Chapter - Ill

THE NGOs: SOCIAL CONCERNS AND CONSTRAINTS

Chapter-III

THE NGOs: SOCIAL CONCERNS AND

CONSTRAINTS

The past few decades have witnessed an upsurge all around the globe of

organized voluntary agencies or Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs). Such

organizations have increased in numbers, size and scope of activities-covering

various social, economic and political arenas. The impact of these organizations is

being felt at different levels - international, national, regional and local. Lester

Salamon sees in this upsurge in creation and activities of non-governmental

organizations, a global 'associational revolution' .1 There are no precise estimates

of the number of NGOs operating in the word today. It is estimated that there are

an estimated 50,000 local NGOs operating in the South.2 There are again no

precise estimates on the number of NGOs operating in India at the moment.

Madsen cites that the number ofNGOs registered under the Foreign Contributions

Regulation Act (FCRA) in India at an estimated 12,000 to 15,000.3

Keeping pace with a growth in numbers ofNGOs has been a corresponding

growth of literature on NGOs and how they are central to a meaningful

Lester M. Salamon, The Rise of the Non Profit Sector, Foreign Affairs, vol. 73, no. 4, July/ August 1994, p.1 09. Jude Fernando and Alan W. Heston, NGOs between States, Markets and Civil Society, The Annals, vol. 554, November 1997, p.8. Stig Toft Madsen, Between People and the State: NGOs as Trouble shooters and Innovators in Staffan Lindberg and Ami Sverrsion, (eds.), Social Movements in Development: The Challenge ofG!obalisation and Democratisation (New York 1997, p.252).

136

development process. The NGOs have been seen as aiding the development

process by helping the poor and marginalised people to manage their own

development. The growth of such organisations is seen as direct fallout of the

failure of the State to manage welfare activities. The growth of NGOs is thus seen

as the result of a rethinking of the whole 'development' process and an attempt to

secure the welfare of the people outside the institutions of the State. Alongside this

line of thinking there also exits another school of thrmght. which holds that NGOs

arc e!'fcctive partners and collaborators with the government in developmental

efforts and that, the rise in their numbers is a result of the recognition of their role

in achieving people-centred development.

This chapter aims to analyse how NGOs, and voluntary agencies emerged

as perceived 'alternative agents' of development. It also studies in detail the role of

such agencies in the development process, and the advantages and disadvantages

of the working of such agencies. It will also analyse the role of NGOs in the

elimination of child labour by providing them education. Before analysing the role

of NGOs in education and development, an attempt is made to trace the history. An

interpretation of meaning and understanding of terms like 'NGOs' and 'voluntary

associations' has also been attempted.

(3.1) The NGO Phenomenon:

The organisations similar to NGOs, voluntary agencies have a long

historical legacy. They existed as public associations, c:harities and welfare

agencies even before the term 'NGO' gained currency. In India too, voluntary

agencies have been in existence through the ages. Gangrade and Sooryamoorthy

137

trace the existence of such organisations through centuries from its mainly

religious roots in ancient times, tracing a new stimulus towards social reforms

during the nineteenth century and towards their involvement in 'participatory

development efforts' in recent times.4 They also cite a perceptible shift in activities

of voluntary agencies from the 1960's - from philanthropic, relief and charity

works to participatory development efforts. 5

Though voluntary agencies have existed for long, there has been a visible

increase in their numbers and activities in recent times. Various reasons have been

cited lor this phenomenon. Lester Salamon clubs this wide array of self-governing

private organisations as the 'global third sector' .6 According to him, the rise of the

·third sector' springs from a variety of pressures - from individuals, outside

institutions and governments themselves. He sees pressures to expand the

voluntary sector coming from at least three different sources- from 'below' (in the

form of grassroots energies); from 'above' (in the form of .government policies)

and from 'outside' (through the actions of various public and private institutions). 7

Salmon cites the CHIPKO movement as an example of pressure from 'below'.

According to him the 'outside' pressures include those like official aid agencies

and the Church organisation.

Such pressures have acted in vanous ways to open new avenues for

organised voluntary action. One of the most important impulses for this increased

4 K.D. Gangrade and R. Sooryamoorthy, Voluntary Action in India: A Synoptic View, !ASS! Quarterly, vol. 4, nos. 3&4, 1996, pp.32-36. ibid. Lester M. Salamon, op.cit., no. I. Ibid., pp.l09-13.

. 138

voluntary action is what is seen as a crisis in development paradigm. The States'

inability to secure economic, social and political benefits to the poor and the

marginalized sections of the society and the increasing belief that government

cannot effectively manage the development process saw the grovvth of the

voluntary sector, which tried to go closer to the people and their communities and

tried to generate community based development. According to Paul Streeten,

disillusionment with the government and a reluct::mce to hand over all welfare

actiYities to private. profit-seeking enterprises resulted in hopes being placed in the

third sector which contains non-governmental, voluntary associations. 8 The

environmental crisis and the need to secure a sustainable development also

precipitated a growth of various grassroots movements. Salamon also cites the

communications revolution in the 1970s and 1980s as an important development,

which opened even the world's remote areas and allowed the percolation and

proliferation of voluntary activities in these areas.9

Although NGOs and voluntary agencies are not a new phenomenon, there

arc certain special features of the present day NGOs that make them distinct from

their older counterparts. Micheal Cernea states that there are at least three

characteristics of the recent NGO development that are new. 10 These include (i) the

scale and pace with which such NGOs have been multiplying and expanding (this

has no match in the past development); (ii) old NGOs are taking up functions that

9

10

Paul Streeten, Non-governmental Organisations and Development, The Annals, vol. 554, Nov.l997,p.I94. Lester M. Salamon, op.cit., no.!, p.l17. Micheal M.Cernea, Non-governmental Organisations and Local Development, World Bank Discussion Papers, (Washington D.C.), 1988.

139

are new to them (adding development-oriented activities to their traditional

concerns of relief and welfare works); and (iii) present day NGOs are becoming

·internally more sophisticated and better organised, more aware of their power'

(this has led to an increase in their militancy and mobilization capabilities). Thus,

,,·hik NGOs and voluntary agencies have existed through the ages, there has been

an explosive expansion of such organisations (both in numbers and memberships)

in recent times. The distinctive features of the present day NGOs and their

proli kration in numbers distinguish them from their older cousins.

(3.2) Meaning of 'Non-Governmental Organisations':

Despite the existence of a vast body of literature on NGOs, there is no

agreed definition on what constitutes a NGO or for that matter even an agreement

on the nomenclature of such agencies. Such organisations are variously called

voluntary organisations, social welfare organisations, non-profit associations, and

voluntary development organisations. The wide range of terms used to describe

such organisations shows the existence of a broad range of organisations differing

in terms of the range of their functions, ideology and operations and it makes any

kind of generalisation nearly impossible. However, these types of organisations

very broadly fall under a general term the 'voluntary sector'. And the voluntary

sector constitutes

" ... large category of human formal and informal organisations that

are neither part of the State nor of the market .. (and in sense) .. may be said

140

to constitute or belong to the 'civil society', and are involved in social or

community action ... " 11 -----With the inadequacy of State led, market-driven development has been felt

for long. the need to strengthen the realm of the civil society gained momentum.

