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ROOTS OF EUROPE – LANGUAGE, CULTURE, AND MIGRATIONS UNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN The sound of Indo-European Phonetics, phonemics, and morphophonemics 16–19 April 2009 Abstracts photo: Mirjam Marti

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ROOTS OF EUROPEndash LANGUAGE CULTURE AND MIGRATIONSUNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN

The sound of Indo-EuropeanPhonetics phonemics and morphophonemics16ndash19 April 2009

Abstracts

photo Mirjam Marti

ROOTS OF EUROPEndash LANGUAGE CULTURE AND MIGRATIONSUNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN

The sound of Indo-EuropeanPhonetics phonemics and morphophonemics16ndash19 April 2009

Abstracts

rootsofeuropekudk

Contents

CONFERENCE PROGRAMME V

Vaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals 1

Lars Brink The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo 6

ANDREW BYRD Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis 7

Paul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w 9

Michael Frotscher On final ‑r in Vedic 10

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben 12

Piotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑ 14

Aaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences 15

Ireacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in Nuristani 17

Eugen Hill 19 Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Adam Hyllested 21 The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

ANders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic 23

II Contents

Joshua T Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma 24

Goumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters 25

Alwin Kloekhorst The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite 27

Agnes Korn Parthian ž 28

Guus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation 29

Martin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel 30

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen 31

Marek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo 32

Biliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek 33

Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents 35

Kanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology 37

Georges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns 39

Charles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialects 41

IIIContents

Tijmen Pronk The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek 43

JENS ELMEGAringRD RASMUSSEN Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics 44

Giancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects 45

Ilja Seržant Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑ 47

Vitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian 48

Zsolt SImon PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law 50

Thomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system 51

Dieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndashanother good example of unconditioned a 54

David Stifter The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish 56

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered 57

Brent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence 58

Gordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology 60

Paul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation 61

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

ROOTS OF EUROPEndash LANGUAGE CULTURE AND MIGRATIONSUNIVERSITY OF COPENHAGEN

The sound of Indo-EuropeanPhonetics phonemics and morphophonemics16ndash19 April 2009

Abstracts

rootsofeuropekudk

Contents

CONFERENCE PROGRAMME V

Vaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals 1

Lars Brink The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo 6

ANDREW BYRD Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis 7

Paul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w 9

Michael Frotscher On final ‑r in Vedic 10

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben 12

Piotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑ 14

Aaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences 15

Ireacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in Nuristani 17

Eugen Hill 19 Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Adam Hyllested 21 The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

ANders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic 23

II Contents

Joshua T Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma 24

Goumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters 25

Alwin Kloekhorst The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite 27

Agnes Korn Parthian ž 28

Guus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation 29

Martin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel 30

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen 31

Marek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo 32

Biliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek 33

Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents 35

Kanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology 37

Georges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns 39

Charles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialects 41

IIIContents

Tijmen Pronk The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek 43

JENS ELMEGAringRD RASMUSSEN Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics 44

Giancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects 45

Ilja Seržant Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑ 47

Vitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian 48

Zsolt SImon PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law 50

Thomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system 51

Dieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndashanother good example of unconditioned a 54

David Stifter The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish 56

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered 57

Brent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence 58

Gordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology 60

Paul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation 61

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

Contents

CONFERENCE PROGRAMME V

Vaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals 1

Lars Brink The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo 6

ANDREW BYRD Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis 7

Paul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w 9

Michael Frotscher On final ‑r in Vedic 10

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben 12

Piotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑ 14

Aaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences 15

Ireacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in Nuristani 17

Eugen Hill 19 Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Adam Hyllested 21 The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

ANders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic 23

II Contents

Joshua T Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma 24

Goumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters 25

Alwin Kloekhorst The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite 27

Agnes Korn Parthian ž 28

Guus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation 29

Martin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel 30

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen 31

Marek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo 32

Biliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek 33

Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents 35

Kanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology 37

Georges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns 39

Charles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialects 41

IIIContents

Tijmen Pronk The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek 43

JENS ELMEGAringRD RASMUSSEN Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics 44

Giancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects 45

Ilja Seržant Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑ 47

Vitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian 48

Zsolt SImon PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law 50

Thomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system 51

Dieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndashanother good example of unconditioned a 54

