the linguistic and behavioral reality of event structure · the linguistic and behavioral reality...
TRANSCRIPT
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The Linguistic and Behavioral Reality of Event Structure
Erin O’Bryan, Ph.D.
Linguistics Colloquium
April 18, 2008
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Collaborators:Tom Bever (U AZ), Heidi Harley (U AZ),& Raffaella Folli (U of Ulster)
Acknowledgments: Roeland Hancock Wayne Murray
Hollis Weidenbacher Selene Gardner
Chris Nicholas Ben Jones
Jason Barker Ken McRae
Bever lab students Janet Nicol’s lab
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This material is based upon work supported by the
National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0132380.
Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are
those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Science
Foundation.
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What kinds of info do we use in the earliest stages of language comprehension?
The cat
chased the mouse
SYNTAX (grammatical structure)
SEMANTICS (meaning)
CONTEXT, WORLD KNOWLEDGE
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3 comprehension models
• No syntax model: all types of info (probabilistic) used interactively
• Syntax first model: syntax early, semantics (& all else) later
• Integrated model: includes both structural and probabilistic information
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Predicate Predicate event structureevent structure info info is both is both semanticsemantic andand syntacticsyntactic..
This talk presents evidence that event structure is used by the processor during on-line comprehension.
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Mary is writing a book.
Mary has not written a book.
Mary has written a book.
Mary is dancing.
Mary has danced.
T E L I C I T Y(the semantics: having an endpoint)
TELIC
ATELIC
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Event Types• Mary pushed the cart (#in/for an hour)
(#at 2:00). ACTIVITY (atelic)
• Mary melted the chocolate (in/#for an hour) (#at 2:00). ACCOMPLISHMENT (telic)
• Mary crossed the finish line (in/#for an hour) (at 2:00). ACHIEVEMENT (telic)
# = semantic infelicity (Vendler, 1957)
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Intransitive Unergative
IP
Mary VPslept
Transitive
IP
Mary VP
wrote a book
Intransitive Unaccusative
(inherently telic)
IP
VP
arrived Mary
All telic verbs have an internal argument.
(Tenny, 1987)
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Theoretical proposals on the syntax of event structure
• An event has subparts:– process (cross the finish line vs melt the chocolate)– endpoint (push the cart vs melt the chocolate)– result state (hit the tennis ball vs melt the chocolate)
• Each of these event subparts is represented by a specific bit of phrase structure.
• Taken together, these bits of phrase structure make up the predicate’s event structure.
(Pustejovsky, 1988; many others)
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Telic Functional Projection
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1. Why might verb telicity be relevant to early stages of sentence comprehension?
2. Experiments
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The artist sketched
The Garden Path Effect
by the child laughed.
The amount of difficulty depends on the degree of commitment to the erroneous analysis of the initial NP (the artist) as agent.
Which factors affect this degree of commitment and thus the amount of difficulty?
Temporary syntactic ambiguity:
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The ruthless dictator fought in the coup
Optional vs obligatory transitivity
easier!
hard!
(predicted by Pritchett, 1992; experiment by MacDonald, 1994)
was hated.
The ruthless dictator captured in the coupwas hated.
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15 of MacDonald’s 18 obligatorily transitive verbs were telic.
15 of MacDonald’s 18 optionally transitiveverbs were atelic.
These apparent effects of transitivity
might really be effects of telicity.
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match
Telic predicate
Reanalysis is easier
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Mis-
match
Atelic predicate
Reanalysis is harder
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Note that telicity & transitivity can be manipulated independently.
• Atelic, Intransitive: dance• Atelic, Transitive: push• Telic, Intransitive: arrive• Telic, Transitive: notice
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Speakers possess & use knowledge of event structure, specifically an event’s telicity, in on-line sentence comprehension.
Because a telic verb requires an internal argument / theme, the processor will leave open the possibility that the initial noun phrase may be the needed theme.
Event Structure Processing (ESP) Hypothesis
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Prediction of ESP hypothesisSmaller garden path effect in reduced relatives with telic verbs than in those with atelic verbs.
The actress sketched by the writer leftin a hurry. easier!
hard!
The actress tripped by the writer leftin a hurry.
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1. Why might verb telicity be relevant to early stages of sentence comprehension?
2. Experiments
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Examples of experimental sentences
• Atelic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Atelic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) escorted by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) tripped by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) noticed by the writer left in a hurry.