The civil Society is broadly understood as the associations of people and

communities, which are independent of the State on one hand and economic

enterprise on the other. It is seen as ·an intermediate associational realm between

the State and family populated by organisations that are separated from the State,

enjoy autonomy from the State and arc formed voluntarily by members of

society·. 12 According to Friedmann. civil society refers to those associations

beyond the reach of the State and corporate economy, which have the capacity for

becoming autonomous centres for action and has gained momentum over a period

of time. 13 A voluntary organisation is seen as a 'a social entity committed to

activities and programmes oriented towards change in the prevailing set of

conditions; social, economic, political or cultural'. 14 Punalekar states that the goals

and objectives governing the activities of these organisations help in some

comprehension about the 'nature of social relations .... the notion and function of

power and dominant social structures including the State and civil society' .15

II

12

13

14

15

Rakesh Kapoor, Voluntary Action: Survival, Politics and Transformation, Social Action, vol. 46. no. I Jan-Mar. 1996, p.l3. David J.Lewis, NGOs, Donors, and the state in Bangladesh, The Annals, vol. 554, Nov. 1997, pp. 33-45. John Friedmann, Empowerment: The Politics of Alternative Development, Cambridge, 1\-lassachusetts, 1992, p.vii. S. P. Punalekar, On Dialectics of Voluntary Organisations and Social Change, IASSJ Quarterly, vol. 15, no. 4, 1997, p.67. ibid.

141

According to Kapoor, voluntary organisations perform various activities like relief,

charity and welfare services, organise and mobilize people; engaged in

development work: provide educational services and also legal services. 16 While

most of the above activities are also performed by the State or the market,

according to him. the distinguishing feature of the voluntary organisation is the

motives ''"ith which they perform these activities. 17 According to Kapoor, while the

motive of the State is governance and that of the market is profit, the motive of

voluntary sector is ·to react of the sins of omission and commission of the State

and the market, and thus to strengthen the civil society'. The NGOs are broadly

understood as voluntary grassroots agencies carrying out diverse activities like

relief. ,,-el[1re. education, etc. The motive behind these activities distinguishes

them from other organisations (for instance, private business enterprises). The

following section attempts a classification of the different kinds of NGOs and the

different factors that help to evolve a typology of different NGOs.

(3.3) Typology of NGOs:

The NGOs can be of different types depending on their functions and

operations. They include environmental NGOs, NGOs working on tribal, women's

or children's issues and advocacy NGOs. Advocacy NGOs are

16

17 Rakesh Kapoor, op.cit., no. 11, p.14. ibid.

142

' ... organisations, which undertake no direct development activities

with rural or urban communities ... (but) ... can be development oriented.

They attempt to change the knowledge and attitudes of people ... ' 18

The varied types and labels of such organisations only add to the confusion

and make any kind of classification difficult. In an attempt to understand the nature

PI' NGOs. they are often generally defined in opposition to the State and non-profit

organisations. 19 This is derived from the supposed positioning of these

organisations against the State. and equally the private (protit) sector. The growth

of these organisations is seen mainly as a reaction against the failure of the State,

lwncc the nomenclature 'non-governmental organisations·. However, such a

classification based on a positioning 'against the State' has certain problems.

Firstly, the term non-governmental organisation is seen as a negative label that

does not explain the nature of the organisation. Secondly, the term and its implied

positioning against the State do not take into consideration the fact that often

NGOs 'function within boundaries set by the State' and are subject to the State's

law. The term can also He a misleading one in that it does not seem to include those " .

agencies, which often collaborate with governments in achieving their objectives.

If one looks at the classification ofNGOs based on their so-called non-profit nature

(as opposed to private organisations which are driven by the profit motivation) one

again runs into problems. Often there exist organisations, which fall within the

broad umbrella of the term NGO and yet, function as profit organisations in their

18

19

Peter Bowden, NGOs, Government and the Development Agencies in James Lynch, Celia Modgil and Sohan Modgil, (eds.).Education and Development: Traditions and Innovations, vol. .:f Non-Formal and Non-Governmental Approaches' London, 1997, p.3. Jude Fernando and Alan W. Heston, op.cit., no.2, p.ll.

143

attempts to be independent and self-sufficient. Another characteristic often referred

to while identifying NGOs is that of 'voluntarism'. Again, in this classification,

there might be difference of perception as voluntarism may not be honorary but

more in a sense of 'a combination of self-initiative and social commitment' .20

Despite these difficulties in classification, attempts have been made to

classify NGOs into various categories. A study conducted by the Society for

Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA) on the voluntary development organisations

in India gives certain parameters to distinguish various categories o[' voluntary

agencies. The main parameters include inspiration (of !he founders of the

organisation), the rationale (for initiating voluntary action) and size.21 According to

this study, inspiration takes various forms - philosophical, religious and

ideological. And it forms the basis for evolving a set of action by a given voluntary

action. The study gives different examples of inspirations, which have given rise to

a host of voluntary organisations. These include the Gandhian school, the Socialist

school, the Marxist and nco-Marxist perspectives. Rationale for initiating voluntary

action could also be varied. They could be the rationale that 'people need help' or a

'developmentalist' or 'empowerment' rationale. The size of an organisation can

also be classified in various ways. It could be the size of the organisation in terms

of its area of coverage, in terms of its staff (whether full-time or part-time) or in

terms of the organisation's budget or resources.

20

21

Voluntary Development Organisations in India - A Study of History, Roles and future Challenges, Society for Participatory Research in India, (New Delhi, 1991), p.33. ibid., pp.34-40.

144

Another method for classification of NGOs is provided by Peter Bowden.

This method is based primarily on the dominant functions of the NGOs. Under this

categorization, different types ofNGOs include - consulting NGOs, welfare NGOs,

development NGOs and advocacy NGOs. Consulting NGOs provide Consultancy

services to governments and donor agencies. Even though they charge fees, the

NGOs are non-profit organisations concentrating on economic and social aspects

or development. Welfare NGOs provide assistance to the needy including

emergency relief services. Developmental NGOs provide a wide range of

developmental services including building self-help capabilities for poorer

communities. Advocacy NGOs, concentrate primarily on issues like environment,

land reforms, peoples rights etc.22

Another distinction between voluntary agencies which is cited is that of

'social action groups' and development NGOs' in that the latter category includes

NGOs working for State sponsored development programmes. The social action

groups represent an alternative strategy for development and social formation and

are 'non-party', 'non- institutional', and 'non-professional' groups and

formations. 23 These different characteristics and categorizations only reflect the

wide range and nature of the existing volunt~ry agencies. In this study the term

NGO is broadly used for those voluntary agencies which might be involved in

development activities and which do not necessarily posture themselves against the

22

23

Peter Bowden, NGOs in Asia: Issues in Development, Public Administration and Development, vol. 10, no.2, April/June 1990, p.141. K.L. Sharma uses this distinction to bring out the nature of the Indian State and its liaison with the NGOs. See for more detail in this regard K.L.Sharma, The Indian State and the NGOs: Some Relations, Social Action, vol. 46, no.1, Jan-Mar. 1996, p.32.

145

State. In the following section the role ofNGOs in the development process will be

considered.

