’s sport.PhilipandRichardplayedtheleading role in the day’sdecisivemoment, the captureof the French flagship.Several authorities makeRichard responsible for thedeath of Eustace. Hubertreappears with his prizes,when the fighting was over.Justiciar of England andWilliam’s successor assecular head of the minoritygovernment, Hubert’s naval

exploitshaveattractednaturalbutunjustifiedattention.

Estimates of Englishnumbers show rareconsensus. The History saysthat William assembledtwenty-two nefs, great andsmall, chosen for strength,richly furnished with botharms and goodmen. Besidesthe three ships whosecaptains appear above, theMarshal’ssergeantsmannedacog, whose height proved

decisive.Everyoneelsemadewhat shift they could.Whether this indicatesinadequatematerial resourcesordefectivepoeticmemoryisunclear. Other estimatesrange from ‘sixteen wellarmed ships with twentyaccompanying naviculi –lesserships‘(Paris),via‘xviiilarge nefs and several boats’(Anonymous), to ‘twentyships and four galleys andtwogreat ships’ (Worcester).

RogerofWendover spokeofa few English ships, ‘whichbetweengalleysandshipsdidnot exceed forty’. TotalnumbersfavouredtheFrench,while the English had moremajor units. The idea of aninferior English fleetresurfaced in the nineteenthcentury, as part of theRoyalNavy’s evolving foundationmyth. Seamanship andfighting spirit were supposedto have compensated for

numbers, just as they wouldin the Armada’s defeat 371years later. Vice-AdmiralRodgers of the US Navysuggests that in combatpower the English fleet atSandwich outclassed theFrench, with odds in capitalships of three-to-two or eventwo-to-one.

William spent the eve ofbattleatCanterbury,saferforthe king than the coast,enjoyinggoodroadstoDover

and Sandwich. There waslittle sleep. Everyone wasready at day break (about5.00am)toridethe12miles(19km) down to Sandwich.The Marshal travelled withPhilip of Aubigny, Richardfitz John, and the Earl ofWarenne,besidestheyoungerMarshal, and too manyvaliant bachelors to name.The rank and file werealready on board, William’ssergeants taking over their

cog the evening before.Maintaining a brisk WarOffice trot of 7m/h(11.5km/h), the top brasswouldarrivebefore8.00am,supporting the Worcesterannalist’s statement that thestruggle lasted from earlymorningnearlytovespers.

Some modern historianstalk of the battle of Dover,perhaps misled by MatthewParis’partialityforHubertdeBurgh, the constable there.

William Laird Clowes in hispioneering history of theRoyalNavyplacestheactionoff the South Foreland,betweenDoverandDeal.TheHistory’s repeated referencesto Sanwiz, however, aresupported by copious literaryand circumstantial evidence.Sandwich was the victor’sheadquarters, theconventional source of abattle’s name, henceWaterlooratherthanLaBelle

Alliance. The AnonymousandHistorybothdescribetheroyalists embarking there, asdo the Worcester Annals.Gervase of Canterbury, aneminently local source, saysthat ‘many French nobleswith a great army weredefeatedandcapturedbyourpeopleatseanearSandwich–juxta Sandwicum’. Thatcareful historian, theBarnwell chronicler, statesthat ‘the royalists gave battle

toEustacetheMonk,comingwithallhisfleet,notfarfromthe Isle of Thanet’, i.e.beyond Sandwich whenheading northwards fromDover. It was to Sandwichthat thevictors returnedafterthe battle, using their prizemoney to endow a hospitaltherethatisstillextant.

MedievalSandwichlayatthe southern end of theWantsum Channel whichonce separated the Isle of

Thanet from mainland Kent.The emergence of StonarbankdivertedtrafficfromtheRoman entrepôt atRichborough down toSandwich, which lay on atriangular peninsula betweenthe River Stour and theembankments that mark thesouthern boundaries of themedievalborough.DomesdayBook recorded 383households, implying apopulation of nearly 2,000, a

third ofLincoln’s. The Stourprovided access to the opensea from SandwichHaven, alandlocked harbour west andnorthwest of the town,providingamplespacefortheMarshal’s modest fleet.Sandwich Haven couldshelter 600 coastal craft inTudor times, with thenecessary quays. Since then,material eroded from thecliffs north of Sandwich haschoked the river. Today the

Stour estuary winds betweenindustrial estates, wheatfields, and golf courses,dryingoutatlowtide.Reed’sChannel Almanacrecommends seeking localadvice before entering. TheHaven, like the rest of theWantsum Channel, hasvanished under agriculturalland, ending Sandwich’smaritimeglory.

Dover may seem moresignificant than Sandwich

now, but it was not so in1217. The Romans preferredSandwich,asdidHengistandHorsa. One of Alfred theGreat’s brothers foughtVikings off Bloody Point in851, now the Prince’s GolfLinks. Kings and invadersfrequented Sandwich Baythroughout the later Anglo-Saxonperiod,fromAethelredto Harold, from OlafTryggvason to Earl Godwin.Becket and Richard I both

landed there, as did Louis.Sandwichwasnotamaritimecross-roads by accident. Itwas the natural consequenceof the area’s physicalattributes, supplemented bythe prevailing south-westerlywinds and the alternatingpattern of tidal flows up anddown the Channel. Thesefollow the opposing coasts,flowing south-west throughthe Straits of Dover on arising tide, and north-east,

back into the North Sea,following high water atDover. Like amodern yacht,a medieval ship would leaveCalais on a rising tide to becarried out from the Frenchcoast. Making four or fiveknots with a southerly windon her port beam, she mightcross the Channel within asingle six-hour tide, countingfrom the ebb to high water.Once off the Kentish coast,shecouldcatchtheflowasit

set north-eastwards, runningdownwind past Dover,towards Julius Caesar’s ‘softlanding’ near Sandwich.Modern tide tables suggestthat a canny skipper mightgain up to 2.6 knots(4.8km/h) by thus workingthetide.

Eustace usually sailedovernight, like Caesar andWilliam the Conqueror, toapproach England arounddawn.Trumpetshadsignalled

the Dauphin’s departure forEngland in 1216 at 9.00 pm.TheAnonymous says that inAugust 1217 Eustace sailedfor the Thames on StBartholomew’s morning,implying some time aftermidnight. He reachedSandwich about the sametimeastheMarshal.Thedaywas fine and clear, allowingvisibility far out to sea, theFrench fleet heaving intosight on a gentle wind, ‘so

closelyarrayedinranks,therewas nothing like it except afield of battle’. The tidewassetting up-Channel to carrythem clear of the NorthForeland, the Historydescribing how the English‘steered straight out, thoughvery close – estroit – to thewind, borne on the risingtide’.Wendoversays that theFrenchmadeaquickcrossingwith ‘a fresh stern windwhichdrove themvigorously

on towards England’. Nocontemporary gives thequarter, but the wind waspresumably a southerly, as asouth-westerly would havebeen foul at the start of theFrench voyage. As the fleetsheadedup-Channel, theever-narrowingcoastswouldexerta funnel effect, strengtheningthe wind as they went,amplifying the effect of thetide.

The imminent

confrontation was a uniqueevent for its day, a ship-to-ship action under sail on thehigh seas. It may havebenefited from the shelter ofthe Goodwin Sands, 4 miles(6km)eastof theKentcoast,but as the English probablypassednorthoftheGoodwinsthere is no particular reasonto assume the action tookplace within the Downsanchorage, especially asWendover specifically says

the English traversed aconsiderable extent of seabefore they met the French.Contemporaries queue up toemphasise the unusual mid-sea location. The Romanceplaces the action en hautemer.WilliamtheBretonsaysthe French were ‘in themiddle of the sea’. TheMelrose Chronicle uses theexpression in medio maritwice.

TheMarshalspokebriefly

as hismen hurried on board.The enemy had returned todispute the land, againstGod’s will as expressed atLincoln. God, however, hadthe power to help therighteous on both land andsea: ‘You have the betterhand in the game; you willvanquish the enemies ofGod.’ The French,nevertheless, were unmovedby their earlier defeat,whichhad mainly affected their

Englishallies.Whentheysawthe royalist ships leaveharbour, they underestimatedtheir numbers and shortenedsail,thinkingitwouldbeeasyto capture them: ‘It’s onlyfoot, not a knight amongthem. Chance has deliveredthem to us. They will coverour expenses; we shall carrythem off to London, or theywill stay here fishing forflounders.’ William theBreton, the official Capetian

chronicler, confirmed theFrench mood, without whichtheHistory’swordsmightbedismissed as a rhetoricaldevicedesignedtoemphasisethe imminent change inFrenchfortunes.

MatthewParishasHubertdeBurgh join theMarshal atSandwich after swearing hisknights to defend DoverCastle, even if he wascaptured and threatened withhanging. So far, Matthew’s

account seems plausible. Hisfurther claim that Hubertbrought thirty-six ships isplainly wrong, representingthewhole English fleet. It ismore likely that Hubert rodealong toSandwich,whereheboarded ‘a rich nef, with asplendid complement, anabundance of arms andmagnificent fittings’(History).Sadly, theHaven’sreclamation makes itimpossible to guess where.