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How we categorized predicates as telic or atelic for the experiments
• The 1st 3 authors (O’Bryan, Folli, Harley) agreed upon the categorization.
• These categorizations were verified by untrained native speaker judgments in a questionnaire study designed in collaboration with Selene Gardner.
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The girl danced in an hour. The girl danced for an hour.
For an hour/in an hour forced choice test
(Which is more natural, the one on the left
or the one on the right?)
Predictions: telic -> in an houratelic -> for an hour
(based on Vendler, 1957)
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Questionnaire Results
• Significantly more “in an hour” choices for telic predicates than atelic (p<.05)
• All telic predicates received more “in an hour” choices than all atelic predicates
• The results confirm our categorizations.
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• Post-hoc reanalyses of 3 prior self-paced reading studies
• Analyses included a total of 136 subjects & 92 items
Tabossi, Spivey-Knowlton, McRae, & Tanenhaus 1994McRae, Spivey-Knowlton, & Tanenhaus 1998Clarke, Townsend, & Bever 2000
Experiment 1Self-paced reading
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The Dependent Variable: Garden Path Effect
depends on commitment to erroneous analysis of initial NP as agent
GPE = processing difficulty (reaction time) for ambiguous sentence minus for unambiguous
Ambiguous The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.Unambiguous The actress that wassketched by the writer left in a hurry.
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Predictions• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Difficulty resulting from garden path (mis-analysis):• telic < atelic• obligatorily-transitive < optionally-transitive
Early disambiguation pointLater disambiguation point
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Atelic, Optionally-Trans: The N sketched by the N was…Atelic, Oblig-Trans: The N escorted by the N was…Telic, Optionally-Trans: The N awakened by the N was…Telic, Oblig-Trans: The N noticed by the N was...
Re-analyses of 3 prior self-paced reading studies
-25
0
25
50
75
100
125
V'ed by the N was
RR
E (R
educ
ed -
Unr
educ
ed)
in m
illise
cond
s
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Telicity & Transitivity Effects on garden pathing
05
10152025303540
V'ed by the N wasDiff
eren
ce in
Red
uctio
n Ef
fect
(m
s.)
atelic - telic option.trans - oblig.trans
Telicity & transitivity effects both in predicted direction
Sig in 2 of the 3 studies. 3rd study shows trend in
same direction.*
*
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• Less processing difficulty in critical regionwhen initial verb is telic compared to atelic
• The actress tripped by the writer left in a hurry.• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Preliminary support for hypothesis that event structure is used during on-line comprehension
• Now for a balanced, controlled experiment…
Discussion of self-paced reading results
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Experiment 2Voice change monitoring
Press a key when a word or part of a word is spoken by a female voice.
(Sentence spoken by male voice except for underlined syllable, spoken by female voice.)
The prisoner examined by the agent triedto escape.
Example 1 Example 2
(Townsend & Bever 1991)
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Examples of experimental sentences
• Atelic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Atelic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) escorted by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) tripped by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) noticed by the writer left in a hurry.
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The Dependent Variable: Garden Path Effect
depends on commitment to erroneous analysis of initial NP as agent
GPE = processing difficulty (in detection errors) for ambiguous sentence minus for unambiguous
Ambiguous The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.Unambiguous The actress that was sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
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• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Difficulty resulting from garden path (mis-analysis):• telic < atelic• obligatorily-transitive < optionally-transitive
Predictions:
Voice change syllable
Participants: 40 monolingual English speakers
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Voice Change Monitoring Results
-4%-2%0%2%4%6%8%
10%
oblig-transatelic
oblig-transtelic
option-trans atelic
option-trans telic
RR
E (in
% k
ey p
ress
erro
rs)
Significant main effect of telicity, p < .05Transitivity is not significant, F = 1.4, p > .10
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-3%
-2%
-1%
0%
1%
2%
3%
4%
5%
Atelic minus Telic Optionally Transitive minusObligatorily Transitive
Diff
eren
ce in
RR
E a
s %
of d
etec
tion
erro
rs
*
not sig.
As predicted Opposite of transitivity prediction
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• Less processing difficulty in critical regionwhen initial verb is telic compared to atelic
• The actress tripped by the writer left in a hurry.• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Supports hypothesis that event structure is used during on-line comprehension
• Weakness: probed difficulty at only one point in the sentence
Discussion of voice change monitoring results
Voice change
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Experiment 3Eye tracking during reading
• 40 monolingual English speaking subjects• Subjects read sentences silently while
eye fixations were measured in 6 regions:
The actress # # tripped # by the writer # left # in a hurry.The actress # that was # tripped # by the writer # left # in a hurry.