(3.4) NGOs as a Catalyst of Social Change:

The voluntary associations perform the role of a catal):st. The term catalyst

has been used in two different senses. Terry Alliband uses it to refer to the

dispensability of the organisation. 2·1 Once a change is initiated. the organizer, who

is always an outsider, withdraws from the group to avoid fostering dependency.

The agent is only a catalyst for change. Alternatively, the term refers to the

mediating role voluntary associations play between the State and the people,

creating inter-linkages between the two by facilitating the two-way flow of

information. know-how, and understanding. This is how Kishore Saint (1974)

defines the role of voluntary associations?5 At this stage one comes across two

different views. First, in the context of developing societies like India,

development (i.e., the banishment of backwardness and poverty), calls for the

overhauling of structural foundations of Indian society. The voluntary agencies

cannot change the social power structure but the State can be democratically

compelled to challenge the existing power structure.26 Further voluntary agencies

are localised groups while the action and jurisdiction of the State is coterminous

25

26

Terry Alliband, Catalysts of Development: Voluntary Agencies in India. (Kumarian Press :West Hartford, CT), 1983. Kishore Saint, The role of the Catalyst Institution in Jhon Sommer, Pratima Kale and Ranjit Gupta (eds.), Rural Development at the Grassroots: The Catalyst Role, (Ford Foundation: New Delhi), I 974. C.P Bhambhari, The Modern State and Voluntary Societies, The Indian Journal of Public Administration, Special Number on Voluntary Organisations and Development: Their Role and functions, vol. XXXIII, no. 3, July-Sept, 1987, p.398.

146

with the entire society. Mohit Bhattacharya echoes the same v1ew when he

observes that

" ... the voluntary organisations' isolated and minuscule efforts cannot

correct the massive social disorganisation left behind by imperialism ... and

since (it is) perpetrated by a feudal and capitalist socio-economic system ... to

expect radical social change through voluntary effort is a kind of day-

dreaming ..... :-_;

The second and opposite view, shared by Rajni Kothari is full of optimism,

encouragement. hope, and faith in the potential of NGOs as the most viable

organisations best suited to play the role of catalyst of social change and

development in a fundamentally voluntarist society, based on a wide dispersal of

community living and ethnic diversity such as the Indian Society.28 The voluntary

organisations concentrate on the problems of poor and neglected communities and

they remain an important institution for ensuring equitable development in the

country. Close involvement and a long-term commitment to the local community

gives them good understanding of the circumstances dominating the lives of the

poor. In the processes they acquire knowledge and experience that is useful in

facilitating bottom-up planning processes that respond to be flexible and

innovative in their approaches to problem solving. They make conscious efforts to

involve the local community in whatever programmes they initiate and undertake.

27

28

Mohit Bhattacharya, Voluntary Organisations in a Plural Society, Indian Journal of Public Administration, vol. XXXIII, July-Sept. 1987, p.393. Rajni Kothari,Voluntary Organisations in a Plural Society, Indian Journal of Public Administration, vol. XXXIII, July- Sept. 1987, p.433.

147

Given the diversity and size of the country, and the limitations of the government

machinery and programmes to reach the fringes, it is this quality that sets them

apart from the government. The NGOs of their unique selling proposition,

accountability, quality, cost effectiveness, and closeness to the ground.

(3.5) NGOs in Development:

l'vlany commentators have argued for an inclusive v1ew of economic

dcn:lopment the one which accommodates the diverse strategies adopted by the

poor to stay alive. Adopting such a view permits us to see deYelopment as a means

to expand human capacity. Their notion of capability is essentially one of freedom

- the range of options before a person about the kind of life to be led. Poverty of

life lies not merely in the impoverished state of living, but also in the lack of real

opportunity, given by social constraints as well as personal circumstances, to

choose other types of living. The poverty is, thus, ultimately a matter of capability

deprivation and note has to be taken of that basic connection not just at the

conceptual level, but also in economic investigations and in social or political

analysis. 29

One of the important types ofNGOs (among different kinds based on their

functions) is the development NGOs. In fact, one of the primary reasons for the

spectacular growth in numbers ofNGOs, as specified earlier, was the failure of the

State to implement developmental activities, and hence the need for NGOs to step

in. Such NGOs are the ones, which involve themselves directly with the poor and

29 Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen, India: Economic Development and Social Opportunity,· (Oxford University Press: Delhi), 1995.

148

marginalized communities that have been overlooked in the whole process of the

State-led development and help to build the capacity of such communities to

manage their own developmental efforts. The conventional development model

(popularly called the 'top-clown' and 'trickle-down' model of economic growth)

had failed as the institutions (the State and the market), -vvhich would foster this

development failed to do so. In its place, many proposed a bottom-up development

model with NGOs as alternative agents of development. According to Friedmann,

the ideas for an alternative development emerged from international development

specialists who were disenchanted with the mainstream development model. In its

place they formulated an approach, which they hoped would lead to a direct

improYement in the conditions of the poor, especially the rural poor at the same

time be compatible with emerging environmental concerns. According to

Friedmann, the most visible incarnation of an alternative approach is seen in

explosive proliferation of non-governmental organisations and their activities

worldwide.30

The NGOs are seen as important agents of development because of

important contributions they have made in diverse areas like education (primary,

adult and non-formal), primary health, environment and services for disabled. They

are seen as important contributors to people's awareness about their basic human

rights. They are important in their attempts to nourish folk cultures and other

indigenous knowledge systems and in facilitating a participatory methodology to

30 John Friedmann, op.cit, no.l3.

149

help people to manage their own programmes.31 The NGOs, as they are perceived

to have certain inherent advantages, are also seen as an agent for development.

Paul Streeten lists the advantages of NGOs as their ability to reach and mobilize

the poor and remote communities and their use of participatory, bottom-up

processes of project implementation.32 He states that in comparison to

go,·crnments. NGOs are more flexible, innoYative and experimental and also carry

out di !'!Crent projects at lower costs and greater efficiency. 33 Bishwapriya Sanyal

cites o!' NGOs' claims of strength that makes them appropriate for initiating

tk\ clopment from below. In their attempt at community building and

empowerment. according to Friedmann, the empowerment approach, which is

fundamental to an alternative development places emphasis on autonomy in the

decision-making of territorially organised communities, local self-reliance, direct

(participatory) democracy and experiential social learning. For Friedmann, the

starting point of this approach is locality because civil society is most readily

mobilized around local issues.34

The NGOs rely on procedures that are democratic, decentralized and based

on co-operation rather than competition. The small size of NGOs, their non-

bureaucratic style of management and their staff of volunteers - who are more

responsive than many government agencies -help them meet special needs of the

poor. The location of these NGOs - closer to the poor than the government

34

See NA VO News Letter Quarterly Bulletin of the National Assembly of Voluntary Organisations, vol. 1, no. I, 1998, p.3. Paul Streeten, op. cit., no. 8, p.l95. ibid. John Friedmann, op. cit. no. 13, pp.vii-viii.

!50

agencies .:.. and their awareness of local resources and constraints make them more

innovative than governments when it comes to project implementation.35

According to Sanyal, the NGOs claim that they are effective and accountable and

this effectiveness has given them greater legitimacy to provide them with

autonomy from State and market institutions.36 This autonomy would encourage

self-sufficiency and social innovations on part of the NGOs that in turn would help

enhance the chances of self-reproduction of these grassroots institutional forms.