David Stifter The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish 56

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered 57

Brent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence 58

Gordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology 60

Paul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation 61

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

II Contents

Joshua T Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma 24

Goumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters 25

Alwin Kloekhorst The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite 27

Agnes Korn Parthian ž 28

Guus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation 29

Martin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel 30

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen 31

Marek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo 32

Biliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek 33

Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents 35

Kanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology 37

Georges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns 39

Charles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialects 41

IIIContents

Tijmen Pronk The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek 43

JENS ELMEGAringRD RASMUSSEN Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics 44

Giancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects 45

Ilja Seržant Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑ 47

Vitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian 48

Zsolt SImon PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law 50

Thomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system 51

Dieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndashanother good example of unconditioned a 54

David Stifter The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish 56

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered 57

Brent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence 58

Gordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology 60

Paul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation 61

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

IIIContents

Tijmen Pronk The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek 43

JENS ELMEGAringRD RASMUSSEN Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics 44

Giancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects 45

Ilja Seržant Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑ 47

Vitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian 48

Zsolt SImon PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law 50

Thomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system 51

Dieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndashanother good example of unconditioned a 54

David Stifter The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish 56

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered 57

Brent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence 58

Gordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology 60

Paul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation 61

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

IV Contents

ILYA YAKUBOVICH Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence 62

Nicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic 64

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

V

Programme

All lectures will take place in

Room 23050The Faculty of HumanitiesKoslashbenhavns Universitet Amager (KUA)Njalsgade 1202300 Copenhagen S

Wednesday 15 April 2009

1600ndash1800 Registration and informal drinks

Room 22526Department of Nordic Studies and Linguistics (KUA)

1830 Informal dinner at participantsrsquo own expense (details to be announced)

Bryggens Spisehus Islands Brygge 18 2300 Koslashbenhavn S Phone (+45) 32540082

wwwbryggensdk

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

VI Thursday 16 April 2009

800ndash1030 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1030ndash1045 Welcome and practical information (room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

1st section Chair Paul WidmerRosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne Zeilfelder Optimale Onsets im IndogermanischenAndrew Byrd Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysisGoumltz Keydana Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

2nd section Chair Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenEugen Hill Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-EuropeanGeorges-Jean Pinault Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

3rd section Chair Jenny Helena LarssonJens Elmegaringrd Rasmussen Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European morphophonemics reintroducing phoneticsJoshua Katz Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digammaBiliana Mihaylova Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

4th section Chair Agnes Korn

Tijmen PronkThe ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Lucien van Beek Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

VIIFriday 17 April 2009

800ndash930 Registration (in front of room 23050)

930ndash1030930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

5th section Chair Thomas OlanderMarek Majer The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ĕ from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquoIna Vishogradska Vowel harmony in the Slavonic loanwords hosted in Hungarian (Phonol characteristics of Slavonic loanwords in non-IE languages)

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

6th section Chair Rosemarie LuumlhrPiotr Gąsiorowski The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further observations on the reflexes of PIE -sr-Paolo Milizia On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -skeo- suffixed presentsIlja Seržant Ein tocharisches Lautgesetz -sl- gt -ll--l-

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

7th section Chair Birgit Anette OlsenMartin J Kuumlmmel Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowelsPaul Widmer Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal deriva‑tion

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash16301530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

8th section Chair Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Hyllested The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European aDieter Steinbauer Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

1730 Sightseeing Copenhagen from the seaside(for registered participants)

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

VIII Saturday 18 April 2009

800ndash900 Registration (in front of room 23050)

900ndash1030900ndash930

930ndash1000

1000ndash1030

9th section Chair Georges-Jean PinaultMichael Frotscher On final -r in VedicIreacuten Hegedűs The ruki-rule in NuristaniAgnes Korn Parthian ž

1030ndash1045 Coffee break

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

10th section Chair Ireacuten HegedűsVaacuteclav Blažek On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngealsThomas Smitherman Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of IE borrowings for the reconstruction of the PIE phonological systemGordon Whittaker Aspects of Euphratic phonology

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1445

1445ndash1515

11th section Chair Benedicte NielsenBrent Vine PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidenceKanehiro Nishimura Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash17001530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

12th section Chair Joshua KatzPaul S Cohen amp Adam Hyllested A new sound law of PIE initial h₃w gt h₂wVitalij Shevoroshkin Indo-European laryngeals in AnatolianGiancarlo Schirru Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

1900 Conference dinner (details to be announced)Madklubben Store Kongensgade 66 1264 Koslashbenhavn K Phone (+45) 33 32 32 34 wwwmadklubbeninfo

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

IXSunday 19 April 2009

1000ndash1045 Registration (in front of room 23050)