1 2 3 4 5 6
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Examples of experimental sentences
• Atelic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Atelic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) escorted by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Optionally-trans: The actress (that was) tripped by the writer left in a hurry.
• Telic, Oblig-trans: The actress (that was) noticed by the writer left in a hurry.
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The Dependent Variable: Garden Path Effect
depends on commitment to erroneous analysis of initial NP as agent
GPE = processing difficulty (reaction time) for ambiguous sentence minus for unambiguous
Ambiguous The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.Unambiguous The actress that wassketched by the writer left in a hurry.
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Predictions• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Difficulty resulting from garden path (mis-analysis):• telic < atelic• obligatorily-transitive < optionally-transitive
Early disambiguation pointLater disambiguation point
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-100
-50
0
50
100
150
verb'ed by the writer left in a hurry
RR
E in
ms.
Atelic Oblig-Trans Telic Oblig-Trans Atelic Option-Trans Telic Option-Trans
First pass reading times measured as “go past” time per word
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-50
0
50
100
150
Atelic Oblig-Trans Telic Oblig-Trans Atelic Option-Trans Telic Option-Trans
RR
E in
ms.
Effect F pTelicity 5.257 <.05
<.05.31 (not sig)
Transitivity 5.019Tel x Trans 1.058
First pass reading times measured as “go past” time on main verb
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• Less processing difficulty in critical regionwhen initial verb is telic compared to atelic
• The actress tripped by the writer left in a hurry.• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Consistent with results of the other experiments
• Supports hypothesis that event structure is used during on-line comprehension
Discussion of eye tracking results
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• Less processing difficulty in critical regionwhen initial verb is telic compared to atelic
• The actress tripped by the writer left in a hurry.• The actress sketched by the writer left in a hurry.
• Taken together, the results support the hypothesis that event structure is used during on-line comprehension
Discussion of results from all 3 experiments
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3 comprehension models
• No syntax model: all types of info (probabilistic) used interactively
• Syntax first model: syntax early, semantics (& all else) later
• Integrated model: includes both structural and probabilistic information
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No syntax model
Reduced relative clause analysis
Simple main clause analysis
How frequently
verb occurs w/ direct
object
Frequency of verb in passive versus active
structures
Plausibility of initial noun as agent of verb
Other constraints...
Competing for activation
“The actress sketched…”
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No syntax model
• Can easily include semantics• But as probabilistic, not structural info• Could account for our results
(very powerful)• Doesn’t account for NP trace results by
Sanz (2000) & Friedmann et al. (2003)
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Syntax first model
• Parse first, understand later• Predicts that semantics affects
comprehension relatively late• Thus, does NOT account for our results• Our experiments show early effects of
telicity, a kind of semantic info.
(e.g., F. Ferreira & Clifton, 1986; Frazier & Clifton, 1996)
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Arguments for a structural account
• Structural differences between reduced relative clause & erroneous main clause analysis appear to affect difficulty
• Reduced relative clause structure & telic predicate structure are similar
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match
Telic predicate
Reanalysis is easier
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Mis-
match
Atelic predicate
Reanalysis is harder
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• The body of evidence on sentence comprehension suggests that both structural & probabilistic info are involved.
• Calls for a model that integrates both: “Analysis by synthesis” framework (Townsend & Bever, 2001)
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analysis by synthesis comprehension model (LAST) (Townsend & Bever 2001)
input utterance
short term memory storage of utterance
pseudosyntax
syntactic derivation
initial meaning
output meaning
Are synthesized & stored strings
identical?
yes no
Sentence templates like NV(N), phrase segregation, lexically specified info
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What kinds of info do we use in the earliest stages of language comprehension?
subjectThe mouse
verb objectscared the cat
SYNTAX (grammatical structure)
SEMANTICS (meaning)
CONTEXT, WORLD KNOWLEDGE
The evidence suggests that we use syntactic information, as well as syntactically relevant semantic information, during the earliest stages of sentence comprehension.
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• Evidence from 3 different experimental paradigms suggests that verb telicity information affects the degree of processing difficulty encountered during the comprehension of garden path sentences.
• The evidence is in accord with the Event Structure Processing hypothesis: speakers use knowledge of event structure in on-line sentence comprehension.
• The evidence is consistent with a model that utilizes both structural and probabilistic info.
Conclusions