As justiciar, the senior royalofficial from the previousreign, Hubert naturally tookthe lead. The History,however, makes great playwith his feigning to close,passing outside the enemyline under full sail, lettingboth sides see that he wasonly pretending to fight. TheFrench ribalds, full ofbravado, shouted, ‘Thenoose! The noose’, but theythemselves were soon to be

chokedwithsaltwater.Roger of Wendover

attributesEnglishslownesstoengage to theirearlierdefeat.Paris shows it was lesshesitation than skill.Victorian naval historianssaw his account as evidenceof some innate English giftfornaval tactics.Forthefirsttime, a fleet sought theweather gauge to attack anenemy to leeward, aninnovationthatlikeParisthey

attributed to de Burgh.English ships, however, hadperformed a similarmanoeuvreon25May,underPhilip of Aubigny’scommand,suggestingthatthetactic evolved organically,independently of any singleindividual.

The manoeuvre asexecuted at Sandwichconsisted of two parts. Firstthe English sailed eastwardsacross the French stern, the

windontheirstarboardbeam:‘thus they boldly reachedacross,incliningtheirhelmatan angle –obliquando – thatisluffing,asiftheywantedtofetch Calais’ (Paris). A luffwasasparusedtohelpasailcatchthewind,butitisalsoaverb. In this case ‘to luff’means to put the helm toleewardinordertosailnearerthe wind, which the EnglishneededtodotopassasternoftheFrench.Eustacewasglad

to see them go. His orderswere to relieve the Dauphin,not dispute command of theChannel: ‘I know thesewretches mean to fall uponCalais like brigands,’ he issupposedtohavesaid,‘butinvain, for it iswell defended’(ibid.). William the Bretonconfirms the sense if notcontent of Matthew’simaginary speech. Robert ofCourtenay, the expedition’smilitary commander,

however, overrode Eustace’sprofessionalcautionandgavetheordertoengage.NodoubtRobert,a landsman,expectedtheotherFrenchcapitalshipsto support him, not realisingthat thewind and tidewouldsooncarrythemoutofreach.The English nowimplemented the second partof their manoeuvre:‘suddenly,whentheyrealisedthe wind had failed, havingput over their helm,with the

wind now behind them, theEnglish fell promptly upontheenemy…’(ibid.).

TheFrenchflagshipwasagreat nef from Bayonne onthe Biscay coast. Deeplyladen with King Philip’streasure,destriers, andanewtrébuchet, she was in poorfighting trim, the wavesnearly washing across herdecks.Eustacehadoriginallybeen ahead. As the nef fellout of line, she dropped

astern, coming under attackfrom a succession ofEnglishships. ‘More than twentyships passed before him’,says the Romance, ‘andvigorously assailed him withmany great bows andcrossbows, for such theyhadplaced in their sneccas’.RogerofWendoverattributesthe barrage to Philip ofAubigny, his archers andcrossbowmen causing greatslaughter among the enemy.

According to the RomanceEustace shot back, defendinghimselfaswellasanybaron.

ThefirstshiptoclosewastheEarlofWarenne’s,sailingsecondintheEnglishline,asbefitted Richard fitz John’ssemi-royal status. TheAnonymous and HistoryagreethatRichardwasfirsttoengage, Hubert de Burghvanishing from the narrative.Richard made little progress,however, until the Marshal’s

sergeants joined him in theircog.Standinghighoutof thewater, its crew used theirheighttohurldowngreatpotsof quick lime, ‘whichdeprivedthem[theFrench]oftheir sight, so they could seenothing’ (History). Finelyground calcium oxide flewabout in blinding clouds,combining violently with thewater in eyes and skin toform slaked lime (calciumhydroxide), burning and

blinding its victims, like amedieval version of mustardgas. Modern commentatorsdoubt this stratagem becauseit appears in contemporarymilitary textbooks, and issupposed to have beenplagiarised. All three secularaccountsofthebattlementionit, however. Roger ofWendover and the Romanceadd the telling detail that thedust was carried downwind,away from the English, an

essential pre-requisite forsuccessful chemical attacks:‘From which they [theFrench] could no longerdefend themselves; for theireyes were full of hot dust’(Romance).

A gallant sergeant fromGuernsey took advantage ofthe confusion to leap downonto the French flagship’sdeck, knocking overWilliamdes Barres and Robert ofCourtenay, and sending

another knight flying. Moresergeants followed, ‘as eagerasanyhuntingdog’(History).Eustace laid about him withanoar,breakingarms,heads,and collarbones, but enemyships assailed him on allsides, overwhelming theFrenchknightswithnumbers.Eustace hid in the bilges, tobe found by a Winchelseaman, named Stephen CrabbeorCrave,‘whohadlongbeenwith him’ (Anonymous).

Eustaceoffered10,000marksforhislife,buthehadmethismaster in cruelty. Stephendwelt at length upon theundeserved and unspecifiedwrongs Eustace had donehim.TheonlychoiceStephenoffered his old associatewastohavehisheadcutoffonthetrébuchetoronthesideoftheship. Eustace showed littleappetite for either, so wasexecuted on the spot, togeneral satisfaction: ‘the

predator become the prey,’wroteParis.

The tactical obsessionwithEustacewasmatchedbypopularmythology.WalterofGuisborough, who died in1313, recounted the luckydefeat of a Spanish tyrantcalled Monachus whomenaced the English coastwith a great fleet in 1217.John of Canterbury’sPolihistorie, of similar date,claimed that Eustace made

his flagship invisible, untilStephen Crabbe, whomEustacehad initiated into theblackarts,jumpedaboardandkilled him while heapparently stood on thin air.A great storm then blew upand sank the French fleet, asSt Bartholomew hoveredoverhead to reassure theEnglish. Like other mythicalsaviours of their country,such as Arnold vonWinkelried at Sempach in

1386, the legendary Stephenperished in the moment ofvictory.ThehistoricalCrabbesurvived to receive 20shillings for new robes in1225, with other royalshipmasters. Eustace’s headlastappearsstuckonaspear,carriedroundcoastaldistrictsto prove the bogeyman wasdead.

The Monk’s death wasdecisive. Leaderless andsweptalongbywindandtide,

theotherFrenchcapitalshipsranforhome:

As soon as the greatshipwastakenBy valour and greathardihood,So boldly our peopleborethemselvesThe French would notstandorawaitthem,Butfledawayasquicklyastheycould.

(History)

Barnwellagrees:‘someoftheleaders of their party havingbeencaptured,therestsoughtsafety in flight, andmany ofthe smaller fry having beenkilled, alternately disorderedand scattered, theyputupnofurther resistance.’ No moregreat ships were taken, butforthetransportsthedaywasa disaster. The Waverleyannalist reckons that justfifteen escaped, while theWorcester annalist said that

fifty-five were captured,accounting between them forallseventy.ThehighlossrateisouronlyevidenceforbetterEnglish seamanship, assuperior ship handlingwouldbe decisive in a race forsafety between broadlysimilarvessels.

Humancasualtieswere inproportion. The History’sauthor took no responsibilityfor an outsize estimate of4,000 French dead, but

different rules applied at sea.As Chaucer said of hisShipman, whose ancestorsmayhavebeenpresent:

Whenashefoughteandhadtheupperhande,By sea he sent themhometoeverylande.

TheFrenchjokeaboutfishingfor flounders, a bottomfeeder, rebounded horriblyupon their auxiliaries. While

monastic sources describepanic-stricken French sailorsjumping overboard, theHistoryconfessed:

When they caught upwithaship,…theymadenobonesAbout killing those theyfoundonboard:But threw them as foodtothefishes.

One or two were saved pership, ‘no more; all the rest

were killed’. In the flagshiponly the knights escapeddeath. A grisly pen sketchdescribes a fortune hunterfishing a red cloak from thesea, only to find it soakedwith blood. Just thirty-twoprisonersweretaken,saysthepoet.Ifthedefeatedfleetlostfifty-five ships with twentymen on each, some 1,100Frenchmen may haveperished, plus 100 in theflagship.

Roger of Wendover’sclaim that English galleysdashed about perforatingFrench ships with imaginaryiron beaks is impossible.AdmiralRodgers,astudentofgalleywarfare,pointsoutthatramming from astern isineffectual. Besides, northernhullsweretoosolid,asJuliusCaesar discovered when hefought the Veneti. A moreplausible aspect of theWendover/Paris narrative is

the English use of grapplinghooksandaxestocutthroughhostile ships’ halyards andbring their sails down,catchingthecrewlikebirdsina net. Some historians castdoubt on all this, butcontinental regulationsrequiredshipstobeequippedwithrochetsorhookedbladesto cut rigging, and theRomancementionstheuseofgreat axes against theBayonnenef.

Hubert de Burgh wasamong those winning prizes:‘not in truth the first toengage, but he took twoships,whichhekeptwhenhereturned’ (History). TheMarshal clan was clearlyirked by Hubert’s arrogationof the leading role in thebattle. So much money wascaptured that the sailorsdished out deniers inbowlfuls. Others swaggeredabout in silks and furs,

squabblingoverwhohad thefinest. William, ascommander-in-chief, dividedthe spoils: robes, horses,arms, and armour. Much ofthe plunder was surprisinglyordinary: meat, wine, corn,iron,andsteeldishes,aboostto an over-stretched wartimeeconomy.

The remanant of theplunder, theproportionsavedfor the Crown, Williamdevotedtoachapeldedicated

to St Bartholomew andsixteen almshouses. Norecord evidence links theestablishment directly withthe battle, but there seemslittle reason to reject theliterary sources. The earliestdocumentary reference datesfrom1225,andacustumalof1301 supports theindependent evidence of theHistory and John ofCanterbury. The Marshalhimself ascribed the victory

to the saint’s intervention,and his other monasticfoundations evince apunctilious attitude towardsreligious obligations. Theinstitution retains its originalsite justoutside themedievalborough’s southern boundarybeside the Dover Road.Sandwich children still raceround the chapel for currantbuns,everyPatronalDay(24August), while elderlycouples from Sandwich

occupy the almshouses,distant beneficiaries of themedieval advantages of war.Ralph of Coggeshall’sjudgement on the battle wassuitablybiblical:

AndthustheLordsmotethe head of his enemiescomingtoannihilatetheEnglish race,andmanywere captured in otherships, and the Lorddrew the waters of theseaovercertainofthem

as they fled, and theywere sunk like lead inthestormywaters.