1045ndash12151045ndash1115

1115ndash1145

1145ndash1215

13th section Chair David StifterAaron Griffith Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequencesAnders Richardt Joslashrgensen The development of Proto-Celtic sk in BrythonicNicholas Zair A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

1215ndash1345 Lunch break

1345ndash15151345ndash1415

1415ndash1445

1445ndash1515

14th section Chair Hans GoumltzscheDavid Stifter The sociophonemics of Late GaulishCharles Prescott Germanic and the ruki dialectsGuus Kroonen The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated into consonant gradation

1515ndash1530 Coffee break

1530ndash1630

1530ndash1600

1600ndash1630

1630ndash1700

15th section Chair Susanne Zeilfelder

Lars BrinkThe etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Alwin KloekhorstThe phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Zsolt SimonPIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

1700ndash1715 Coffee break

1715ndash1815

1715ndash1745

1745ndash1815

16th section Chair Gordon Whittaker

Joseacute Virgilio Garciacutea TrabazoPhonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

Ilya Yakubovich Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of IE evidence

1815 End of the conference

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

1

On Indo-European correspondences to Afro-Asiatic laryngeals

vAacuteCLAV bLAžеKMasaryk University Brno

The present list of lexical comparisons between Afroasiatic and Indo-Europe-an was chosen according to two criteria (i) The phonetic correspondences are in agreement with the phonetic rules established by VM Illič-Svityč and A Dolgopolsky (with exception of laryngeals which represent the weakest point of the lsquoOldrsquo Moscow Nostratic school) (ii) The cognates contain the larynge-als Preliminary conclusions are based on these figures

1 AA rsquo ~ IE H1 (9times)2 AA C ~ IE H2 (12times) H3 (4times) plus 3 cases of uncertain laryngeal in IE3 AA ħ ~ IE H2 (8times) H3 (maybe 1times) plus 1ndash2 cases of uncertain laryngeal

in IE4 AA h ~ IE H2 (3times) H3 (2times) plus 1 case of uncertain laryngeal in IE

It seems that AA C ħ h merged in IE H2 and H3 is only a rarer variant of H2

AA rsquo

1 Semitic radicrsquo-b-y ldquoto want desirerdquo ||| Egyptian 3bj ldquoto wish desirerdquo DaggerDagger IE Hyebh-Heibh‑ to copulaterdquo

2 AA radicrsquo‑m‑ Egyptian (OK) 3mm ldquoto catch by fistrdquo ||| Berber Shilha aumlmi ldquoto contain ||| Chadic (C) Tera oom ldquoto catch seizerdquo Musgu iacutema ime id || (E) Lele ōm ldquoto seize takerdquo Kabalai am ldquoto catchrdquo DaggerDagger IE H1em‑ ldquoto takerdquo

3 AA radicrsquo-y-s Semitic rsquoiš‑ Old Akkadian inf išucirc in the suffix conjugation iš-āku ldquoI haverdquo in the prefix conjugation tīšu ldquoyou haverdquo lt ti-išu lit ldquotibi estrdquo īšu ldquohe hasrdquo lt yi-išu lit ldquoei estrdquo (rarr ldquothere isrdquo) ||| Cushitic (E) Afar ase Saho as- ldquoto spend the dayrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Zayse yes- ldquoessercirdquo DaggerDagger IE H1es‑ ldquoto berdquo

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

2 Vaacuteclav Blažek

4 AA radicrsquo-t-yw amp radict-rsquo-yw Semitic radict-rsquo‑w bdquoto eatldquo ||| Egyptian t bdquobreadldquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja tiyu bdquofoodldquo || (E) Bayso eede ldquoto eatrdquo Oromo ito ldquofoodrdquo Sidamo Burji it‑ ldquoto eatrdquo ||| Chadic (W) Fyer et Tangale edi Mburku ti || (C) Zime Batna tiacute || (E) Dangla tegraveegrave Migama tiacuteyaacutew Mubi tuacutewagravetigraveyaacute bdquoto eatldquo ||| Berber radicw-t-t habitative tattaH id DaggerDagger IE H1ed- ldquoto eat biterdquo

5 Semitic birsquor- ~ bursquor‑ ldquowell springrdquo ||| Egyptian b3y(t) ldquoWasserlochrdquo DaggerDagger IE bhreacuteH1wr gen bhruH1noacutes ldquowell springrdquo

6 Semitic radicr-rsquo-y ldquoto see look at understand observerdquo DaggerDagger IE reH1- ldquoberech-nen meinenrdquo

7 Semitic radicr-d-rsquo ldquoto give a support to dedicate offer protect ldquo DaggerDagger IE reH1dh‑ ldquobeachten sich kuumlmmernrdquo

