the problem of alcohol-fuelled violence in australia and effective australian policy interventions

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Introduction

Since European settlement, drinking alcohol has been an Australian pastime,

sourced in traditional drinking rituals (Lewis 1992) and couched within ideals

of ‘mateship’ and ‘work ethic’ (Roche et al. 2007). Primarily consumed in

licensed venues, or when venues are concentrated geographically,

‘entertainment precincts’ (Briscoe 2001; Winlow & Hall 2006), drinking forms

an intrinsic part of our culture, performing roles as a relaxant, an

accompaniment to socialising; and a generator of tax revenue. Pubs, bars and

clubs are social meeting places, which, in an ideal world, should be convivial

and friendly. Recently however, Australians have voiced concern about the

problem of alcohol-‐fuelled violence in these meeting places (Winlow & Hall

2006; Graham & Homel 2008; White & Wyn 2013). The media focuses on

violent assaults arising in our entertainment precincts on a Friday and

Saturday night, emphasising a ‘drunken’ drinking culture and its aggressive

drunken offender as the main culprit of inner city violence (Pilgrim 2013). The

strain of this violence on the police, community and health resources has

intensified pressure on the government, stakeholders; and the broader

community to address this problem (Pascal et al. 2009; Overland 2009).

The essay will begin by outlining the problem; and then go on to evaluate the

interplay between alcohol, violence and culture. Then and perhaps most

importantly, the essay will analyse effective Australian interventions; and propose

that an integrative three-‐pronged approach is required to address this problem.

Understanding the Problem

Street assault is a form of interpersonal violence, taking place outside the home,

and amongst individuals who may or may not know each other (Krude et al. 2002).

This type of assault has traditionally occupied most police and court attention

(White & Perrone 2011). It is this ‘violence’ that is the subject of this essay.

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An informed understanding of the problem is paramount in guiding our ability to

respond effectively. The starting point is analysis of our drinking patterns. In

Australia, the proportion of people drinking at a high risk has increased over the

past decade (ABS 2006). In particular, males consume alcohol at higher risk

quantities; and do so more frequently than females (NDSH 2010). Experimental

studies evidence that increased alcohol consumption increases aggression,

particularly among men (Giancola et al. 2002). It is therefore no coincidence that

men account for a larger proportion of injuries in Emergency Departments (‘EDs’)

during high alcohol hours (i.e. 12am-‐5:59am) (Miller et al. 2011). Effective

responses therefore, either reduce the occasions in which the community drinks to

intoxication, or reduces total community alcohol consumption. These measures

have consistently been found to be the most effective means to reduce alcohol-‐

related violence (Babor et al. 2010; Chikritzhs et al. 2005; Miller et al. 2011). The

prevention paradox lends further support to this proposition, for although the

heaviest drinkers present the greater risk for violent behaviour, they contribute to

less than half of violent behaviour (Rossow and Romelso 2006). Therefore

interventions targeting entire populations are most effective (Skogg 1999).

Understanding the changing factors that influence our drinking patterns is also

important in implementing effective long-‐term responses. As Room and Rossow

(2001) highlighted -‐ cultural, socio-‐cultural and environmental factors define the

magnitude of the problem. These factors influence both drinking patterns and the

propensity for violence whilst drinking. Furthermore, drinking risks are

exacerbated through the emergence of contemporary leisure and cost-‐saving pre-‐

drinking cultures; and a culture of violence and violent behavioural norms amongst

men when drinking.

Appreciation of the reality that alcohol often presides as an accompaniment to

socialising and celebration (and can be a basis of social inclusion), leads one to

naturally focus on the environment of social drinking. Buss et al. (1995) found that

a majority of alcohol-‐related street offences are associated with licensed venues.

Greenberg (1982) posited that where alcohol is available, frequencies of social

interaction increase, resulting in increased probability of social interaction; and

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consequently violence. An effective measure must therefore integrate licensees,

police and other stakeholders to help regulate entertainment precincts where

alcohol is served; and provide street-‐level reactive measures to protect our citizens

who choose to socialise within them.

Research: Alcohol & Violence

Alcohol has been a factor in about three quarters of assaults and offensive

behaviours on the street (Buss et al. 1995). Recent statistical evidence shows that

the proportion of people reporting alcohol-‐related physical abuse between 2007-‐

2010 almost doubled from 4.5% to 8.1% (NDSH 2007; NDSH 2010). Significantly,

the proportion of people drinking at high risks has steadily increased over the past

decade to 13.4% in 2004-‐05 (ABS 2006). Australian studies establishing alcohol as

significantly associated violent crime (Devery 1992; Ireland & Thommeny 1993;

Stevenson, Lind & Weatherburn 1999) can be separated into two categories: event-‐

based research, namely, samples of people to whom a serious event has occurred;

and general population research.