KINGSTON

Even sceptical commentatorsaccept that Sandwich wasdecisive. Victorian navalhistorianssawitasEngland’sfirst great sea victory, aprecursor of subsequent

triumphs. It left the DauphinunabletoreplacethelossesatLincoln, definitively endinghiscross-Channeladventure:

Fromthisdaytheking’sparty plainly began toprevail, and that ofPrince Louis to fallbehind. Hence, theking’s forces havingonce more besetLondon, Louis did notdelay making peace,whatever destiny

offered.(Barnwell)

… destitute of presenthelp,anddespairingforthe future, and reducedbywanttoutterfamine,[Louis] sought peacewith the legate and theking’s men, for himselfand all his laysupporters…

(Dunstable)

The Northerners, who had

started the whole business,were also hard pressed, withreports fromNorthumberlandand Yorkshire of the defeatand capture of many nobleshostile to theking.TheEarlsof Chester and Derby tookBolsover and Peak Castles,‘and thus the hand of Godwasarranginguniversalgoodfortune for the king and hissupporters’(Dunstable).

News of Sandwichreached Louis on Saturday

26th. He acted swiftly,sending his cousin Robert ofDreux, whose father hadservedwithWilliamatLagnythirty-seven years before, toopen negotiations atRochester.WhileRobertwasheld surety, the lucklessRobert of Courtenay wasreleased from Dover Castle,and packed off toLondon toexplainhisdefeat.Bothsides’leadingmen,Louis,William,and Hubert de Burgh, met

near London on Tuesday29th, and agreed in principleto make peace. Not everyroyalistacceptedtheneedfortalks, haughtily demandingthat London should bebesieged without furtherparleys. They had kept alower profile in the hour ofgreatest need, said theHistory, staying well awayfrom the seaside. Wiserheads, anxious to end thetroubles quickly, begged

WilliamtogettheFrenchoutof the country at any price,offering to assist the publicpurse from their ownresources. Roger ofWendover confirms the war-weary mood, royalist chiefsdesiring ‘beyondmeasure’ toberidofLouis.

Agreement proveddifficult, requiringmore thanone meeting. WilliamtightenedhisgriponLondon,ordering the Cinque Ports to

blockade the Thames withtheir own ships and thosetaken at Sandwich. He wasright to avoid more directaction.Londonwouldnotfalleasily, and the sack of thekingdom’s chief commercialcentre was not to beentertained. French knights,alarmed by William’s slowresponse, planned a lastdeath-defying sortie,preferringtoplacethemselvesen aventure than be shut up

any longer. As they werearming themselves on thenight of Saturday 9September, letterscamefromWilliam greeting Louisamorously – comme sondemoiselle – and requestingan extension of the truce.Final terms were agreed ontheMonday, tobeconfirmednext day, Tuesday 12th. Themeeting took place on anunidentified island in theThames near Kingston, the

Dauphin’s safety guaranteedby the Earls of Pembroke,Salisbury, Warenne, andArundel. As when EdmundIronside and Cnut madepeace at Ola’s Island in theSevern in 1016, the armiesremained on opposite bankstopreventaccidents.

Conditions were similartothoseagreedinJune.Louisand his foreign adventurerswere to leave Englandimmediately, never to return,

restoring any castles andlands they had seized, asshould his Scots and Welshallies. Prisoners were to bereleased without furtherransom. Louis’sexcommunicated supportersshould be absolved and getbacktheirconfiscatedestates:‘For it was expressly stated… that none should bedisinheritedonaccountofthewar, but everyone should beinthesamestateastheywere

at the beginning.’ Theyshouldalsosharethelibertiesgranted by the reissuedCharter, the evil customs,‘which had as it were beenthe cause of this war’, beingabolished (Barnwell). Intoken of the transfer ofpower, Louis returned thecaptured Chancery andExchequerrecords.

Louis received a pay-offas in previous Angevin-Capetian treaties: an

indemnityof 15,000marks–grandplenté d’aveir said theHistory – a great deal ofmoney. Nominally to coverexpenses, it was more agoldenhandshake,tosweetenhisdeparture.Louiswas saidoff the record to havepromised to persuade PhilipAugustus to restore the lostAngevin lands in exchange.The main difference fromJunewasthetreatmentoftheDauphin’s clerical adherents,

who were abandoned to theLegate’s wrath, ‘so thatelsewhere the clergy shouldhold themselves more alooffrom lay conflicts’(Dunstable). Individualclerics were ‘degraded’ ortranslated to less profitable‘uplandbenefices’.Altarsandchalices defiled byexcommunicate priests’celebration of Mass weredestroyed.

Some thought the terms

too easy. William standsaccused of letting Louis slipoff the hook to avoid anembarrassingshowdownwiththe son of his own feudallord, the King of France,endangering his wife’sNorman estates. In exchangefor vague promises Williamprovided the Dauphin with agolden bridge at thetaxpayer’s expense. HenryIII, never the sharpestpolitical operator, upbraided

theMarshal’s sonWalter forhis father’s generosity, anaccusation echoed byNicholasVincent,themodernbiographer of Peter desRoches. The bishop, whoseabrogationoftheCharterhadprecipitated the country intocivilwar,presumablywantedharsher terms. He refused tocontribute to taxes levied topay the indemnity, alleginglack of consultation. Astranger tomoderation, Peter

pursued his absolutist lineinto the 1230s, untildismissed for allegedlyprocuring Richard Marshal’sdeath.

SidneyPainter’sviewthatthe treaty was generous andstatesmanlike seems moreappropriate to thecircumstances of September1217. The settlement was atriumphfortheMarshal,overhis supporters as well as theenemy. The indemnity was

wellworthpaying if itendedthe war. London remainedloyal to the Dauphin, with apowerful garrison of Frenchknights, who continued tolaunch chevauchées into thecountryside, returning withmuch booty. Militaryoutcomes are alwaysdoubtful,andWilliamwasnolover of fighting for its ownsake. Like Henry II, who‘oiled the palms’ of theYoung King’s French

supporters, William boughtoff his opponents, a subtletybeyondHenryIIIorMatthewParis.Afairercriticismoftheindemnity is that any morewas paid after the firstinstalment,withnosuretyforthe Dauphin’s fulfilling hispromise. Many, however,found the sudden reversal offortunesimplyastonishing:

And this was as amiracle that the eldest

son of the king of theFrench,havinggotdeepinside the kingdomwithsuch a mass of troops,having occupied somuchofthekingdom,somany of the magnateshaving joinedhisparty,was so swiftly removed,nottosayexpelledfromthekingdom,withallhispeople, without hope ofrecovery.

(Barnwell)

Once terms were agreed,mattersmoved swiftly.Louisand his French followerswereabsolvedonWednesday13th,barefootandshirtlessintheir woollen drawers, ahumiliation that only theHistory records. Louis kepthis tunic as a specialconcession.Beforethemonthwas out, regent and legatehad escorted Louis to thecoast,andseenhimsafelyonhis way. On 29 October, a

year and a day after hiscoronation, Henry III re-enteredhiscapital.

T

VIII

NUNCDIMITTIS

heendofhostilitiesisnot the same as therestoration of peace.

The Dauphin’s departureensured England’s dynastic

continuity, but left manyother problems. Country andgovernment wereimpoverished, royaladministration at a standstill,the ruling elite divided. Forthe last eighteen months ofhis life, William sought torevive government andrestore national unity, hisgreatest and least knownpublic service. But he waslosttoosoon:tothecountry’scontinuing detriment malice

overpoweredprowess.

PICKINGUPTHEPIECES

William’speace-timeregencywasinevitablyananti-climax.TheHistory says little aboutthe period. Record evidence,however, suggests apunishing work rate. Paul

Meyer’sreconstructionoftheregent’s movements, in his1890s edition of theHistory,reveals that William visitedsixty-three locations intwenty-two counties duringthe year from October 1217.William of Newburgh’scontinuator might think:‘Pharaoh having beendefeated and the enemiesfled, truth and peace wasrestored in our land’, butmuchremainedtobedone.