8 Semitic radicw-d-rsquo ldquoto achieve complete bring to a conclusion make (an end)rdquo ||| Egyptian wdj ldquosetzen stellen legen geben darbringen einsetzen ernen-nenrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheH1‑ ldquostellen legen setzen machenrdquo

9 Semitic radicw-r-rsquo ldquoto be afraidrdquo DaggerDagger IE wer(H1)- ldquoto warnrdquo (according to LIV 685 essive wr-H1yeacute- but an alternative morphological segmentation wrH1-yeacute- is possible)

AA C

10 Semitic radicC-d-w ldquoto cross pass over move marchrdquo DaggerDagger IE weH2dh‑ ldquodurch-schreitenrdquo

11 Semitic radicC‑k‑w ldquoto rise be big and fatrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2eug- ldquoto be strong growrdquo12 Semitic radicC-l-y ldquoto mound up ascendrdquo ||| Egyptian Cr ~ jCr ldquoto mount up

ascendrdquo ||| Berber radicH-l-y ldquoto mount riserdquo ||| Chadic (W) Angas yaal ldquoto get up riserdquo Tangale ile ldquoto stand up rise startrdquo Geji hilya ldquoto stand uprdquo | (E) Kwang aaleacute- Ngam aleacute Sumray rsquoagraveyl- ldquoto climbrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Cal- ldquomountainrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ ldquoto grow nourishrdquo H2el‑to‑ ldquohigh oldrdquo

13 Semitic Ugaritic Cl ldquonextrdquo or ldquosecondrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2el‑ in the derivatives alyo- alno- al-tero- ldquoother secondrdquo

14 Semitic Caing-(at-) gt bdquoneckldquo and or Arabic ħanğarat amp ħunğūr ldquolarynxrdquo ||| Egyptian (18Dyn) ħngg ldquoSchlundrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enĝhu‑ ldquoneckrdquo

15 Semitic Ugaritic Caq ldquoeyeballrdquo Hebrew Cāqā id DaggerDagger IE okʷ- (H3ekʷ-) ldquoeyerdquo

16 Semitic radicC-q-q ldquoto make the cloud to rainrdquo radicC-q-y ldquoto give to drinkrdquo ||| Cushitic (C) rsquoaqʷ ldquowaterrdquo ||| Omotic (N) Yemsa akagrave id DaggerDagger IE H2ekʷ- ldquowaterrdquo

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

3Vaacuteclav Blažek

17 Egyptian (OK) Cr ldquoBinserdquo C3C ldquoSchilfrohrrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2er-H2or‑ gt Greek aacuteron ldquoArt Schilfrohr Natterwurzrdquo Latin harundō ldquoRohrrdquo Hittite arisanda- ldquoArt Rohrrdquo

18 Semitic radicC‑r‑k ldquoto prepare lay out set in rowsrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3reĝ- ldquogerade rich-ten ausstreckenrdquo

19 Egyptian Cwt ldquoKleinviehrdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja eewu ldquocapricornrdquo DaggerDagger IE H3ewi‑ bdquosheepldquo

20 Semitic Cayan- ldquoeyerdquo ||| Egyptian Cn rdquoeyerdquo (reconstructed on the basis of the hieroglyph depicting ldquoeyerdquo) ||| Cushitic Dahalo Ceen-aad‑ ldquoto see from afarrdquo ||| Berber radicn-H-y ldquoto seerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Bole igravennaacutea- ldquoto see thinkrdquo Daffo-Butura yen ldquoto seerdquo Geji yenicirc yegraveni ldquoto seerdquo || (E) Jegu rsquoinn‑ ldquoto know canrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- gt Old Indic nayana-ā- ldquoeyerdquo Latin re-nīdeō ldquoerglaumlnzenrdquo niteō -ēre ldquoglaumlnze strahlerdquo Middle Irish niacuteam ldquoGlanz Schoumlnheitrdquo

21 Semitic radicd‑r‑C ldquoto spread out stretch armsrdquo DaggerDagger IE sterH3- ldquoausbreitenrdquo22 Semitic naCar- ldquoyoung man lad fellowrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2ner‑ ldquomanrdquo23 Egyptian pCw ldquofirerdquo ||| Berber (S) ē-fiHiw pl ī-fiHiw-ān ldquofirerdquo ||| Chadic