Event-‐based Research

Although perpetrators of violence often consume alcohol shortly before their acts

(Graham et al. 1998; Pernanen 1991; Roizen 1997); victims presenting in hospitals

similarly consume alcohol (Cherpitel 1997; Poynton et al. 2005). The Preventative

Health Taskforce (2009) found that 47% of perpetrators and 43% of victims were

intoxicated prior to an assault and ‘nearly three in four assault offenders drink

alcohol in the 48 hours prior to their arrest’ (Sweeney & Payne 2011, pg. 3). What

it is clear, therefore, is that in a majority of cases, assaults arise in environments

where alcohol is consumed.

Increased alcohol consumption is also commensurate with increased aggression

(Boyatsis 1974; Taylor and Gammon 1976; Leonard et al 2003; Graham et al. 2006;

Wells et al 2011), with hostility directly related to total monthly alcohol intake,

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drinking frequency, drinks per drinking day and heavy episodic drinking (Boyle et

al 2007). This result supports measures reducing total community consumption.

Violence has also been found to be distributed over certain times, ages; and

amongst venues. ‘Hot times’ for assaults has been identified, concentrated at night

on weekends (Borges et al. 1998; Briscoe & Donnell 2003). Graham & Homel

(2008) found that amongst venues -‐ bars, pubs and clubs are ‘hot spots’ for

violence.

General Population Research

General population samples indicate that both high alcohol consumption and

frequent heavy drinking increase not only the likelihood of violent behaviour

(Wells et al. 2005), but being a victim (Leonard 2001). Teece & Williams (2000)

found that the most significant predictors of alcohol-‐related victimisation was

being young and male. Young adults were faced with a 4-‐12 times higher risk than

others, as an offender or victim of violence (Boden et al. 2012). Regarding age,

almost half the individuals charged with assault were aged 18-‐25.

Analysis of prison populations show a majority of assault convicts admitted they

were under the influence of alcohol (Kevin 1992). In WA, Indermaur (1990) found

that before committing their last offence, 34% of offenders had been drinking

alcohol, and one-‐third had committed assault.

Why Australians Drink: Culture and its influence on the individual

Culture, within the context of this essay encompasses the knowledge, morals laws

and customs of a society (Roche et al. 2007). Room and Rossow (2001) have

attributed significant variations of violent perpetrators to drinking patterns,

namely, drinking to intoxication (Bye and Rossow 2010); and behavioural norms

while drinking. Although 60.4% of Australians drink below levels of long-‐term risk

of harm (NDSH 2010), the National Alcohol Strategy (2006) was of the view that

too many Australians now partake in ‘drunken’ cultures. What is alarming is that a

culture of pre-‐drinking is now the worldwide norm, becoming an increasingly

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intense and ritualised activity among young adults (Wells et al. 2009). Those

partaking in pre-‐drinking risk significant likelihood of being involved in violent

events, with those drinking 6-‐10 standard drinks twice as likely to experience

physical harm (DANTE Report 2012). A large amount of literature has established

that cost of alcohol is inversely related to drinking, therefore tax policies raising the

price of alcohol to reduce the price gap between venues and packaged liquor

outlets may be an effective measure to curb pre-‐drinking (Wagenaar 2009). Social

settings also aid in consumer objectives of getting drunk quicker, through the

promotion of ‘shots’ and ‘after shots’ (Measham & Brain 2005). Licensing laws

should therefore operate to prohibit quick drinking practices, such as ‘shots’ and

‘happy hours’.

In the advent of contemporary consumer culture, alcohol is marketed, advertised

and stylised to represent a lifestyle in which happiness and fulfilment are available

through its consumption (Lury 1996). For some, it represents a useful commodity to

express their identity in the realms of a contemporary leisure lifestyle as opposed to

work or study (Borlagdan 2010). Others link ‘drunken culture’ to a culture of

calculated hedonism, where one plans to ‘let loose’ from the formal restraining

forces of school, work or family through hedonistic but bounded consumption

(Brain 2000). For many, however, alcohol is used to achieve social inclusion; with

those choosing to abstain risking peer disapproval and negative attention. Alcohol is

therefore intertwined with strategies of belongingness (Maffesoli; Bennet 1999).