Demobilised knightspromptly revived thetournament circuit, ‘an outletfor the relics of discord’,thought Anonymous ofBéthune.Ingovernment,theirerstwhile champion bannedthem,‘untilthestateofpeaceof the kingdom… has beenmade firmer’. Politics hadcome full circle. Centraladministration had collapsed,as in Stephen’s reign. TheCourt of King’s Bench had

notsatsince1209.Noregulartaxation had been collectedsince1214.Devoidofmoneyand troops, the governmentstruggled to regaincontrolofroyal castles, despite theHistory’s assertion thatWilliam installed his owncastellans as soon as Louishad gone. The recovery ofCarlislefromtheScotswasarare success, exchanged forthe Earldom of Huntingdon,traditionally held by the

Scottish royal family.ReluctancetosupplantJohn’sappointeesuntilhisheircameof age reinforced practicalobstaclestothereassertionofroyal power. William’scolleaguesweretornbetweentheircurialisturgestorestoretheking’sgovernment, andabaronial instinct tohangontoroyal assets acquired duringthe civil war. Williamfeathered his own nest,dividingtheBerkshireestates

of Lincoln’s most notablecasualty with the Earl ofSalisbury. The Earls ofChester, Derby, and Aumalenever sealed the Treaty ofKingston, suggestingdisagreement betweenNorthern royalists and thesoutherners who made theagreement, many of themrecently defected rebels. Atthe heart of the regency laytension between William,PeterdesRoches,andHubert

deBurgh.A second reissue of

MagnaCartaintheautumnof1217 provided a degree ofcommon ground betweencurialists and magnates.Sealed by William and thelegate, it was in principle atemporary grant, becausenon-royal. However, itclaimed to be in perpetuum,and in practice became so.The charter’s second reissuereflected its evolution from

politicalwish list topracticaltool of government. Withcoffers to be filled, restraintson the Crown’s ability toraise revenue were dropped.A new clause ordering thedemolition of private castlesbuiltduring thewar reflectedproblems similar to thoseHenry II had faced after theAnarchy. The most abidingchangewas separation of thevexed issues of Forest Lawinto a lesser document, or

Little Charter, the parentdocument acquiring the titleof Great Charter bywhich itisstillknown.Limitsonroyalexploitation of forests andfreshcurbsonsheriffsfurtherdiminished royal authority, apoliticalvictory formilitarilydefeatedrebels.

The Marshal’s mostpressing concernwas lack ofmoney. In November 1217,he wrote to the Pope,excusing his inability to pay

the 1,000 marks tribute thatJohn had promised. GeorgesDuby, the distinguishedFrench medievalist, thoughtthatWilliam lacked financialacumen,but theMarshalwaswell aware of the economicrealities behind politicalpower. The History saw thefailure of the Young King’sRevolt in 1174 in strictlyfinancialterms:

…whenthemoneyruns

out,pridedeclinesandfalls:Whoever rises throughgreatwealthBypovertyisreducedtoshame.

Long before he had lands orrentsofhisownWilliamwasaman of credit.When fundswere wanting to pay theYoung King’s tournamentdebts, the anxious merchantsturned to the Marshal for

reassurance.Asalandlord,hefounded markets tosupplement his feudalrevenues, and even had alighthousebuiltatHookHeadto guide ships to hissettlementatNewRoss.

Even before the Dauphinleft England, Williaminitiated inquiries into debtsowingtotheCrownandlandsgone astray in the civil war.The Great Council atWestminster in October

granted a scutageof2markson every knight’s fee to paythe indemnity. Only three-eighths was ever collected,themostprominentdefaultersbeing Peter des Roches andFawkes of Bréauté. Williamtook a close interest in itscollection.He supervised thetallaging (levying of tax) ofroyal estates, and soughtfeudal aids from Ireland. Helent money and pledged hisown lands to meet the

indemnity. His mostimportant step was toreintroduce the Exchequer inNovember to superviserevenue collection. Newchequered cloths, thirteenth-century adding machines,were bought to assist thejudges’ calculations.Williamhimself presided overproceedings in January1218,evidence of concern if notexpertise.

The regent’s last

significant administrative actwas to announce the firstjudicial visitation of the newreignon4November1218.Itwas an appropriate measurefor an erstwhile servant ofHenry II, the father ofEngland’s judicial system.Groups of itinerant justiceswould tour the counties toadminister oaths of loyalty,clear the legal backlog,review sheriffs’ judicialactivities, and collect

outstanding revenue.Bringing government to thelocalities, they asserted royalrights, settled propertydisputes, and prosecutedburglars and builders ofillegal castles. Documentaryevidence leaves no doubt ofWilliam’s central role,clarifying instructions anddecidingappeals.Asymptomofthereturntonormalitywasthe appearance of ex-rebels,such as the Earl of Arundel,

on the judges’ bench, andsuccessful cases broughtagainst royalist grandees byerstwhile traitors such asGilbertofGhent:‘inthisyearpeace returned and wasestablished in England, andthe justices … went throughall England after Christmas,revivingthelawsandcausingthem to be observed’(Waverley).

TheHistory says nothingof thesemundanematters, to

the detriment of William’sreputationasamanofaffairs.Instead it details an episodehardly mentioned elsewherebutindicativeofhisproblemsas a Marcher lord and theregency’s factionalundercurrents. In accordancewith the Treaty of KingstonLlewelyn of Gwynedd laiddown his arms and didhomage to Henry III. Hiscousin, Morgan ap Hywel,the last Welsh lord in South

Wales, refused to makepeace,however.Hehadtakenadvantage of the Marshal’sdistractions elsewhere toseize Caerleon-upon-Usk,whichWilliam’s father-inlawhad taken half a centurybefore. When Llewelyncalled on his supporters tocease hostilities, Morganrefused to comply, declaringhisintentionoffightingonaslong as the Marshal held afoot of his land. William’s

bailiff, John of Earley,summoned friends andretainers to storm Caerleon,an incident confirmed byWelsh sources. Ten ofWilliam’s better class oftenantswerekilledinasingleday’s fighting,whether in anambush or during the assaultisunclear.

The conflict dragged oninto March 1218, when aparliamentwas summoned toWorcester to resolve the

issue. Llewelyn appealed tothekingtoreturnCaerleontoMorgan, supported byWilliam’s usual opponents,theEarlofChesterandPeterdes Roches. Llewelyn waswellbriefed,appealing to the‘form of peace’ agreed atKingston,bywhicheveryoneshould have his land as hehad done before the war.Rather than defend hisbailiff’s action in retakingCaerleon, William sought

counsel of his men, askingtheiropinionandallowingthe‘best at speaking’ to presentthe agreed Marshal position.The History claims thatWilliam was inclined tocompromise. His men werenot. Morgan had chosen toignore the truce, killingWilliam’s knights and otherpeople, burning twenty-twochurches and devastating theland, for which he had beenexcommunicated. All of this

the Marshal’s spokesmanofferedtoprove,implicitlybycombat. Perhapsunsurprisingly the assemblyfound in William’s favour,leaving him in possession ofCaerleon Castle and itsappurtenances. TheHistory’schronology is confused, andthefinaldiscussionsprobablytook place at Westminster,but like the regency debatesat Gloucester, the episodeillustrates the subtleties of a

lord’srelationswithhismen;the collective nature ofmedieval decision-making;the desire of men to cloaktheir actions in legality,howeverdubious.

Faced with obstructionand hostility fromhis closestcolleagues, William madelittle progress in regainingcontrol of the government’skeymilitaryassets:itscastles.Most were held by KingJohn’s castellans, who lived

by plundering theneighbourhood, cheerfullyanticipating a further decadeof extortion beforeHenry IIIcameofage.Theonecaseinwhich William took actionwas Newark. Too minor forthe History, the episodeprovides a low-key epilogueto a military career reachingback over five decades.Newark Castle belonged tothe Bishop of Lincoln, butwas held for the Crown

during the civil war. KingJohn died there. Its castellanRobert of Gaugi, not to beconfused with William’sjoustingpartnerofthe1170s,refused to return it when thewar moved away followingLincoln. Robert’s flagrantdefiance combined with thebishop’s offer of 100 marksto stiffen William’sdetermination. He orderedthirty miners to muster atStamford,andleftLondonon

8July1218withthekingandwhat Roger of Wendoverstyled a large army.Government records list justtwenty-fourknights,althoughsome of them, such as JohnMarshal, were themselvesmagnates with their ownretinues. There was also thebishop’s own following,perhapsthirtyknights.Oneofthe latter was killed andothers wounded as theychargedintotowntostopthe

defendersfiringthehousestodeprive besiegers of cover.William waited four days(10–22 July) while siegeengines were set up aroundthecastle,presumablyon thesouth-eastern sideaway fromthe River Trent, and thenwithdrew to Nottingham.Meanwhile Robert’s friendsnegotiated the castle’ssurrender in return for £100compensation for its warlikestores, and everyone went

home.Newark was unusual.

William generally left theproblem of evicting John’scastellans to his successors.Notuntil1224wouldHubertde Burgh feel strong enoughto tackle Fawkes of Bréauté,thegreatest alien castellanofthem all, demolishing hisstronghold at Bedford,hanging its garrison, anddriving its owner into exile.William’s administrationwas

a work in progress. It takesmore than a few months toheal the scars of a civil warthat has been decades in themaking. Fiscal recoverydepended on economicrevival, which only began inthe 1220s. Nevertheless,William built a measure ofacceptance of royalgovernment throughpatronage and consultation.Hisnumerousdaughterswereemployedbuildingbridges to

ex-rebels, dissident royalists,and fellow Marchers. IsabelmarriedGilbertofClare,Earlof Gloucester, a Marshalprisoner from Lincoln. Hersister Sybil married a son ofEarlFerrars,oneofChester’sassociates. Eve married agrandsonofthesameWilliamofBraosethatKingJohnhaddestroyed.

The restraint thatinhibited eviction of John’scastellanssavedthebitterness

that characterised theSecondBarons’Warinthe1260s.AsusualWilliamwaslucky.TheDauphin’s supporters hadnever fought the king inperson, mitigating theseverityoftheirtreason.Laterin his reign, Henry III wasmuchbeatenwithswordsandmacesat thebattleofLewes,aprovocationnotunrelatedtothe subsequent slaughter of200rebelknightsatEvesham,a grim contrast to the

bloodless pursuit followingLincoln. The Treaty ofKingston’s clause reinstatingthe territorial status quoforestalledtheemergenceofadispossessedfactionintentonfomenting disorder like thatwhich marked the reign ofKing Stephen. Directevidence of William’spersonal responsibility forthese positive aspects of hisruleisinevitablyhardtofind.When his men occupied a

manorclaimedbyFawkesofBréauté in June 1217,however,thelatterswallowedwhathewouldnothavetakenfrom anyone else: ‘AgainstWilliam Marshal,’ he wrote,‘I should hate to do or startanything by which theaccusationofgreedorshamemight be laid against me’.William’s chairmanship sawnoneofthefactionalviolencethat disfigured Henry III’slater minority, with the exile

of Fawkes and the enforceddepartureofPeterdesRochesonCrusade.