(C) Gidar afaacute Logone fo Musgu afu ldquofirerdquo DaggerDagger IE peH2w-(rn-) ldquofirerdquo 24 Semitic radicš-m-C ldquoto hear listen understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE sH2em‑ ldquosongrdquo 25 Semitic radicw-C‑k Arabic waCaka ldquoecirctre treacutes chaud (jour ďeacuteteacute) DaggerDagger IE H2eug-

ldquoGlanz Strahl Tageslichtrdquo26 Semitic Syriac yaCCā bdquoavis quadem pterocles al coturnixldquo Tigre wiCe bdquosor-

te de passereauldquo || Egyptian CwC ldquoein Vogelrdquo Cjw ldquoGraukranich-Jungvogelrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2woi‑s nom H2wei‑s gen ldquobirdrdquo (Schindler)

27 Semitic radicwy-d-C ldquoto knowrdquo ||| Egyptian ydC ldquoklugrdquo ||| Cushitic (E) Saho diC- amp deC‑ ldquoto know understand canrdquo Somali daC‑ ldquomay understandrdquo DaggerDagger IE dheiH-dhyeH- ldquoto see know thinkrdquo

28 Semitic radicw-l-C ldquoto grow frivolous greedy for desirerdquo ||| Chadic (W) Sura wal Mupun wāl ldquoto loverdquo DaggerDagger IE welH- ldquoto want wishrdquo

AA h

29 Semitic Biblical Aramaic hāk in yəhāk ldquohe goesrdquo Arabic dial (Maghreb) hāk ldquoecirctre bon marcheur rapide (cheval)rdquo DaggerDagger IE Haeĝ- gt aĝ- ldquoto drive lead guide travelrdquo

30 Semitic harar- ldquomountainrdquo ||| Egyptian hr ldquoWaldgebirgerdquo DaggerDagger IE H3er‑H3or‑ Hittite aru- ldquohighrdquo arai- ldquoto rise lift raiserdquo Greek oacuteros ldquoBerg Anhoumlherdquo oreacutesteros ldquoauf den Bergen lebendrdquo Middle Irish or acc pl uru m

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

4 Vaacuteclav Blažek

ldquocoast bankrdquo airer ldquocoast havenrdquo lt air- + or Welsh ocircr ldquolimit edge brim marginrdquo Old Breton or ldquoedgerdquo

31 Egyptian (OK) hrw ldquodayrdquo ||| Berber Ahaggar tarut pl tiruticircn Taneslemt tărăhut ldquoheures du milieu du jourrdquo lt tā-ruHūH-t amp tā-raHūH-t respec-tively ||| Chadic (C) Buduma yīrow yēraacuteu īrau ldquodayrdquo || (E) Dangla rsquoeri‑yo ldquonoonrdquo cf Semitic radicw-h-r amp radicn-h-r ldquoto shinerdquo Mandaic ywrrsquo ldquolight brightness brilliancerdquo Hebrew nəhārā ldquolight of dayrdquo Arabic wāhir ldquoshining whiterdquo amp nahār ldquoclear day morningrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2reu‑ Hittite harwanai- ldquoto be clear dawnrdquo Old Indic ravi- ldquo sunrdquo Armenian arew id

32 Semitic radicb-h-wy ldquoto be beautiful shine with beautyrdquo DaggerDagger IE bheH2‑ ldquoto shinerdquo

33 Semitic radick-h-n ldquoto foretell the futurerdquo ||| Cushitic (N) Beja kehun ldquoto like have affection forrdquo DaggerDagger IE ĝneH3‑ ldquoto knowrdquo

34 Semitic nahar- ldquoriverrdquo ||| Egyptian nhr ldquolaufen rennenrdquo (hinwegstrouml-men)rdquo DaggerDagger IE nerH- ldquountertauchenrdquo cf Old Indic pl nārās ldquowatersrdquo Lithu-anian naragrave ldquorivulet brookrdquo

AA ħ

35 Egyptian ħCpj ldquoNil Uumlberschwemmungrdquo maybe is related Arabic ħaffat ldquoedge border rim siderdquo (cf Latin rīpa ldquoUferrdquo Spanish ribera ldquoUfer Bachrdquo French riviegravere ldquoAurdquo) DaggerDagger IE H2e(H)p- ldquowater riverrdquo H2ep‑H3on- gt abon- ldquohaving the flowing waterrdquo

36 Semitic radicħ-m-r- ldquoto be redrdquo DaggerDagger IE H2mr-u- H2mrwo‑ Luwian marway(a)- ldquorotrdquo cf the hydronym Marassantiya- written also IacuteDSA5 ldquoRed Riverrdquo cor-responding to the river Kızıl Irmak in Turkish ldquoRed Riverrdquo Greek amauroacutes ldquodunkel truumlbe schwachrdquo