Given the overwhelming message is consumption until intoxication (Room 1988),

the operation of these contemporary cultures within a broader national drinking

culture ensures that Australia remains a high-‐alcohol consumption country (WHO

2009). Effective responses to these emerging cultures must therefore utilise

community educational campaigns to change these prevailing drinking cultures.

As Room and Rossow (2001) have recognised, the interplay between drinking

patterns and behavioural norms contribute significantly to variations in violence.

The SIRC (1988) study found enormous cross-‐cultural variation in the way people

behave when drinking. In Australia, alcohol was associated with violence and anti-‐

social behaviour; whilst in Mediterranean and some South American cultures,

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drinking is largely peaceful and harmonious. In Australia, when groups of young

men drink, antisocial behaviour is a built-‐in feature of a ‘top night’ (Tomsen 1977).

Other violent behaviours termed ‘power displays’ also figure, where public

assertions of social power and a heightened sensitivity to challenges are

maintained (Boyatzis 1974; Gibbs 1985; Archer 1994). These behaviours operate

upon an underlying culture of violence. As Rob White (2009) has observed:

‘changes in rules of engagement and the influence of media in shaping a cultural

psyche of violence should not be underestimated’. To White, ‘young people are

brought up in a society that not only wants them to be assertive but lauds in its

own way violence of different kinds’, alluding to the normalisation of violence in

our country – in sports, television; and even verbally during parliamentarian

question time.

Interventions

In the analysis of measures that have been recently implemented in Australia, four

categories of intervention can be identified, namely, those emphasising:

(1) the physical availability of alcohol; or

(2) the drinking environment of licensed venues; or

(3) community safety; or

(4) the use of education to influence cultures of violence and drinking.

Babor et al. (2010) reported that strategies most effective in reducing violence in

entertainment precincts are those regulating the physical availability of alcohol;

and those modifying the drinking environment. It is important, however, to

recognise that within each category lay the potential for effective measures (as will

be discussed), since interventions are generally effective if they influence either the

behaviours of problem troublemakers or reduce total alcohol consumption.

1 Physical Availability of Alcohol

In analysing national and international reviews of the effect of trading hour

restrictions on alcohol-‐related harms, Babor et al. (2010) concluded it was the most

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effective (and cost effective) method. This effect was attributed to reductions in

alcohol consumption and patron numbers (Chrikritzhs & Stockwell 2002). Other

effective methods are those restricting venue density and the availability of alcohol

by strength (Babor et al. 2010; Chkritzhs et al. 2007).

In 2008, in the context of escalating alcohol-‐fuelled violence and community

concern in Victoria, the police forced legislative enforcement of s 104 of the Liquor

Act 2007 (NSW) on 15 Newcastle hotels, forcing them (among other interventions)

to reduce their trading hours to 3:30am. The DANTE Report (2012) found that a

raft of community benefits had resulted, namely:

(1) reduced assaults reported to police;

(2) downward trend of injuries at the ED during HAHs;

(3) declining rates of mean self-‐rated intoxication; and

(4) less strain on police resources.

Kypri (2011) evaluated the intervention and found that night-‐time assaults fell

from 99 per quarter to 66.7. Anecdotal evidence from the NSW Police Force

reported significant reductions in alcohol-‐related crime; and in the words of one

policeman, caused: ‘a dramatic and noticeable change’ (DANTE Report 2012, pp.

174). Significantly, the report found there was a clear effect on drinking culture.

The s 104 interventions also introduced a raft of alcohol drink restrictions,

including no shots after 10pm and no mixed drinks with more than 30mL of

alcohol. The DANTE Report (2012) found that a majority of key informants found

the restrictions to be effective in reducing intoxication. Its effectiveness was found

to lie in sending messages regarding what ‘responsible’ drinking is; and in allowing

servers to more easily enforce RSA guidelines. A major limitation, however, was the

potential substitution of alcohol through pre-‐drinking.

2 Drinking Environment of Licensed Venues

Modifying the drinking environment include strategies such as staff training in

responsible service of alcohol (RSA) and enhanced enforcement of liquor

legislation (Babor et al. 2010). RSA is the most popular intervention employed

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around the world, its effectiveness however, remains controversial. A more

tangible intervention, which was applied in the s. 104 conditions were RSA

marshals who proactively monitored the crowd for intoxication. The benefits

identified in the DANTE Report (2012) were two-‐fold. First was their effect on

security and bar staff, as marshals signified physical reminders of their RSA

imperative. Second, communication with patrons increased awareness that

intoxication was no longer acceptable. The effectiveness of this measure is

contingent on whether management promotes RSA and is limited by venue size.