Another important characteristic of NGOs is that they make deliberate and

conscious attempts not to involve themselws in political processes and keep their

distance ti·om political parties. This again gives them autonomy, according to

Sanyal, from dominant political institutions, which are controlled by the elite and

makes them more effective in empowering the poor. Punaleker while citing certain

distinguishing characteristics of voluntary organisations - openness, democratic,

debureaucratised, flexible formations and voluntarism - states that the non-

governmental nature of these organisations means that, atleast in ideal terms, these

have the freedom to operate on their own principles and programmes.37 According

to him, it is this status, which renders the voluntary organisations a special space in

civil society.38 For him, these organisations are theoretically endowed with

qualities of articulation and often represent the people's problems and grievances,

their hopes and dilemmas. 39

35

36

37

38

39

Bishwapriya Sanyal, NGOs' Self-Defeating Quest for Autonomy, The Annals, vol. 554, Nov. 1997, p.28. ibid. S. P. Punalekar, op. cit., no. 14, p.68. ibid. ibid.

'151

As a result of perceived benefits the NGOs are fostering in development,

more and more foreign donors and multilateral agencies are approaching NGOs to

carry out developmental programmes. While official assistance and aid from

developed to developing states has shown a decline, there is a visible trend of

international aid being provided to NGOs to implement various projects.40 The

advantages and characteristics of NGOs stated above together point to the most

important advantage and role ofNGOs namely their work in prompting sustainable

development. However, despite these claimed advantages, critics argue that many

NGOs do not live up to these claims and that their working is beset with many

problems and limitations ofNGOs which affects their functioning and efficacy.

(3.6) Constraints on NGOs:

The NAVO Bulletin, attempting a self-introspection of the Indian voluntary

sector. states the various shortcomings of this sector. There are problems like

concentration of power in the hands of individuals (monopolization of leadership),

nepotism, lack of co-ordination as well as rivalry among the voluntary agencies.

Over dependence on external funding and tendencies towards institutionalisation

and bureaucratisation are making the voluntary agencies inert.41 There are also

other shortcomings like an unwillingness to submit to performance evaluation or

impact assessment and a failure to bring about networking, alliance and

40

41

International aid from OECD countries has been declined. The Overseas Development Assistance has declined from 0.47 per cent GNP in 1965 to 0.30 per cent in 1993. For more details see C. Upendranath, International Aid to Basic Needs and Education For All: The Indian Case, Journal of Educational Planning and Administration, vol. X, no.!, Jan. 1996, pp.35-50. NA VO News Letter op.cit., no. 31, p.4.

!52

coordination between various voluntary agencies. It raises the pertinent issue that

experiences and perceptions of the ordinary people have not been harvested

adequately. Thus participation in its true sense has not been ·promoted or ensured.

Some of the basic disadvantages of NGOs include uncertainties of finance and

trained personnel. The NGOs. because of voluntary nature of their functioning,

often do not find trained staff members. This is particularly true of small-scale

NGO projects- unlike large scale projects with multilateral donor funding that find

technically qualified personnel. The NGOs are also subject to the vagaries of

financing. They depend on aid and voluntary contributions- and often these are not

constant or fixed. Very often NGOs become dependent on the sources of funding,

which in turn inhibit their functioning. Another problem indirectly related to that of

financing is that in an attempt to be free of the dependence on outside sources for

finances. NGOs go in for their own fund raising programmes·. This often leads to a

situation wherein greater energies of the NGOs are spent on raising funds than on

realising their actual objectives.

Despite the problem of indifferent funding, the perceived advantages of

NGOs in developmental work have encouraged a growth in funding by aid

agencies and governments of NGO activities. The effect, however, of such an

increased funding has not necessarily been beneficial. Increasing concentration on

NGO efforts has placed new and greater demands on NGOs, which often do not

fall under traditional NGO strengths. Moreover the NGOs are beeoming more like

contractors to the aid agencies. Traditional NGO strengths such as community

mobilisation and concentration on the poor are being replaced by skills in proposal

writing and project management. Thus the NGOs are in the process losing out on

153

contribution they can make to people-centred development. The limitations of

NGOs also include a limited replicability and a self-sustainability of their projects.

Often NGO activities are too small and localised to have any significant regional or

national impact. The NGO activities depend on a culturally sensitive staff and

when statT intensity and motivation cannot be replicated. the NGO activities

themselves cannot be replicated elsewhere. The NGOs serving in remote areas are

also be beset by problems such as transport and communication. The remote NGOs

lind themse I ves handicapped by lack of latest information on their related areas.

An indirect impact of external aid and funding to NGOs is the inter-NGO

competition. Even though cooperation between NGOs is often cited as a positive

feature of NGO functioning, it must be pointed out that the NGOs' dependence on

grants and donations makes every NGO claim that its particular organisation was

the most effective and successful thus competing with other related NGOs. The

lack of cooperation between NGOs and also their unwillingness to forge linkages

with the government greatly limits the impact of their activities. Absence of such

linkages mean that NGO efforts could create only small isolated projects as large­

scale projects are impossible because of lack of institutional support. Thus the

NGOs could get involved in a self-defeating cycle of operations. The NGOs could

recognise that they are effective in small projects in peripheral locations. Another

concern added to this is the recognition that unless they expand the scale of their

operations, they cannot make any significant impact on the problem that they want

to address. Many NGOs are tired to resolve this dilemma not through cooperation

with other NGOs, but by expanding their own operations. In this process they lose

their comparative advantage of being small and focussed on one activity or one

154

location. Many people are critical of NGO led development efforts and argue that

even after thousands of NGO projects, the economic and political impact of such

NGO efforts is not very significant. One of the reasons for this is the absence of

linkages between the NGOs and political parties. The NGOs have sought to be

autonomous due to the fear of State and market institutions. These fears include the

fear of being co-opted as yet another arm of the State, becoming bureaucratised,

becoming tainted by corrupt political processes or being dependent on the State

and losing their innovative and entrepreneurial qualities. ·The fear of market

institutions is primarily a fear of exploitation. The NGOs also fear that working

with market forces could divert them towards profit making motives and drift away

from their stated principal objective of community building. To be effective the

NGOs must abandon their effort to seek autonomy and try to work closely with

dominant institutions such as the State and the market.

Disadvantages and limitations of NGOs as noted above often cast a doubt

over the effective functioning of NGOs. Despite these limitations, the role of

NGOs in the development process is still a reality. The NGOs position themselves

against the State or they might attempt to work within the fr!lmework of the State

machinery. Though the NGOs are not spontaneous grassroots organisations they

could act as elite brokers and innovators with links to power centres as well as to

the grassroots.42 The NGOs are not an alternative to the government but are, infact,

dependent on a functioning government.43 The NGOs can contribute more towards

42

43

Stig Toft Madsen, Between People and the State: NGOs as Trouble shooters and Innovators in Staffan Lindberg and Ami Sverrsion, (eds.), Social Movements in Development: The Challenge ofGlobalisation and Democratisation (New York 1997). ibid., p.267.