THELASTBATTLE

William celebrated his lastNew Year at Marlborough,the scene of his childhood.Returning to Westminster in

January 1219, he fell illtowards Candlemas (2February). Doctors camefrom various quarters, to noavail. William rode throughhispaintotheTower,stayingthere until Lent attended bythe countess, while hiscondition worsened. Hediscussed hiswill, comfortedhis entourage, and began tomake confession weekly –suggesting that he had beenlessassiduousbefore.Inmid-

March, William decided toleave town. London was tooshut in, aggravating hissymptoms. If he had to die,hepreferredtodosoathome.Hewas placed in a boat, thecountess in another, androwedgentlyupstream tohismanor at Caversham, acrossthe Thames from Reading.King and administrationfollowed, lodging inReadingAbbey,whileWilliamranthegovernmentfromhissickbed.

TheHistorydevotesmorethanatenthofitslinestothepassingofitshero.Astep-by-step evocation of how amedieval layman should facedeath, it provides uniqueinsights into the Marshal’ssurrender of power. Thechronology is sometimesconfused,butthesequenceofevents is logical, itsaccuracyvouched for by the presenceof John of Earley, theyounger William, and John

Marshal. As befitted therearguard commander ofFrétéval, there would be aphased withdrawal fromgovernment, world, andfamily. There would be nodisgraceful scenes of last-minute despair or repentancesuch as had disfigured thedeath of the Old and YoungKings. Everything would bedignified and according toplan.

The regent’s flow of

instructionsfaltered theweekbeforeEaster,aroyalcouncilassembling at William’sbedsideonEasterMonday(8April).Thekingwaspresent,aswereHubertdeBurghandPandulf the new legate. Anexperienced papal diplomat,PandulfhadwonKingJohn’sgratitude by ending theInterdict in 1213, andreplaced Guala in September1218. William started byrendering an account of his

record in office. Chosenbaillie on John’s death, hehad served the new kingloyally, defending his landwhenitwasdifficulttodoso.Hewouldservehimstill,hadGodgrantedhimstrength,butthatwas notHiswill. It wasnecessary to choose someoneelse to defendHenry and hisrealm. When Peter desRoches pushed forward,claiming that the king’sperson had been entrusted to

him, William cut him short.Peterwas forgetting how thebishop and Earl of Chesterhadbeggedhimwith tears intheireyes tobeguardianandmaster of both king andrealm.ItwaswellknownthatWilliam had received bothking and kingdom. If he hadplaced Henry in Peter’shands, itwasbecauseachildcouldnottravel.Rackedwithpain, William asked thecompany to withdraw while

hesoughtadvicefromhissonand family. The restrictedelectorate reflects theindividual nature of theMarshal’sauthority.Healonecouldhanditon.

Early next morningWilliamspokewith ‘those inwhomhehadmost trust’,hisson and wife, John Marshaland others. There was nopeople like the English, hesaid, with such a variety ofopinions, echoing the

Barnwell annalist’scomments on Englishinconstancy. If Williamentrusted theking toanyoneof them, theotherswould allresent it. In his perplexityWilliamturnedtoanexternalactor,thePopeasrepresentedby the legate: ‘If the land isnotdefendedbytheApostolicSee … then I do not knowwho will defend it.’ Latercommentators,fromMatthewParistoProtestantVictorians,

lamented England’ssubjection to papal authority,but in the circumstances theMarshal’s choice was sound.Nobody else stood above thehurly-burly as the Pope did.The only magnate ofcomparable stature toWilliam, theEarl ofChester,had departed on Crusade theprevious summer. Lacking asuitablereplacement,Williamabolished himself, displayinga self-denial rare in politics.

Defying the medievalpredilectionformakingeveryoffice hereditary, there wasnosuggestionof theyoungerMarshalreplacinghisfather.

When king and legatereturned, William raisedhimself on his side, andtaking the boy’s hand,announced his decision toplace him in the keeping ofGod,thePope,andthelegate.He prayed that Henry wouldgrow up a worthy ruler,

hoping that God would cuthis life short if he took afterany felon ancestre. If theadmonition does more thanreflect the History’suncompromising antipathytowardsKingJohn,itwasthenearestWilliamevercametorevealing his true feelingsabout his late sovereign.When the poem referred totheMassacreoftheInnocentsin Bethlehem, felon roi wasthe epithet it saved for King

Herod. Only a few werepresent in William’ssickroom to witness thetransferofauthority.Mostofthemagnateswereassembledat Reading Abbey. Surprisedby fresh pains, William sentJohn Marshal to ensure thatthe younger Marshal carriedout his intentions correctly.When Bishop Peter laidhandsontheboyking’shead,seekingtoasserthisownpre-eminence, the younger

William faced him down.Taking Henry’s hand in thesight of everyone, hepresented him to the legate,who received public chargeof thekingashehadalreadydone inprivate.Rarely canapeaceful transfer of powerhave taken so physical aform, with competingfactions laying hands on theking’ssacredperson. IfPeterwas disappointed of supremepower, his effective position

was unaltered. Pandulfassumed Guala’s overalldirecting role. The bishopretained his guardianship ofthe king, suggesting that theHistory’s squabbling owedmore to the conflicts of the1220s than the supposeddifferences of the 1210s.Administration reverted toHubert deBurgh.The regentwould have no singlesuccessor.

William summoned his

people again next day. Liveor die, the passage of powerwasagreatrelief.Itwastimetocompletehiswill and takecareofhis soul, forhisbodywas once more en aventure.Feudalcustomdeterminedthedivision of William’s lands.After Isabel’s death,Williamthe younger would have allher inheritance of Leinster,Pembroke, and Striguil;Richard received the estateseither side of the Channel

granted by his royalnamesake; Walter receivedGoodrich, a royal castleacquiredas compensation forlosses in Normandy. Gilbertwasinholyorders,butAnsel,the youngest son and not yeta knight, had no greatprospects. The old Marshalthought that Ansel mightprosper through his ownefforts, as he himself haddone, but John of Earleyspokeupforthelad,ensuring

him£140ayear–enough tokeephiminhorseshoes.Fourof the Marshal’s daughterswere safely married, butWilliam was concerned forJoan, the youngest and stillsingle. She should have landworth £30 plus 200 marks ayear to keep her until herelder brother found her ahusband. As was usual withgreatfamilies,thedistributionavoided patrimonialfragmentation, compensating

middle sons from landsacquired in the testator’slifetime, but casting youngersonsadrift.Williamobservedthe customwhile taking careofhisyoungest,forwhomheexpressedmoreaffectionthanhisfathereverdidforhim.

Relieved of familyresponsibilities,WilliamtookthoughtforhisvassalsontheMarches, sending John ofEarley,orthelatter’ssonandnamesake, to check any rash

enterprises there. William’smind was still on his owndeparture, however.While atChepstow, John was torecover two silk cloths keptthere,andhastenback,ashislord’s condition wasworsening. William hadbrought the cloths fromOutremer,thirtyyearsbefore,to cover his coffin. Fadedwithout, they were finewithin, a luxurious reminderof the exotic world beyond

theMediterranean.When hisson asked where Williamshould be laid, the Marshalsprung another surprise.While in Outremer he hadvowed his body to theKnightsTemplar.Itwastimetomakethatpromisegood.Inreturn for burial in theTemple Church in London,Williamgrantedtheorderhismanor of Upledon inHerefordshire. Aimery of StMaur,Master of theTemple,

a witness to Magna Carta,and an old friend fromanotherWiltshirefamily,wassummoned to William’sbedside. Before the countessand their daughters, Williamsent for a white Templarcloak made secretly theprevious year, perhaps whenthe first signs of illness hadappeared. Once he put it on,William would become amonk, divorced from thesecular world and female

company.Forthelasttimehekissed his bel’amie, thecountess, who had to behelped from the room withher weeping daughters. AsWilliam spread the cloakaround him, Aimery assuredhim thathehaddonewell torelinquish the earthly tiesdividing him from God. Noother knight had receivedsuchhonourinthisworld,forhis prowess, good sense, andloyalty. Now he could be

certain of God’s grace:‘Worthy you have been; andworthily you will depart.’Aimery himself departed forLondon to make thenecessaryarrangements.

William was now assecure as he might be frommaterial and spiritualdanger.He had been under constantguard for some time.Troubled by his father’ssuffering, William theyounger had instituted a

round-the-clockvigilbythreeknights. Medicalunderstanding wasrudimentary, but careunstinting. The youngMarshal shared nights withJohn of Earley and ThomasBasset. Women wereexcluded. The burden ofnursingtheMarshalfelluponhis closest male associates.WilliamhungongrimlyafterBrother Aimery’s departure,scarcely able to eat or drink,

his heart failing and naturalfunctionsstoppedforwantofnourishment. For the lastfortnight, his carers fed himwhite bread crumbledbetween their hands, andmoisserons, thin gruel orperhaps mushrooms. Hisconstant pain unrelieved byopiates, William’s mindremained clear. When theknight, in whose arms herested, sought his opinion ofthe ecclesiastical view that

restitution must precedeforgiveness,William rejectedany such notion. The clergywould shave the laity tooclosely. He himself hadcaptured 500 knights. Hecould hardly return theirarms, destriers, and harness.He could only surrenderhimself toGod,repentingthethingshehaddone.Eithertheclerical argument was false,or no-one could be saved. Achaplain who proposed

sellingeightyscarletfur-linedrobes for charity receivedshort shrift. They were forWilliam’s knights atPentecost.Hewouldseethemreceive their livery one lasttime,asoncehehadreceivedhis.