It has been suggested that liquor law enforcement by the police should target those

most likely to reduce alcohol-‐related harms, namely licensees, rather than patrons

(Nicholas 2008). The Alcohol Linking Program in NSW illustrates this proposition.

The program operated by identifying the last place of drinking of an intoxicated

apprehended offender. This allowed the police to report information to licensees;

and conduct a structured audit of their RSA and management practices. Over 3

months, the program was associated with a 36% drop in alcohol-‐related criminal

incidents, with assault-‐rates declining 32% (Wiggins 2007). Strict enforcement of

liquor laws is therefore effective in ensuring best practices in licensed venues.

Regulation through the emergence of liquor ‘Accords’, as a means to promote

communication, has also been shown to be effective (Nicholas 2008). Geelong is

internationally known for its first documented liquor Accord in 1991, providing

licensees, police and local council officers to meet regularly; and make agreements

on intervention strategies (Lang & Rumbold 1997). Following its introduction,

serious assault rates declined to 63% of the comparison rate for other areas

(Rumbold et al. 1998). Its long-‐term effectiveness, however, requires systematic

stakeholder enforcement.

3 Community Safety

A popular request from community and industry personal are requests for

increased police presence. In 2007 and 2008, Geelong maximised police visibility

during high-‐risk hours through ‘Operation Nightlife 1’ and the ‘Safe Streets

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Taskforce’. The DANTE Report (2012) found no noticeable effect on injury

attendances, instead assaults and ED attendances rose. This measure is not advised,

as it is has been shown ineffective; and is a strain on police resources.

A more effective use of scarce police resources has been shown to reduce violence.

Implementation of Geelong’s ‘Fine strategy’ in 2010 (made aware through the So

You Know campaign) allowed police to aggressively issue fines for antisocial

behaviour. The strategy was associated with a decrease in ED assault incidents and

reductions in Victoria Police assault data (DANTE Report 2012). This measure is an

attractive one, as limited stakeholder objection; and the limited strain on police-‐

resources, means that aggressive issuance of fines can be pragmatically

implemented. The strategy can be viewed as an effective reactive measure limiting

the ability of anti-‐social behaviour to continue or escalate.

Another recommendation is to introduce late-‐hour entry restrictions termed

‘lockouts’ (KPMG 2008; Mazerolle et al. 2012). Its rationale is that violence in the

NTE is due to movement of people between venues during early morning hours.

The introduction of lockouts in the s. 104 interventions was found to have limited

effectiveness (DANTE Report 2012). Lockouts have been posited to be ineffective

for two main reasons. Firstly, unlike trading restrictions, lockouts do not address

the core problem of alcohol consumption. Secondly, it creates potential for

aggressive behaviours at the door, as aggression could increase if one was denied

entry and friends were inside.

Violence has also shown to be perpetuated by lack of transport options for patrons

(Homel et al. 1992; Graham & Homel 2004; 2008). Therefore effective transport

moving patrons out of NTE’s quickly, at the end of the night, can be a major element

in reducing violence. A study on the ‘safe taxi’ ranks implemented in Geelong found

mixed results. Data from both the Geelong ED and local police found it had no

significant effect (DANTE Report 2012). Ultimately transport options remain a

community safety measure targeting transport shortages at the end of the night;

and without acting on alcohol consumption, restricts its ability to effect violence.

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In 2007, Geelong implemented one of the first radio networks within their NTE.

The network operated through utilising all the ‘eyes and ears’ of the street,

allowing for interaction between stakeholders to a local police base station that

was monitored by a safety camera officer watching over the CCTV. The DANTE

Report (2012) found it was ineffective in reducing assaults and injury attendances

at the ED. Its benefits however, if utilised properly, lie in improving community

safety through proactive means, as the network can identify troublesome groups

early, enabling for early intervention; and gives police access to ‘real time’

information.

ID scanners identifying banned individuals, although well-‐liked and accepted by

major stakeholders, have yet to be fully implemented in Australia. A technological

extension of common practice, empirical research has yet to documented its

effectiveness (Graham & Chandler-‐Couts 2000). Although the DANTE Report

(2012) found it had no significant effect, it is unclear whether it realistically

prevents violence or shifts them into other environments (Miller et al. 2011); and

whether the spontaneous nature of alcohol-‐fuelled violence means the threat of

bans is unlikely to reduce actual assaults within premises.