37 Semitic radicħ-ś-w ldquoto be dry (foliage)rdquo radicħ-śš-śš ldquoto mowrdquo Hebrew ħăšaš ldquodried grass or foliagerdquo DaggerDagger IE H2seus‑ lt H2s-(H)eus- ldquoto become dryrdquo

38 Semitic radicrsquo-n-hħx ldquoto breathrdquo ||| Egyptian Cnx ldquoto liverdquo DaggerDagger IE H2enH1‑ ldquoto breathrdquo

Note The etymons are compatible in the case of metathesis of the larynge-als in one of the families

39 Semitic Akkadian puxālu ldquomale animal of ram bull stallionrdquo Ugaritic pħl ldquostallion assrdquo Arabic faħl ldquostallionrdquo DaggerDagger IE poHl-peH3l‑ ldquofoal filly marerdquo

40 Semitic radicg-ħ-f ldquoto gather take out carry off rdquo DaggerDagger IE (ĝ)heH2b- ldquoto take catchrdquo

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

5Vaacuteclav Blažek

41 Semitic radicn-ħ-yw ldquoto lead move in a certain direction acrossrdquo DaggerDagger IE neiH- ldquoto guide leadrdquo

42 Semitic radicl-p-ħ ldquoto burn scorchrdquo DaggerDagger IE leH2p‑ ldquoto burn shinerdquo43 Semitic radicp-t-ħ ldquoto openrdquo DaggerDagger IE petH2‑ ldquoto openrdquo 44 Semitic radicr-w-ħ ldquoto extend spread oneself out be widerdquo ||| Egyptian (MK)

w3ħ ldquodauernrdquo DaggerDagger IE reuH- ldquoto open a spacerdquo

AA x

45 Semitic Arabic naxšūš ldquonostrilrdquo Mehri naxśicircś ldquonoserdquo DaggerDagger IE neHs-Hnos- ldquonoserdquo

Abbreviations AA Afroasiatic C Central IE Indo-European N North S South W West

Basic Sources

Brunner Linus 1969 Die gemeinsamen Wurzeln des semitischen und indogermanischen Wort-schatzes Versuch eine Etymologie Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

Dictionnaire des racines seacutemitiques by David Cohen et al Paris-La Haye Mouton 1970fIllič-Svityč Vladislav M 1967 Materialy k sravniteľnomu slovarju nostratičeskix jazykov

Ėtimologija 1965 321ndash373Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 1968 Sootvetstvija smyčnyx v nostratičeskix jazykax Ėtimologija 1966

304ndash355Illič-Svityč Vladislav M 19717684 Opyt sravnenija nostratičeskix jazykov I-III Moskva Nau-

kaLIV Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen by

Helmut Rix Martin Kuumlmmel Thomas Zehnder Reiner Lipp and Brigitte Schirmer Wies-baden Reichert

Moslashller Hermann 1909 Indoeuropaeligisk-semitisk sammenlignende glossarium Kjoslashbenhavn Schultz

Moslashller Hermann 1917 Die semitisch-vorindogermanischen laryngalen Konsonanten Koslashben-havn Hoslashst amp soslashn

Pokorny Julius 1959 Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Bern-Muumlnchen Francke

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

6

The etymology of Danish kone lsquowife etcrsquo

Lars BrinkCopenhagen

Our dictionaries tell us that behind Goth qino Eng queen Nord kuna etc are two ablaut Proto-Germanic forms kwenōn and kunōn The former leading to East and West Germanic the latter and the former leading to Nord kunandashkunundashkunu(r)ndashkunumndashkwennakwinna

I show that the very double forms of the Nord genpl are lethal to kunōn And I support this by some Viking forms from the British Isles showing kw‑ outside the genpl

But how then do we come from kwe‑ to ku‑ in Nordic By nothing less than a sound law that has never been acknowledged we gt u

Having established that sound law by numerous examples I go deeper into it trying to explain some of its nature I find that it consists of 2 reducive ten-dencies non-fortis full vowel gt ə and schwa-assimilation the former being universal the latter being semi-universal But of course we shall never be able to explain why a sound law is active when in fact it is active

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

7

Predicting PIE syllabification through phonotactic analysis

ANDREW BYRDUniversity of California Los Angeles

Gernot Schmidt (1973) was the first to address the two variants of the PIE word for lsquodaughterrsquo attested in the Indo-European languages dhugh2ter‑ (Skt duhitaacuter- Gk thugaacuteter- etc) and dhukter‑ (Iranian duxtar- Arm dustr) He explains the loss of the laryngeal in certain reflexes of the PIE word for lsquodaugh-terrsquo by setting up a phonological rule for PIE (197354) whereby a laryngeal is lost in second position in a sequence of four consonants (CHCC gt CCC) Pre-sumably this deletion would have occurred in the oblique stem of lsquodaughterrsquo which is uncontroversially reconstructed as dhugh2tr‑