155

promoting sensible solutions to pressmg problems by · involving both the

government and the clients rather than the promotion of economic efficiency or

representative democracy.44 The NGOs through interactions with their clients bring

about a process of controlled empowerment by which the clients are better

informed, more involved in market institutions and capable of using modern

institutions such as courts.

The invoh·ement of many State and non-State actors could be of help to

many l\GOs. More than positioning against the State resulting in a deadlock over

various issues, the NGOs can serve better by involving themselves as constructive

participants in a development process along with other actors. They could, in an

ideal position to function, be efficient critics of governmental policies and

programmes and also as instruments in carrying out such programmes that are

often not implemented effectively due to lack of information on part of intended

recipients or because of a disinterested bureaucracy. At the same time, the NGOs

consciously strive to maintain and nourish their distinctive features in comparison

to the State and market institutions, which put them in an advantageous position in

carrying out a meaningful development process. The role of constructive

participants in twenty first century India has been envisaged 111 a study by

Mahajan. 45 These constructive roles include the NGOs

(i) As a 'public service contractor' where by the NGO will provide a service in

44

45

return for a fee and can work more efficiently than government agencies and

ibid. Vijay Mahajan, Challenges before Voluntarism, Seminar, vol. 473, Jan. 1999, pp.85-86 .

. 156

also work in situations where for-profit service providers will not enter.

Primary education, disaster relief etc are examples of this role.46

(ii)· As a 'collaborator of the government and the private corporate sector 111

activities where community participation is necessary'. Forest protection and

.~­watershed management could be cited as examples. 1

(iii) i\s a 'social innovator' experimenting with new technologies, new servtces

and new methodologies of social organisation.4g

(iv) As a 'social critic' and policy advocate for specific issues like child labour and

environmental issues. Yet another role could be of building civil society

institutions.49

(3.7) NGOs and the Indian State:

(3. 7.1) History of Voluntary Movements in India:

India has had witnessed many social reform movements in its history. The

first half of 19th century was marked by the initiation of the social reform

movements. The Charter Act of 1813 finally removed all restrictions on missionary

work in a big way. Raja Ram Mohan Roy fonned Atmiya Sabha in 1815, which

latter allied with Christian Unitarians to be formed as Unitarian Committee in

1821 . The spirit evoked by reform movements of devoting ones life to do

-16 ibid. -17 ibid. -IS ibid. -19 ibid.

157

something for the rights of the deprived and marginalized inspired a Iot of people

in this phase. The landmark of second half of 19th century was the failure of what

is known as 'first war of Independence' in 1857 and its implications on the socio­

political milieu. This was also the time of consolidation of British colonial rule

over the political and economic life of Indian Society: These trends also

consolidated themselves in institutionalised movements like Brahma Samaj,

Ramakrishna Mission. and Indian National Social Reform A.ssociations ( 1887).

The spread of such literary associations on one hand contributed to the

development of influential vernacular press and the beginning of alternative

nationalist education on the other. In a nutshell, it can be stated that during the

second phase (1850-1900) of the spread of nationalist consciousness, self-help

emerged as the primary focus of socio-political movements and influenced the

future course of voluntary action.

· Subsequent changes were witnessed in the following periods, when the

arena of voluntary action had been the successful attempt of channelising the

voluntary spirit for political action and mass mobilization for independence

struggle. This was supported by Gandhi's initiation of constructive work activities

from 1920-1928, when he had withdravm f:-om active politics. This later became

part of the mass national movement and contributed to the creation of a number of

khadi and village industries in the pre-independence era. The first twenty years of

independence (till 1960s) could be termed as the phase of nation building. Reform

based voluntary action and constructive work merged in the government's

responsibilities and tasks of nation building. The work of missionaries spread more

in this phase with new institutions of education and health being set up in different

158

parts of the country. The period following the 1960s was an era when the

development model followed by the government was criticised and evidence of

failure of development approach became evident. By the late 1960s, India was

caught up in a dual crisis of economic stagnation and political instability. It was at :;::::--

this stage that alternative and integrated rural development began to be

experimented by the initiatives taken by a new generation of people in 1968-69.

The new professionally trained youngsters also began to enter voluntary

dcn~lopment organizations. The failure of the development model had forced a

number of people to reflect upon their experiences to look back critically at the

emerging trends in the country's political process. The process of politicisation of

the post-independence generation, which began during 1967-69, was almost

shattered by 1976. This fall out from the political process contributed to the growth

in voluntary action, both in terms of quality and quantity. This was the period

when ideas about conscientisation and peoples participation began to emerge. As a

result the country witnessed a growth in voluntary action at other levels giving rise

to professionally trained social workers from different academic institutions

joining the sector of voluntary action. Voluntary action in different parts of India

was rooted in a specific socio-political context and was inspired by the emergence

and continuity of social reforms, social change and political movements in

different parts of the country. All along this period voluntary action had also

matured and began to emerge in extension and conscientisation and organization of

marginalized people. What started as social work - or a service to mankind - with a

focus on charity has veered towards developmental work and organizations across

the board, each with its specific perspectives, priorities and strategies.

159

(3.7.2) Contemporary Voluntary Movements in India:

In India there is no clear government policy towards the voluntary agencies

though gov·ernment appointed committees and documents have made out a case for

an increased NGO participation in the government's developmental effotis. In

India. the NGO-governi11ent interface is witnessed at different levels. While the

gon~rnment. for instance. formulate schemes for development the NGOs

implement them at local !nels taking into consideration the local requirements,

a\ ai I able resources and peculiarities of the region they are working in. They also

assist the government in carrying out various projects. The NGOs, thus, can also

act as advocacy groups disseminating information about government programmes

and schemes. Another important role of NGOs is that they also act as critics and

evaluators of the government's policies, which affect the disadvantaged sections of

the society. The dependence of the Indian State on NGOs for implementing the

government-sponsored development programmes is of recent origin. Soon after

independence, the Indian State enjoyed considerable legitimacy and the confidence

of being able to implement its developmental polices without any external support.

At that time too, there were many NGOs taking up welfare activities but as they

never questioned the system, the State did r.ot have any difficulty in dealing

them. 50 However, since mid-sixties onwards, a trend emerged witnessed an

increasing concentration in and monopolisation of power in the hands of the elite

and the rich. The concept of involvement of people in community development

50 H.Srikanth; State, NGOs, and Urban Community Development, Social Action, vol. 46, no. I, Jan-Mar. 1996, p.43.

. 160

programmes was being eroded and the legitimacy of the State was under question.