4 Education

Various educational strategies have been implemented to change both our culture

of drinking; and culture of public violence. Mass educational campaigns direct high

school youths and university students to enhance their self-‐cognition; and

encourage them to take responsibility for high-‐risk drinking and irresponsible

behaviour associated with alcohol consumption (Moore 2000). The ‘Don’t Turn a

Night Out into a Nightmare’ media campaign, attempted to demonstrate the

violence and indiscretions associated with high-‐risk alcohol consumption. 'Step

Bank Think’, a youth-‐generated intervention, involves young people talking to

other young people about the real life cases of harm and violence, striving to break

down culturally ingrained attitudes towards violence.

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Education can also be utilised to influence societal factors behind our consumption.

School-‐based alcohol education have been proposed to implement affective

approaches to build self-‐esteem; acting to de-‐normalise our drinking culture so that

young people are less vulnerable to peer pressure in social settings (Hughes 2008).

Educational awareness, although popular, can be ineffective. The ‘Just Think’ social

marketing campaign in Geelong provides such an example, as it was in fact linked

with increased rates of assault (DANTE Report 2012). Three main failures have

been identified. Firstly, it has failed to address alcohol consumption. This, as the

writer has acknowledged is the foremost means to reduce violence. Its focus was

rather ad hoc in nature, featuring particular instances of unconscionable violence.

Secondly, the campaign sensationalised alcohol-‐fuelled violence and adversely

affected public anxiety in the NTE, causing people to misinterpret non-‐violent cues

as aggressive (Leonard et al. 2004; Borders et al. 2007;Quigley & Leonard 2006).

Thirdly, the program provided no practical strategies for individuals to avoid

aggression or defuse potentially violent situations.

Australia: The Future

In January 2014, Prime Minister Abbott wrote an open letter calling for action on

binge drinking and alcohol-‐fuelled violence, stating: “Alcohol has and always will

be part of life in our country … Our challenge as a people is to ensure that we get

the balance right again” (Abbot 2014). Therefore, the challenge for criminologists is

to determine how best to encompass the myriad of factors that lead to aggression

and violence, whilst not contributing to the problem itself (Mcllwain & Homel

2009).

It is argued that the best model of intervention involves an integrative three-‐

pronged approach. Firstly, interventions must focus on reductions in alcohol

consumption. Alcohol increases aggression in individuals, therefore reductions in

consumption yields the best results. This proposition is evidenced by the effect of

reducing trading hours on licensed venues. Given the majority of known assaults

arise around venues, their operations figure prominently in implementing drink

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restrictions. Although our culture of drinking will subsist, our ‘drunken culture’

need not. Educational strategies are therefore instrumental in not only educating

our next generation of youths the health and social consequences of high-‐risk

consumption, but act to de-‐normalise binge drinking or drinking generally,

therefore relieving the generational pressure upon youths to partake in a drinking

culture. Ultimately, where responsible drinking approaches fail, policy-‐makers,

similar to anti-‐smoking laws, must strictly regulate consumption through taxes or

by introducing tougher licensing legislation that aim to reduce heavy consumption.

Secondly, interventions must focus on influencing behaviours of individuals whilst

drinking. While overt measures, evidenced by Geelong’s ‘Fine strategy’, have been

effective in influencing behaviours, the underlying problem of violence permeates

throughout much of Australia. In avoiding the ‘Just Think’ failures, educational or

awareness campaigns must promote practical strategies to avoid aggression and

defuse potentially violent situations; and effectively highlight the deadly

consequences of the ‘one punch’. This is illustrated by an advertisement supported

by renowned Australian boxer -‐ Danny Green:

‘Take it from me, one punch can be lethal. Thrown out of anger like this,

without warning, without gloves, can be deadly. One punch can end his life and

ruin yours. It takes grunt to throw it, it takes guts to walk away.’

Thirdly, these two interventions must operate alongside community measures that

incorporate stakeholders to minimise community harm. Those discussed include:

liquor accords, radio networks, safe transport options, across-‐the-‐board ID

scanners; and liquor law enforcement by police to ensure best practices in venues.

Education features prominently in these suggested strategies, however, in the

opinion of the writer, measures that fail to effectively influence our drinking

culture (and its permutations); and our culture of violence, will merely reduce

violence in the long-‐term to levels unacceptable to the Australian community.

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the problem of alcohol-fuelled violence in australia and effective australian policy interventions

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