Even the Marshal couldnot indefinitely resist ‘greedydeath who devourseverything’. Death had notruck with ransoms: ‘shetakesnoaccountofkings,nor

dukes, nor earls … rich andpoor are all hers’. The daybefore he died, Williamhardly slept.Hehallucinated,seeing two men in white oneither hand. John of Earleysuggested that they wereheavenly companions sent toputWilliamontherightroad.He long regretted not askingwhotheMarshalthoughttheywere.ThatnightWilliamwasworse. Next morning,Tuesday14May,heappeared

to be sleeping quietly.Disturbed aroundmidday, hespoke to John of Earley andtried to turn over, when hewas seized by his deathagony. ‘Quick, John,’ hecried, ‘open the doors andwindows; call my son hereandthecountessandknights,for I am surely dying; I canbide no longer.’ Fainting,William recovered enough toscold John for not sprinklinghis face with rose-water to

rouse him to say farewell.‘Never,’ he said to the manwhoonceheldhishorsesandprisoners in battle, ‘have Iseenyouatsuchaloss.’

When the countess andyoung Marshal approached,William spoke for the lasttime, pale from his finalstruggle: ’I am dying. Icommend you to God. I canstay with you no longer. Icannot defend myself fromdeath.’ The youngerWilliam

took his father from John ofEarley,acrucifixheldbeforethem. A succession of high-ranking ecclesiasticsappeared with impeccabletiming: the Abbot of NotleyinBuckinghamshire,whohadgrantedWilliam the spiritualprivileges of his order, andtheAbbotofReadingbearingnewsthat thelegatehadseenthe Marshal in a vision.Greatly alarmed, Pandulfabsolved William of all his

confessed sins, by virtue ofthe powers delegated to him.Unable to speak, Williamjoined his hands and bowedwhile the abbots pronouncedtheabsolution.Andsoat lasttheMarshaldied,stilladoringthe cross, his weepingfollowers consoled by thethought that he was surelywith God and his friends inParadise, for his death hadbeenasexemplaryashislife.He certainly made a better

end than his royal masters,dying in bed not on an ash-strewn chapel floor; notcursing his sons, but in thebosom of his family andfriends.

William’s last journeydown the Thames Valley,sewn up inside his coffinwithin a bull’s hide packedwith salt, lasted nearly aweek. Even in death heprovidedasymbolofnationalreconciliation, the four earls

who joined the cortègerepresentingbothsidesofthecivil war. After lying atWestminster Abbey,Williamreachedhisfinalrestingplaceon 20 May, the secondanniversary of Lincoln. TheTemple in William’s dayoccupied a pleasant suburbbetweentheCitiesofLondonand Westminster. The navewas circular, like the HolySepulchre Church he hadseen in Jerusalemon the site

of Christ’s death andresurrection.Burial in such aplace was a rare privilege.Nearby rested the entrails ofStHughofAvalon,BishopofLincoln, whom William andhis friend Baldwin ofBéthune once sought toprotect from the wrath ofRichardtheLionheart.

Stephen Langton, withwhom William had riddenbetween King John and hisrebellious barons, delivered

theeulogy.Thebestknightoftheir day was the mirror ofour common fate, just somuchearth.Afterthefuneral,celebratedby a throngof layand ecclesiastical notables,William’sexecutorsputmoredistancebetweentheMarshaland his erstwhile lords,distributing the alms thatHenry II and John hadsignally failed to provide:meat and drink, robes andshoes.Sonumerouswere the

poor, the wake was held atWestminster for want ofspaceinthecity.Afterwards,therewere nomore pence orloaves,andjustthreerobes.

The Marshal’s finaleulogy came, not from anEnglish source, but from hisFrench opponents, thearbiters of chivalricexcellence. Unlike theHistory’s previous anecdotesofFrenchcourtlylife,thereisapotentialwitness:William’s

secondson,RichardMarshal.Absentfromthedeathbed,heis known to have beenattending Philip Augustus inJuly1219.ReceivingnewsofWilliam’s death duringdinner, the king kept silence,waiting until Richard hadfinished eating. After thetablecloths had beenremoved, Philip askedWilliam des Barres whetherhehadheardoftheintermentof the Marshal, who was so

loyal a prud’homme, sovaliant and wise. It was agreat pity, thought William,himself one of the greatexponents of chivalry, for inour time there was never abetter knight anywhere, whobetter knew how to bearhimself in arms, or did so tobetter effect. Not to beoutdone in praise, PhilipthoughttheMarshalthemostloyalmanhehadeverknown.A Norman knight, perhaps a

veteran of Bouvines, addedthat William was the wisestknight of the age, wisdomjoining prowess and loyaltyto complete themoral trinitythat had featured in AimeryofStMaur’sbedsidetribute.

LEGACY

William has been accused of

leaving only a semblance ofpeace. Is his personalreputation, founded largelyon the History’s biasedtestimony, any more solid?‘Finestknight’wasapopularcliché, applied to Richard Iand Saer of Quincy amongothers. The History playswith the image continually.One of the Lusignan cut-throatswho draggedWilliamacross Poitou in the 1160sconfided to a sympathetic

lady witness that there wasnul meillor chevalier – nobetter knight. After WilliambrokewiththeYoungKingatChristmas 1182, awitness tothe Ressons tournament toldBaldwin de Béthune hisfriend was ‘one of theworthiestknightstobefoundin the whole world’.William’s final eulogy waspronounced by William desBarres, himself another‘finestknight’.

The positive view thatHistory promotes of its heroproves little, but more thanone independent witnessconveys a similarappreciation. Eleanor ofAquitaine, anexcellent judgeof men, ransomed herprotector and set him on theroad to greatness. Henry IIchosehim,theyoungersonofa disreputable baronialbackwoodsman, as tutor-in-arms to the crown prince.

William’s leading role atRichard I’s coronationconfirmstheesteeminwhichthat chivalric monarch heldhim.OnJohn’saccession,theMarshal was among thosesent to England to hold thekingdom.Fromthelate1160sto the rupture of 1205,William was almostcontinuously in royalemployment. Ecclesiasticalsources noted his passingwithlittlecomment,although

the barest notice from themindicates considerablecelebrity.ThomasWykeswasan exception.A civil servantwriting half a century afterWilliam’s death, Thomasremembered him as ‘a mostvaliant knight, renownedthroughout thewholeworld’.Nearly a century after hisdeath, the Marshal featuresalongsideKingArthur in thechivalric Song ofCaerlaverock, written for Sir

RobertClifford,adescendantof William’s Marcherneighbours. Perhaps mosttelling, William’s colleagueGuala described himspontaneously as ‘like goldtestedinafurnace’.

NegativecommentscomemainlyfromHenryIIIandhisechoMatthewParis.Thekingpreferred music andarchitecture to tournaments,andmayhavegrown tiredofan inexhaustible succession

of troublesome EarlsMarshal. Disenchanted withhisforeignpolicyinheritance,Henryturnedagainstthemanwho preserved his throne,complaining to William’sthird son Walter of the easytermsgrantedtotheDauphin.Paris went further,magnifying hearsayanecdotes from the Frenchcourt into a full-blownaccusationoftreason.Writtenyears after the event, the

allegation says more aboutMatthew’scharacterthanthatof his victim. WhenWilliam’sbodywasrelocatedin 1240, it was natural forParis to ascribe its decayedcondition tomoralcorruptionrather than inefficientembalming.

Modern assessmentsreflecttheambiguitiesoftheirsubject. Some critics haveswallowed the chivalriclegend in its crudest form.

Georges Duby dismissedWilliam’s thoughts as fewandbrief, hisbrain too smallto restrain the natural vigourofhis tirelessphysique.KingJohn’s biographer, Ralph V.Turner,viewedWilliamasanilliterate with no interest inadministration. Even theadmiring Sidney Painterthought William’s strategynon-existent and his tacticssimplistic. Any battle wasbetterthannone,aslongashe

could get at his enemy andhew him down. Suchcaricatures are contradictedby the evidence. DavidCarpenter, the most recenthistorian of Henry III’sminority,seesWilliamas theidealchoicein1216,blendingcalculation with knightlyvigour. The resoluteexploitationof theDauphin’sdivisionofhis forces inMay1217wasnoisolatedflashofgenius,astheearlierstrokeat

Rye suggests. William wasmore than just a man ofaction, however. TherepositoryofhalfacenturyofAngevin tradition, he knewmore about royal courts andfeudal custom than anybody.He had picked his waythrough the quagmire ofcourtly politics for decades,inevitably coming toresemble the courtlydissembler Matthew Pariscondemned.