It is in this phase that many NGOs emerged as critics of the policies pursued by the

State. The official attitude to NGOs, according to Dhanagare, in India has

vacillated between patronisation and promotion, through phases of indifference

and even stages of strict vigilance and repression, to a stage of the NGOs co-option

into the structures and consultative committees evolved by the Statet The

governmental attitude to\vards the NGOs is not uniform and there are essentially

two main attitudes: (i) the tendency of the government to either ignore or watch

with apprehension the activities of those voluntary agencies which are critical of

the State· s strategies and practices and which themselves propound alternative

approaches to development; (ii) and the tendency to offer patronage to the NGOs

by which certain NGOs which enjoy the trust of the government and often even

join otlieial development efforts. 5.:In case ofthe NGOs, which position themselves

against the government, it leads to a deadlock between the two. In another case,

which faYoured the NGOs functioning alongside the lines of the government, the

bureaucracy become complacent and reduce itself to the role of aid distributing and

monitoring the agencies. Also the 'bureaucratic socialisation' of the NGOs

overshadows the actual objective of the NGOs which is the need to involve with

people. Since independence several ministries and departments of the government

5 I

52

D.N.Dhanagare, NGOs and Foreign Funding, Man and Development, vol.XV, no.2, June 1993. p.l37. the example of voluntary organisations that joined Shramik Vidyapeeth (SVP) programme could be cited as an example for the governmental attitude towards the NGOs. The SVP is a programme otTering non-formal and continuing education targeting neo-literates, school­dropouts and socio-economically and educationally deprived section. The government of India patronised many NGOs who joined the National Literacy Mission sponsored by the Ministry of Human Resources Development.

161

have turned to NGOs for assistance in various programmes in framing, executing

and implementing the programmes. The Ministry of Social Welfare, Ministry of

Rural DeYelopment and the Department of Education are some agencies that have

been involved in working with NGOs at different levels.

In 1953, the government set up Central Social Welfare Board (CSWB) as

an organ to facilitate cooperation among voluntary agencies. It \.vas also to be

involved in providing financial and technical assistance and consultancy. The

CSWB established different State level welfare boards to cooperate with the

NGOs. As a first step to work closely with the NGOs, in 1973, the government

recognised the People's Action for Development, India (PAOI). Their association

was essentially to channel the foreign relief fund that had started coming into India

since 1966.53 In 1983, the Council for Advancement of Rural Technology (CART)

was set up to help rural development for the diffusion of appropriate technologies

to rural areas through the local NGOs. In 1986, the PADI and CART were merged

to form the Council for the Advancement of People's Action and Rural

Technology (CAPART) as an agency for integrated rural development through

NGOs.

The role of the NGOs in development was to be recognised and facilitated

through the planning process of the State. The various five-year plans tried to

incorporate the NGOs efforts into the planning process. The first five-year plan

recognised NGOs as 'social service organisations'. On these lines, the National

53 D.N.Dhanagare, op. cit., no.Sl, p.l36.

162

Institute for Public Cooperation and Child development (NIPCCD) was

established. The NIPCCD was envisaged mainly as a liaison agent between the

government and the NGOs. The sixth five-year plan was seen as a turning point in

NGOs-government relations. The government recognised that though various

developmental programmes existed, the benefits did not trickle down or percolate

to the poor. It was suggested to establish a consultatiw group of voluntary

agencies involved in grassroots level work, which would f!ive the government

feedback on the implementation of various governmental programmes. It is

estimated that the funding for the voluntary sector comprising all NGOs during the

seventh tive-year plan was Rs.250 crores. 54 The seventh plan made provisions for

NGOs to supplement the State's developmental efforts and calls upon NGOs to

take up anti-poverty and 'minimum needs' programmes. From the beginning of the

seventh plan the ministry of welfare has become a nodal agency for promoting the

NGOs in the country.

There have been the regulatory guidelines and framework for the voluntary

organisations working in India. The sector of interaction between the government

and NGOs is the framework of regulations laid down by the State, \Vithin which

NGOs have to function. Associatioi1S that are established for the promotion of

literature, science or fine arts or association set up for charitable purposes or for the

diffusion of political education need to be registered under the Societies

Registration Act ( 1860) and the Public Trusts Act. All associations having a

definite cultural, economic, educational, religious or social programme would have

54 ibid., p.l37.

163

to register under the Foreign Contribution Regulation Act of 1976 (FCRA). An

unregistered association will not get government funds for carrying out its

objectives even though they are charitable in nature. 55 The FCRA act has for long

been a point of contention between NGOs and the government. The FCRA Act

\\as introduced during the period of national emergency in 1976 when relations

between NGOs and the government were the lowest. It was enacted mainly to

control the intlow of foreign funds to voluntary agencies in response to allegations

that funds from abroad were being used to destabilise the government and were

being channelled to support terrorist activities in India. The NGOs have long

argued that FCRA is no more than a tool in the hands of the government to

suppress voluntary organisations. The problem many voluntary agencies faced

with the FCRA include vague criteria to decide whether an organisation can

register itself under the FCRA, delays in processing applications, corruption on

part of officials involved in registering associations under this Act. The analysis of

government-NGO interface in India reveals extreme positions- co-operation with,

and co-option of NGOs by the State at one level and another level of NGOs

posturing as alternative to the State. A policy of cooperation between the State and

the NGOs two is possible. While efforts have been made to involve NGOs in

programmes of the State, there are still many obstacles in this relationship. The two

agencies have to necessarily co-operate for a process of social transformation and

development.

55 cited in Sangeetha (ed.), Voluntary Organisations and Good Governance: Formation Resource Mobilisation, Management and Accounting, Hivos-India, Technical Report Series, 15, Jan. I 997, p.3.

164

The greatest strength of NGOs is their approach and method for enlisting

people· s participation. Working informally in a friendly manner, they do not

undertake development as government with the primary concern being the

achievement of a certain target irrespective of the needs and priorities of the

people. They do not confine themselves merely to consultation, but they work for

popular participation in planning, implementation and management of local

resources. 'The NGOs increasingly play a supportive role rather than become

impkmcnting bodies themselves. Adoption of the Participatory Rural Appraisal

( PR:\) technique since 1987 has proved extremely valuable for development

NC.iOs as it helps them to go beyond the traditional leadership of the village,

usually the elderly males, and reach out to ordinary women and men working on

their farms or 'at home to learn from them about their probfems and the possible

solutions. PRA also helps to determine people's priorities and what responsibilities

they can accept if appropriate development schemes come up. The NGOs have

readily accepted the principle of people's contribution as they could recognize its

value as, to use World Bank terminology 'a litmus test' to ensure genuine

participation in and acceptance of a programme. Just as all societies, irrespective of

their stage of development, have generated economic and political institutions, all

societies also have voluntary institutions. Depending upon their political and

economic context and the cultural milieu, voluntary organisations perform a

variety of functions. The specific arrangement as to what tasks and functions are

undertaken by which institutions vary from society to society.

165

(3.8) NGOs in Education:

The NGOs have a high stake in the sector of education. The following

section attempts to make a study of the role of NGOs in the filed of education,

w·hich is a cardinal aspect of the development process in India. The relationship

between education and development has already been established with education

being a key to development. Education serves as primary instrument to initiate

social change and secure development. In the areas of education and development,

NGOs totlay have a major role to play.

The voluntary organisations in India play an important role in the field of

education. Voluntary educational services have existed in India since ancient

times. The social reform movement of the nineteenth century, which witnessed

changes in different spheres of life - social, religious, attitudinal - saw an emphasis

on the change and spread in education too. Many social reformers took up the task

of spread of education - especially women's education - for social change. There

were also a number of innovative experiments in education carried out by

individuals. Prominent examples include attempts by Rabindranath Tagore and

Mahatma Gandhi. They both tried successfully to give effect to their ideals of

education and put them into practice. Tagore's Viswa-Bharathi and Gandhi's idea

of Nai Talim found expression in the Sabarmati Ashram experiment. There were

also various social welfare projects carried out by Christian missionaries in India,

including the setting up of educational institutions in different parts of the

166

country.56 After independence, various direct and indirect provisions on education

were included in the Indian constitution and various programmes and policies were

evolved over the years to meet different challenges on the educational front. These

programmes and policies have seen the involvement of voluntary organisations at

some level or other.