According to Schmidt this process of laryngeal deletion also operates in initial clusters For example the PIE word for lsquofatherrsquo is uncontroversially re-constructed as ph2teacuter with an oblique stem ph2tr‑ Almost all of the IE lan-guages that continue this root show a vocalic reflex of h2 in the initial syllable throughout the paradigm (Skt pitaacute pitr- etc) while GAv continues two dif-ferent stems pitar- (lt ph2ter‑) and fǝδr- (lt ph2tr‑ cf datsg fǝδrōi) Schmidt claims that the oblique stem fǝδr- is the direct reflex of ptr- from an earlier PIE ph2tr‑ lsquofather (datsg)rsquo He further links YAv tūriia- lsquofatherrsquos brotherrsquo and Proto-Slavic struyo- lsquoidrsquo as outcomes of the same process where h2 was de-leted in the sequence CHCC ptruya- lt ph2truya-

However the loss of a laryngeal in the initial sequence CHCR- would have resulted in the sequence CCR- which is the classic environment for the epenthesis of lsquoschwa secundumrsquo (eg mǵnoacute- gt Lat magnus lsquogreatrsquo Mayrhofer 1986 175ndash6 Vine 1999 11ff) and therefore would have produced a phonotacti-cally illegal sequence in PIE Moreover Avestan is the only language to exhibit paradigmatic alternation between ph2ter- and ptr- and so it is conceivable that this allomorphy is a secondary development Lastly and most seriously there are a number of counterexamples to Schmidtrsquos rule as provided by Hack-stein (2002) cf dhh1s-noacute- gt Lat fānum lsquotemplersquo (via fasno-) and related cog-nate Skt dhiṣṇya-

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

8 Andrew Byrd

The focus of my paper will be twofold First I will address these deficien-cies in Schmidtrsquos hypothesis and will attempt to generate a model that will better explain the data and also predict other instances of laryngeal deletion My approach incorporates an idea that has been floating around the gen-eral phonological literature for some time now (cf Hammond 1999 68ndash9) the Decomposition Theorem (DT) The DT states that all medial consonant clusters should consist of an occurring word-final cluster and an occurring word-initial cluster This means that a thorough phonotactic survey of all PIE word-initial and word-final clusters will allow us to predict which types of medial clusters were legal for the proto-language and which were not Thus the reason that dhugh2treacutes lsquodaughter (gensg)rsquo simplified to dhuktreacutes was that the medial cluster did not consist of a legal coda plus a legal onset An added benefit to such a phonotactically-based analysis of laryngeal deletion is that we gain further insight into the process of syllabification in PIE a topic which we currently know little to nothing about

References

Hackstein Olav 2002 ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo HS 115Hammond Michael 1999 The phonology of English a prosodic optimality-theoretic approach

Oxford amp New York Oxford University PressMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg WinterSchmidt Gernot 1973 ldquoDie iranischen Woumlrter fuumlr Tochterldquo und Vaterldquo und die Reflexe des

interkonsonantischen H (ǝ) in den idg Sprachenrdquo KZ 87 36ndash83Vine Brent 1999 ldquoGreek ῥίζα lsquorootrsquo and ldquoSchwa Secundumrdquordquo in UCLA Indo-European Studies

Volume 1 ed V Ivanov and B Vine 5ndash30

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

9

A new sound law of PIE initial h3w gt h2w

Paul S Cohen amp Adam HyllestedNew York amp University of Copenhagen

We formulate and give phonetic and phonological evidence for a new sound law of Proto-Indo-European whereby an earlier initial sequence of h3w gt h2w in the process we give arguments that bear on the phonetic makeup of h2 and h3 The PIE sound law has the benefit of explaining the infrequency (in fact as we will show absence) of initial PIE h3w and obviates any need for positing an ablauting a in the PIE root often given as h3wath2‑ [vel sim] ldquoto woundrdquo And together with an Anatolian sound law we presented and sup-ported in Cohen amp Hyllested (2006) the new sound law allows us to nail down the etyma of the PIE roots for ldquosheeprdquo ldquobirdrdquo and ldquoeggrdquo with no need for an ablauting a in ldquobirdrdquo

References

Cohen Paul S amp Adam Hyllested 2006 ldquoInitial h3 in Anatolian Regularity in ostensible chaosrdquo Paper presented at the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles No-vember 2006