TheHistory’s account ofWilliam’s actions in 1194illustrates his potential fordeviousness. Caught with afoot in both camps whenRichard returned fromGermany, William facedaccusations of ‘plantingvines’, hedging his bets byreservinghomageforhisIrishestates to the rebelliousPrince John, titular Lord ofIreland.TheMarshalclaimedthat he was bound to defend

John’s position in Ireland,just as he had defendedRichard’s in England.Richard accepted William’sfeudal logic-chopping; Johnwaslessforbearinginsimilarcircumstances in 1205.Nevertheless, the Marshal’strimming achieved itsobjective, the preservation ofa territorial conglomeratespanning Ireland, Normandyand the Welsh Marches, amicrocosm of the Angevin

Empireitself.William’s unswerving

pursuitofpersonaladvantageis well attested, from hisrefusaltopayincreasedtaxesdemandedfromhisshrievaltyofGloucester in 1199, to thesecretiveacquisitionofthedelaPercheestates,anabuseofoffice that Painter foundinexcusable. The Historyconfirms a shrewdnessvergingondisregardforotherpeople’sproperty,onandoff

thetournamentfield.Itwasahugejoketotricktheanxiouspeople of Rouen out of aslap-up dinner in exchangefor protection against a non-existent French army.Interceptinga runawaymonkeloping with the daughter offriends, William thoughtnothing of confiscating themoney which the couplemeant to lend out at interest.Inhisdefence,Williamcouldblameasavagelycompetitive

society. Cast adrift by hisfamily he had to make hisown way. Initially naïve, hehad learnt his lesson atDrincourt, and ruthlesslygatheredthefruitsofsuccess.The Marshal’sacquisitiveness, however,never excited the samehostility as office-holders inlater reigns, the Despensersunder Edward II, John ofGaunt under Richard II, orthe Duke of Somerset under

HenryVI.On the military front,

Williamisfrequentlyaccusedof excessive caution. Hisrestraining hand may haveprevented King John takingdecisive action against hisenemies in Normandy orbeforeMagnaCarta,andwasseenascontributingtoJohn’sparalysis at Stonar in May1216. He failed to stemLlewelyn’s advance, anddrifted through the winter of

1216–17. Contemporary andmodern critics havecondemnedWilliam’s failureto assault London afterLincoln. Similar prudenceappearsatapersonal level inWilliam’sdeliberateresponseto the Young King’s urgentsummons in 1183, when hecarefully obtained safe-conducts from both Frenchand Angevin courts beforeanswering his lord’s appeal.We should assume, however,

that William had a moreinformed view of the oddsthanwedo.Hespentmostofhis career fighting superiornumbers, from Drincourt viaLeManstoLincoln.Royalistforces were insufficient tobesiege a great city likeLondon. The Marshalexpelled the invaders andpreserved the dynasty, butlacked the resources torecoverNormandyorendthewar. His successors were no

more successful. TheAngevin-Capetian feuddragged on ingloriously until1259andtheTreatyofParis.

Lincoln and Sandwichhadwider consequences thansimply ensuring that theAngevins not the CapetianswouldruleEngland.Dynasticseparation from thecontinentreinforcedaburgeoningsenseof national unity that formsoneoftheHistory’srecurrentthemes. William de

Tancarville’s jibe thatEngland was a poor countryfor knights errant reflected aNorman arrogance that wasincreasingly resented beyondthe Channel. The History’sEnglish sources readilyattributed William’sunpopularity at the YoungKing’s court to Anglo-Norman rivalry, the plottersresenting their being over-shadowedbyanEnglishman.TheMarshal’s household got

their own back,mocking theNormans’ decline: once theywere grain, now they werechaff.Nolordhaddonethemany good since Richard’sdeath. If William toleratedNorman pretensions to strikethe first blow at Lincoln, hisyounger associates probablyrejoiced when that honourwas accorded to the Earl ofChester.TheHistory’sstoriesofFrenchribauds,boastingintheir cups of English

inferiority,reflectarisingtideof xenophobia revealed bymonastic chroniclers lessinsularthanMatthewParis.

William’s victorywas noforegone conclusion. Thebattle of Muret in 1213confirmed Frenchpredominance in theLanguedoc until today. Itsuggests what might havehappened had Lincoln gonethe other way, forcingWilliam to carry out his

promise to retreat from oneisland to another bearingHenry III on his shoulders.The River Loire was assignificant a political andlinguistic boundary in thetwelfthcenturyastheEnglishChannel.Thisdidnotpreventnorthern French Crusaders,among them the Dauphin asLouis VIII, stamping outLanguedoc’s legal autonomyand distinctive culture.Frenchinvasionplansin1213

had the stated aimof unitingthe French and Englishthrones. Philip Augustus andhis successors had both theappetite and the capacity forgame-changingconquest.

The comparison withLanguedoc may bemisleading. Southern FrancewaslessunitedthanEngland.Its leaders wereexcommunicated heretics,ripe for dispossession. TheAnglo-Norman nobility, on

the other hand, werethoroughly entrenched. Anew language, MiddleEnglish, was emerging fromthe mixture of NormanFrench and Anglo-Saxon orOld English. Amongthemselves,however,theelitespoke French well into thefourteenthcentury,especiallyat court. Baronial calls forEnglish self-government andthe expulsion of aliens co-existedwith repeatedappeals

to foreign leaders, first theDauphin, later the youngerSimon de Montfort. Had theDauphin won in 1217, hewouldhaveneededtorewardsignificant numbers of hisFrench followers withEnglish estates, withunpredictable consequencesfor England’s emergentcultural unity. The Scots andWelsh would have expectedtheir reward. Could Louishave resisted the permanent

transfer of Northumberland,Westmorland, andCumberland to his Scottishally,movingthebordersouthfrom the Tweed to the TyneandMorecambeBay?

Increased isolation fromthe continent followingLouis’s defeat clearlyreinforced English insularityafter1217.Politicscontinueddown the well-establishedtrack of opposition to theCrown,unlikeFrancewherea

weaker monarchy wasperceived as the guardian ofthe poor against over-powerfulmagnates.Themythof St Louis, the Dauphin’spious successor, dispensingjusticeunderatreeprovidesastark contrast to the erraticdespotism of King John thathad made Magna Cartanecessary. The Dauphinconfirmedthecharter,buttheroyalists under William’sleadershipmade it theirown,

reflectingacommonthirstforthe liberties it embodied.Reissued twice by theMarshal, a definitive versionwasforceduponHenryIII in1225 inexchange forcash todefend Poitou against theFrench.

MagnaCarta remainsoneof three iconic Englishhistorical documents,alongside Domesday Bookand the Bayeux Tapestry.Several of its provisions

remain on the Statute Book.Most notable are chapter 39which forbids theimprisonment, dispossession,outlawry,orexileofanyfreeman, except by ‘lawfuljudgement of his peers or bythe law of the land’, andchapter 40 which forbids thedenial, delay, or sale ofjustice. As the thirteenthcenturycontinued,thechartergathered authority to becomethe touchstone of good

governance.Copieswerekeptin the counties for readyreference.Nokingeverdaredsell justice again. The finalreissue was sealed by thatmost assertive monarchEdward I in 1297. MagnaCarta by then wasinextricablylinkedwithideasof representative governmentand trial by jury, as‘parliament’ acquired abroader context than theHistory’s simple meaning of

a ‘parley’, and juries startedassessing evidence forthemselves. The sixteenth-century humanist PolydoreVergil saw 1297 as themomenttheEnglishachievedthe ultimate liberty of notbeing taxed withoutconsultation.A century later,Magna Carta began a newcareerasopponentsofStuartabsolutism used it to attackroyalmonopolies,prerogativecourts,andforcedloans.

Puritan emigrants tookMagnaCarta’sideastoNorthAmerica,wherechapter39ofthe 1216 charter found itsway into the FifthAmendment of the UnitedStates constitution. Victorianhistorians saw the charter asEngland’s firstnationaleventunitingallfreemen,asymbolof thirteenth-century socialandculturalprogress.Despitemodernattemptstodebunkitas a barons’ charter, a good

thingforeveryoneexceptthecommon people, MagnaCarta remains a talisman ofliberty. The US SupremeCourthas referred to itwhenconsidering the plight ofGuantanamo Bay detainees.Activists in orange boilersuits have brandished copiesofchapters39and40outsideParliament when protestingthe same issue. The BritishPrime Minister, DavidCameron, citedMagna Carta

atStrasbourginJanuary2012asevidenceofGreatBritain’slong-standing commitment tohuman rights (sic), and hasproposed that key quotationsshould appear in theCitizenship Test. A NewYork auctioneer hasdescribedacopyof the1297reissueas‘thebirthcertificateoffreedom’.

Magna Carta’s celebrityhas outlived that of itsguardian;othershaveusurped

his central role. StephenLangton is credited withframingthecharter;PeterdesRoches with mastermindingvictory at Lincoln; Gualawith clinching the deal atKingston. Langton, however,spent the crucial years inexile,havingfailedtoimposethe charter on either king orrebels.DesRochesfound thechink in Lincoln’s defences,but it was the Marshal wholed the decisive charge. As

for the decision to march onLincoln, Roger ofWendoverconfirms William’sleadership.Monasticaccountslike the Merton Chroniclename Guala rather thanWilliam at Kingston, but theHistory and Anonymous ofBéthune demonstrate thelatter’s control of thenegotiations. Three monthsearlier, Guala’s intransigencehad wrecked the June peacetalks,exposingthecountryto

a third summer of civil war.As Paul Meyer commented,William was the enemy ofunnecessary rigour. If hedeprived the eloping coupleof their usurious capital, healso prevented hiscompanions despoiling themof their horses and othergoods. The Marshal’s peaceof reconciliation,accompanied by positivestepstore-establishlegalandfinancial order, steered a

careful course between arelapseintotheanarchyofhischildhood, and the ultra-royalist reaction that BishopPetermighthavepreferred.