The National Policy on Education (NPE) of 1986, which was modified in

1992. makes explicit provisions for the inclusion of voluntary agencies in various

sectors like the management of education, non-formal education and adult

education. On the non-formal education programme, which is meant for school

dropouts. children who cannot attend school, the NPE says that the government

will take overall responsibility for this sector. It also makes provisions for the role

of voluntary agencies in this sector. The voluntary agencies and Panchayati Raj

institutions take much of the responsibility of running NFE programmes. The

provisions of funds to these agencies are adequate and timely.57 With respect to

adult literacy programme, the NPE asks the voluntary agencies and social activist

groups along with other agencies like political parties, mass organisations, mass

media teachers and students to reinforce their commitment to mass literacy

programmes, which include literacy and fimctional knowledge and skills and

awareness among learners about the socio-economic reality and the possibility to

change it. The NPE, 1986, gives priority to an overhaul of the system of planning

56

57

see E.A.Narayana, The role of NGOs in Education : Experience in India in James Lynch et al (eds.), Education and Development: Tradition and Innovation, vol. 4, Non-formal and Non-Governmental Approaches, pp.68-70. National Policy on Education, 1986 (as modified in 1992), Department of Education, Government of India (1998), para 5.11, p.15.

167

(Green Peace), human rights (Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch),

economic development projects (OXF AM), child labour issues (Save the Child)

and disaster relief combined activities in different arenas points to a positive role

INGOs could play in fostering a sustainable develqE_ment.

(3.1 0) NGOs and Child Labour:

It is important in this regard to understand the role and interaction between

the NGOs and lNGOs in redressing the issues of social concern. One area of

serious concern is the problem of child labour in developing countries. The

problem of child labour is of major concern for majority of developing countries

for various reasons discussed in Chapter I. This is particularly true in the case of

India. The child labour as an issue had a late entry into the development agenda in

India. One of the main reasons for this was the conceptualisation of the issue of

child labour entirely in terms of poverty. Therefore the NGOs efforts were

focussed on addressing the poverty of the household in many ways. Moreover,

most of the programmes were designed to cater to the nutritional and health needs

of mother and children, thus, keeping the never attended, dropped out and working

children to be benefited from the spin off effects of the other developmental

programmes aimed at the household as unit. Since the State actors have vested

interest in the economics of child of labour - cheap, less-organised and less­

unionised labour - for the benefit of the employers, the role of the NGOs have

been greatly utilised by both the international donors and the INGOs for which

many NGOs are working, at the regional level, to effectively redress the issues of

child labour in all walks of life. Many of these NGOs are aware of the limitations

172

and management of education. It also g1ves considerations which would form

guidelines for such an overhaul. Among these, an important guideline is to give

pre-eminence to people's involvement including association of non- governmental

agencies and voluntary effort. The management of education at district and local

level also envisages encouragement to non-governmental and voluntary efforts

including social activist groups.

The NGOs have been involved in different stages of the educational sector

and they undertake different types of programmes. These include their involvement

in sectors like formal education, non-formal education and education of the

marginalized sections. The formal education sector in India (which comprises

primary, secondary and higher schools, colleges and universities) sees the

participation of NGOs at all levels except the university level. There is a great

difference in percentage terms of educational institutions managed by NGOs in

different states. For instance, it was as low as between 1.7 per cent and 8 per cent

in states like Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra

Pradesh; and as high as between 61.6 per cent to 74 per cent in state like Kerala,

Orissa and Bihar. However, the participation of the voluntary sector in education

underwent changes over the years. By 1986-87, the voluniary sector has drastically

reduced its role in the pre-primary and primary stages of schooling. It, however,

maintained its role in secondary, senior-secondary and college education. The

NGOs engaged in development and welfare activities also impart formal education

in the areas of their operation. Such organisations concentrate mainly on pre­

schooling and primary education.

168

(3.9) INGOs in Development:

In global context there can also be international NGOs (INGOs), which are

based in different countries with diverse participants and varied goals. Ann Marie

Clark commenting on NGOs and their influence on the international society,

registers how INGOs have proliferated in the latter half of the twentieth century

and how certain NGOs have acquired significant authority in the eyes of

transnational actors on some issues areas. 58 She cites the case of the Amnesty

1 nternational as a prime example of this fact. Robert Berg tracing the history and

development of INGOs says they started their evolution as part of the missionary

tradition. which predated colonisation.59 Such groups extended technical help and

relief works along with their religious mission. The First World War saw the

convergence of public and private response to disaster management with the US

government and INGOs providing relief and food supplies to Europe. The Second

World War again saw the extension of relief supplies to Europe, which continued

as recovery programmes after the war ended. Berg states that the success of the

recovery programme in Europe led to an increased confidence that development

was a feasible proposition in all parts of the world. This belief led to an increase in

the numbers oflNGO programmes in the developing world.

58

59

Ann Marie Clark, Non-Governmental Organisations and Their Influence on International Society, Journal of International Affairs, vol. 48, no.2, Winter 1995, p.507. Robert J. Berg, NGOs: Crucial Force in Third World Development and Politics in James Lynch, Cilia Modgil and Sohan Modgil (eds.), Education and development: Traditions and Innovation vol. 4, Non-Formal and Non-Governmental Approaches (London, 1997) pp.15-16.

169

The INGOs, like local or national NGOs, could be inyolved in programmes

like disaster relief, economic empowerment, social welfare and programmes to

foster development. Like NGOs, with INGOs too the question of their efJ:icacy in

securing development arises. The INGOs, have certain advantages which can

affect their functioning positively. These include the nature of their (INGOs)

functioning. which is voluntary and participatory. their low operating costs, their

c:xtensi\·~ involvement in the social services sector, and their ability to transcend

formal structures of state authority. Berg. arguing that it is very difficult to assess

the dewlopment work of INGOs puts forward certain generalisation about the

advantages of such agencies in securing development.60 These include the ability

of these agencies in reaching into communities, thei-r stress upon local

participation, their independence and not being bound to. work through any one

party or faction. 61 The efficiency levels of these agencies are thought to be better

than that of officially sponsored development programmes. Also, these agencies

are flexible and work on a decentralised basis. Ann Mark Clark commenting on the

elements of NGO influence offers reasons for their efficacy. She argues that NGO

influence has grown in recent years for their efficacy and that is precisely because

they are different from the State. The NGOs focus on single issues or a set of

issues to the exclusion of others, while states must perform many functions. Also,

the NGOs taking up principle-based issues; commit themselves to cause that

60

61 ibid. ibid.

170

States' priorities frequently subordinate to other foreign policy interests or ignore

entirely.62

The INGOs also have certain weaknesses and disadvantages inherent in

their functioning as they are often geographically diversified to be effective in their

designated areas of functioning. They are also subject to charges of

mismanagement, suspicious about the sources of their funding and the degree of

support they receive from governments. There are doubts about the sustainability

and replicability of their projects. In an age of austerity. hardly any pilot projects

carried out by lNGOs will be replicated. Related to the problem of replicablity is

the problem of sustainability as INGOs face the problem of their donors moving on

to new challenges and programmes even before they learn the lessons of their past

programmes.63 However, despite their disadvantages, INGOs are preferred as

agents of development by different official donors. This is influenced by their

advantages like low cost of programme implementation and their ability to reach

communities where official State donors cannot reach. The INGOs also hav1:: the

advantage of operating in different arenas. These include the intergovernmental

realm and the realm of an interaction with other NGOs.64 Theses two realms of

INGOs operations correspond to two possible conception::; 0fiNGOs. These are (i)

the NGOs as a third party advocate within intergovernmental arenas; and (ii)

NGOs as an organisational agent of social actions outside traditional channels. The

INGOs today are active in a wide range of issue areas like environmental concern

63

64

Ann Marie Clark, op.cit.,no.SS, pp.512-13. Robert J. Berg, op.cit.,no.59, pp.I9-21. Ann Marie Clark, op.cit.,no.SS, pp.513-14.

171

in their national legal framework in addressing the issues of child labour draft their

working framework based on the UN Conventions on the Rights of the Child

(CRC). The CRC is the first and the foremost comprehensive instrument on

children· s rights that is legally binding on all member States. It was unanimously

adopted on 20th November 1989 and was ratified by India in 1992. This implied

that India accepted the legal obligation of bringing its existing laws, policies and

programmes in line with the international standards as laid down by the CRC. The

CRC recognised the indivisibility and inalienability of child rights and held

children as subjects with rights and not merely objects of rights. Having drafted

their working framework, which is based on the UN's CRC. the NGOs are in a

strategic position to address the issues of child labour. More often the variety of the

work done by the NGOs carries away its focus on these specialised sectors. Yet

there are varied number of NGOs within India who are working on the issues of

Child Labour. Advocacy and campaign are the main tools of the NGOs. All other

programs of education, health and vocational training follow suit the campaign and

advocacy programmes. The NGOs have been instrumental in setting the ball

rolling towards the active campaign against the child labour. No national or

international body can supersede the number of meetings, workshops and

conventions the NGOs organised be it for the rationalisation of the government

policies, for better implementation of the policies, and plans meant for the children,

to the greater extent of influencing the western policy makers towards drawing

their attention

In India the NGOs are becoming increasingly aware of issues surrounding

child rights and the need for greater collaboration to support the working children.

173

This has been facilitated by participation in a joint research project that involves

government, business and trade unions project funded by various national and

international donors. Poverty being a main reason for child labour in India,

exacerbated by a lack of education, socio-economic expectations, the political

culture and a lack of infrastructure makes awareness programmes in rural areas

particularly difficult. The international donor community is supporting and

implementing many programmes to support the development of such an

infrastructure through their local representatives, which are the national NGOs.

The space that was created for addressing child labour 111 the 1980s

manifested mainly in different ways:

(i) Several groups were initiated exclusively to address the issue of child labour

through rehabilitation and non- formal education centres.

(ii) Many individuals with considerable years of experience in the NGO field

started separate programmes for child labourers. Most of the NGOs

recognised child labour as a developmental issue and started programme units

for child workers or at least attempted to reach out to these children through

some of their programmes. However among the NGOs, debates on the priority

of intervention mechanisms and the issue of protecting the rights of child

workers are more alive than the others.

The initiates of NGOs range from preventive to prohibitive measures,

short-term to long- term, policy advocacy and lobbying to rehabilitation and

education through alternate curriculum, income generation activities for the parents

174

and awareness building among the community to interventions m the primary

education. There is also another range of interventions that are very specific to

certain sectors that employ children or targeting rehabilitation of child labourers in

a specific occupation. Such interventions mostly relate to the hazardous

occupations or industries. Yet another set of interventions are aimed at improving

the working conditions and wages of child \.Vorkers by unionising them. Finally,

there are groups who focus on policy advocacy and lobbying for the enactment of

Child Labour Prohibition Act, Compulsory Education Act and education as a

fundamental right.

Though the specific forms of interventions vary among the NGOs, the

ultimate aim or the long-term goal of all these interventions is total eradication of

child labour. However, the short term interventions adopted by the NGOs indicate

their approach to the problem of child labour, which in turn is determined by the

immediate causes of it identified with specific attention to the particular area in

which they work. It is to be noted that many of the NGOs adopt a combination of

strategies, which is commonly referred to as the multi-sectoral approach to child

labour. While these groups argue that since there are the multiple causes that

perpetuate child labour, it is imperative to have multiple strategies io combat each

of these problems, there are groups who believe that single minded efforts towards

rehabilitating the existing child workers and preventing its furtherance by

improving the school education system or providing residential schools to

eliminate child labour. For the former, child labour is a societal problem, which

needs to be addressed along with other persisting problems of the society. And, for

the latter it is entirely a problem of our education system, which also reflects the

175

lack of commitment by the state in providing free and compulsory universal

primary education to all. Yet the converging point for all these groups seem to be

the above mentioned commitments from the state.

The perspective of the donor agencies also deserves attention in this regard.

One of the earliest interventions of donor agencies, which is still dominant as a

runding mechanism is sponsorship. The mechanism of sponsorship of children,

taking care of their educational and health needs, ensures that children are not a

liability to the poor families. Plan International and Action Aid, Oxt~un, Bread for

the World etc are some of the examples. Many other grant funding agencies often

release f'unds for child labour centric activities, depending on the strength and

innovativeness of the proposal. An analysis of the policy documents of many of

these donor agencies reveal that their perspective is determined by the poverty

factor. However, a definite perspective lacking among the international donor

agencies account for the sporadic withdrawals of many of the well-run projects of

the NGOs. Though efforts are needed in consolidating their interests around the

issue of child labour, NGOs have to be cautious of the country's larger interest in

vie\Y of the trade sanctions that may prove inimical to a large section of the

population that earn livelihood from these traditional sectors.

While there are commendable efforts, it has to be noticed that the reach of

these programmes covers very negligible geographical area and a meagre

percentage of the total number of the existing estimate of child labourers in India.

This is nothing but obvious, as this limitation is inherent to the NGO sector that it

lacks the human power and the material resources to operate in a very large scale

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in any area. However, Government's efforts to upscale the successful experiments

in some of the states though shows commitments from the state, also suffers the

same limitation that these experiments are successful only if it is prac1ticed in a

small scale with committed staff. The limitations of the collaborations or

reciprocity between State and NGOs is applicable to most of the NGO

intcrn~ntions that have made any dents in the social and economic spheres.

There are certainly NGOs which are really working very successfully all

across the country, at the grassroots level, educating child~·en in the villages or

liberating children, based on tremendous trust from the concerned families.

Building up on that trust doesn't happen in one day or one month. It is a sustained

process by which the NGOs work at the grassroots, and then only build up that

trust. Earlier there are very few NGOs were working on child labour. Today there

are more than 3000 NGOs working only on child labour throughout the country.

The following Chapter is a study of three NGOs in the State of Andhra

Pradesh that have been involved in the process of eliminating child labour through

pnmary education. It also analyses in detail the State's policies towards child

labour.

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