Ecclesiastical obfuscationof the laity’s political role iscommon in medievalnarratives. Preservation ofWilliam’s memory was thetask of his descendants,whose efforts gave us theHistory.The fruitofWilliamand Isabel’s union, however,

withered on the bough. Notone of their five sons left anheir. Baronial lineagestypically lasted sixgenerations; the Marshalsmanagedonlythree.MatthewParis ascribed this to anancient quarrel between theMarshaland the IrishBishopof Fearns, whose curse hungover William’s deathbed.Todaywemightseekmedicalor social causes. Restrictionofmarriage to the elder sons

of aristocratic familieswas adangerous strategy,preserving their patrimony atthe risk of physicalextinction.

WilliamtheYoungerwasbetrothed to Baldwin ofBéthune’s daughter, but thelady fell an early victim togluttonous death. He did notremarry until 1224, dyingwithout issue in 1231.Besides marrying late,aristocratic youth diced with

deathintournaments,revolts,and border disputes. AllHenry II’s adult sons diedviolentlyoroncampaign.Thefifteen years following theyounger Marshal’s deathsweptawayhismalesiblings.Richard died of woundssuffered during a battle withPeterdesRoches’sPoitevins,deserted by his own knights.Gilbertforsookholyorderstoclaimhisinheritance,andwasdragged to death by an

unmanageable horse atHertford, its reins allegedlycut through. The last twoMarshals died within weeksof each other late in 1245;Ansel not yet forty. Thehusbands of William’sdaughtersdividedhis estates:themodernDukesofNorfolkinherit the title of EarlMarshal throughMatilda, theeldest,namedafter thequeenempress for whom the firstJohn Marshal fought and

bled.Memories ofWilliam’spart in the stirring events ofKing John’s reign had fadedby Tudor times.Shakespeare’splayKingJohnmakes nomention ofMagnaCartaorLincoln.TheEarlofPembrokeplaysaminorrole,eclipsed byHubert deBurghand the fictional BastardFaulconbridge. Grant’sBritish Battles by Land andSea,amonumentofVictorianpopular military history,

ignores Lincoln entirely andcredits ‘Dover’ to thejusticiar.

King John’s short action-packed reign dominates theearly thirteenth-centurynarrative. The loss ofNormandy, the Interdict,above all his outsizewickedness make far bettermaterial for tragedy or formorality play than theinterminable reign of hisbumbling successor.

William’s brief regency fallsbetweenthetwo.Regentsarerarelymemorable.Fewrecallthe Duke of Bedford’sseventeen-year stewardshipafter Henry V’s prematuredeath, or the Lords Protectorof Edward VI’s brief reign.The regnal focus of standardhistoriography does not help.Volume III of the OxfordHistoryofEnglandendswithJohn’sdeath, leavingvolumeIV–likeWilliam–topickup

the pieces. The issue,abrogation, and multiplereissue ofMagna Carta doesnot help, entangling thecasual reader inaplethoraofdates and renumberedclauses.

A civil war in which thereactionary defenders ofEnglishlibertiescalledontheancestral enemy forassistance sits uncomfortablywithin a national myth thatpresents English history as a

triumphant progress towardsconstitutional governmentand imperial greatness. Theconflict’s moral ambiguitypermeates William’s career.Committed by his knightlycalling to defending theChurch and the disarmedpopulation,heconsortedwithdespoilers of cathedrals likethe YoungKing and Fawkesof Bréauté. No wonderWilliam jumped at Guala’soffer of remission and

forgiveness of his sins. Alonging for the clear-cutchoices of the tournamentfield may have inspiredWilliam’srepeatedappealstotrialbycombat.Alternatively,hemayhavecalculateduponthe networks of interest andfriendship he had built up tokeep him safe. The supremedecisiontomarchonLincolnmay have stemmed from anoverwhelmingurgetoendtheuncertainties of civil war, or

from deeper strategiccalculation. William livedlong enough to play andreprise a variety of roles.Hewas at one level the finestknight– li proz, li franz e lilealz as Philip Augustusdescribedhim–defendinghislord in tournament and war,doing great deeds andundertaking great journeys.He was also the subtleprud’homme, combining thesimplicityanddeviousnessof

allgreatcommanders.Abletoappeal to the humblesergeants and crossbowmenwho led the way at Lincoln,he could also weave a wideflung net of naval, land, andguerrillaforcestoensnaretheDauphinatWinchelsea.

Lincolnpresentsasimilarcombination of knightlyaudacity with strategicsubtlety,firstwiththeturningmovement via Torksey, thenwith the double break-in

through the castle and WestGate. A small-scale militarymasterpiece, Lincoln’sdynastic and constitutionalconsequences make itEngland’s most importantbattle between Hastings andtheArmada’sdefeat in1588.SimondeMontfort’s triumphat Lewes in 1264 wasreversed a year later atEvesham. Better knownencounters at Towton andBosworth merely set a new

military adventurer on thethrone.AfterLincolnWilliamfaced the very modernchallenge of restoring peaceto a war-torn country with ashattered economy, a taskeffected with none of thebloodypurgesthatterminatedEngland’s later medievalconflicts.The6,000linesthatthe History devotes toWilliam’s tournament careerwere the distant reflection ofa celebrity that was just a

memory, a distraction fromhistrueachievement.

Older than WinstonChurchill was when hebecame Prime Minister in1940, William rallied acountryonthebrinkofdefeatat an agewhenmostmen ofhis day had difficultywalking, let alone leading acavalry charge. Othernationalheroesappearhollowby comparison: Drake was aslave trader; Lords Nelson

and Montgomery lackedpolitical sense. Cromwell,who won greater victoriesthan William and restoredpeaceafteralongercivilwar,remains tainted by thesmouldering antagonisms ofhisdayandthefalsehoodsofhisenemies.WhereChurchillliked to pose as a soldier,William was the real thing.HebetterresemblestheDukeof Wellington, anothermilitary leader turned

politician, amanwhomevenhis enemies might respect.Theclosestcomparisonmightbe ‘Honest George Monck’,the Parliamentarian generalwho bloodlessly restored themonarchy after Cromwell’sdeath, reconciled veterans ofbothsides,andoversawroyalgovernmentuntilhisdeath.

William’s physicalmemorial lies off the beatentrack, just south of FleetStreet down Inner Temple

Lane in London’s legalquarter. The exact site of hisburial is lost, but his effigylies to the left of theTempleChurch’smodern entrance inthe south face of the nave,flanked by those of his sonsand five other knights. Hisfeet rest on a dog – thesymbol of loyalty. Nearlydestroyed by Germanincendiary bombs, the effigylacks its nose, the chainmailhood and clipped moustache

suggestingaBritishsoldieroftheGreatWar,inabalaclavahelmet. Unlike morecelebrated rivals, William issafe indoors, spared theindignitiesofLondonweatherand bird life. Surrounded bythe quiet beauty of theTemple,theearllieswherehechose, within earshot of aliturgysunginthevernacularwhosebirthhewitnessed–aworthy setting for the knightwhosavedEngland.

GLOSSARY

arbalestrier userofanarbalestorcrossbow

avoué

hereditarytitleofsecularrepresentativeofecclesiasticalinstitution

bachelier unmarriedhouseholdknightsquadronof

bataillemountedknights/sergeants100–120strong,cf.eschiele

Brabançon

mercenarysoldieroriginallyfromBrabantinFlanders

Boulonnais appertainingtoBoulogne

chevauchée mountedraidingexpedition

CinquePorts

confederacyofChannelports,originallyfivein

number

cog largesailingship,cf.nef

commençailles openingstagesofatournament

conroi

troopofmountedknights/sergeantstwelvetotwenty-fourstrong

curialis memberofthecourt

demesnelandexploiteddirectlybyafeudallord

deniersilverpenny;thestandardunitofcurrency

destrier warhorse

eschiele

squadronofmountedknights/sergeants100–120strong,cf.bataille

fee

landedestateheldinexchangeformilitaryservice;alsofeodumorfiefpaddedprotective

gambesonjacketusedbymountedorfoottroops,cf.pourpoint

haubergeon

shortmailshirt,sometimeshooded,usedbyfoottroops

hauberklongmailshirtwithhood,usedbymountedtroops

Hospitaller

knightlymonk,memberofthereligiousorderof

theHospitalofStJohn

knot

nauticalmeasureofspeed=1seamileperhour(2025yd/1.8km)

losengier deceitfulflatterer

Marcher

Anglo-NormanlordorknightresidentontheWelshborder

mesniebandofknightsmaintainedinalord’shousehold

Michaelmas 29September

nef largesailingship,cf.cog

Outremer

FrankishoverseaspossessionsintheEast,e.g.KingdomofJerusalem

palfrey gentleman’sridinghorse

perrière

smallcounter-weightstone-throwerorpetraria

pourpoint paddedlinenjacket,cf.gambeson

PoitevinsomeonefromPoitou,southoftheLoire

prud’homme counsellorofrepute

recet palisadedrefugeattournament

rounceypoor-qualityridinghorseorpackhorsememberofaband

routier ofmercenarysoldiersorruta

scutagetaxleviedonknightsinlieuofpersonalservice

seneschal

originallystewardofagreathouse,hencedeputyforitsabsentlord

sergeantmountedorfootsoldierofnon-nobleoriginfastlongshippoweredbyoars,

snecca fromsnekkjuror‘snake’

tallagetaxleviedontownsandtheroyaldemesne

Templar

knightlymonk,memberofthereligiousorderoftheTemple

TourangeausomeonefromTouraine,nearToursontheLoire

trébuchetlargecounter-weightstone-

throwertrovère troubadourorpoet

vavassourknightlywarriorlivingonhisownestate

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