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

10

On final ‑r in Vedic

Michael FrotscherUniversity of Munich

Although word-internal sonantic -r- is ndash contrary to the other IE languages ndash preserved as such in Ved there is no evidence of -r in word final position Either originally final -r is somehow extended by ‑t as in yaacutekr-t- lsquoliverrsquo śaacutekr-t- lsquofaecesrsquo agentive root-compound such as -bhr-t etc or ‑k as in aacutesr-k- lsquobloodrsquo or formations which would expectedly exhibit final -r are simply avoided as is the case of agentive root-nouns that do not show the t-extension where we find the masculine form instead of the neutral one cf AccSg m() bhoacutejanam tuacuteram lsquovordringenden Genuszligrsquo (RV 5 82 1d) gotraacutem hari-śriacuteyam lsquoden gold-glaumlnzenden Kuhstallrsquo (RV 8 50 10d)

The only instances left to show the normal representation of final -r are the few neutral rn-heteroclitics (other than yaacutekrt- śaacutekrt- and aacutesrk-) and the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter

Schindler BSL 70 (1975) 8 argued for Ved -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r ūdhar lsquoudderrsquo aacutehar lsquodayrsquo lt -r The objections made by Nussbaum that -ar is rather the continuant of a full-grade ‑er as in Lat ūber originally taken over from the oblique cases Lat feminis lt ‑en‑es is easily dismissed by the fact that the rn-stems do not show any fullgrade suffix in the oblique cases cf Ved gsg ūdhnas The ‑in‑ of the Lat form is due to anaptyxis But this leads to the question where -er in Lat rn-heteroclitics comes from The normal representation of -r in Lat is ‑or gt ‑ur I would however reckon a double rep-resentation of PIE final -r showing up in Lat as either ‑ur after labials (iecur lt iekwr femur) or ‑er after any other consonant (iter aser perh acer lsquoacornrsquo if lt aacutek-r) This soundlaw only accounts for the absolute final Problematic with regard to this sondlaw is ūber with its Lat labial coming from Ital dental ‑thorn‑ It is therefore necessary to examine the relative chronology of the two develop-ments Ital ‑thorn‑ gt Lat -b- and -r gt -or or ‑er resp Is the double representation of PIE -r already Proto-Ital or only Lat Apart from that consideration I will try to show that Lat ūber is not at all a direct parallel to Ved ūdhar but rather a substantivised adjective Ital ūthorneros lsquoudder-like fertile (metaph)rsquo with sec-ondary (although rarely attested) transeferring to the 3rd inflection The adj

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

11Michael Frotscher

ūber lsquofertilersquo is much earlier attested (Plaut Ter) the subst ūber being only relativley late (Cic+)

Consequently I think Schindlerrsquos claim of -ar as being the normal represen-tation of -r still is sustained the more so as it perfectly parallels the develop-ment of final -m in Ved I would however like to establish a special sound-law according to which only unaccented final -r gt Ved -ar whereas accented final -r gt ‑uacuter The only (problematic) evidence for the latter development is admittedly the 3plact perf ending ‑uacuter If there was originally no final ‑s in the ending (not -rs) the conditioning factor for the development can only be the accent In my paper I will try to show that final ‑s is not to be expected Perhaps even the gsg ending of r‑stems in ‑ur or ‑uacuter can be attributed to the effect of the accent as most of the gen-forms are oxytonic so that the devel-opment can be understood as -rs gt ‑uacuter‑s ‑uacuter rather than -rs gt ‑uacuter due to the final s

If final -r gt -ar and -r gt ‑ur the t‑extension in the above mentioned forma-tions cannot be due to phonological factors but must be explained morpho-logically In my paper I would like to present a morphological (analogical) so-lution to those t‑extensions which are also found in other daughter languages (cf lat ped-i-t- etc)

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

12

Phonologische und morphologische Bemerkungen zu den hethitischen -iea-Verben

joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazoUniversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Ziel des vorliegenden Beitraumlges ist es bei den Hethitischen sa-Verben moumlg-liche Reflexe der sogenannten ldquoEssivardquo (mE besser als ldquoFientivardquo zu verstehen) auf ‑h1-ieacuteoacute- zu finden die im Indoiranischen als Passiv grammatikalisiert worden sind Morphologische Reflexe solcher Praumlsentien haumltten wir zB bei ai tāyaacutete lsquoausgedehnt werdenrsquo lt tn-h1ieacute- (vgl Stativ tn-eacuteh1‑ gt lat teneo -ēre lsquohaltenrsquo usw) und vielleicht auch bei der ai Dehnung von kurzem i und u an der Morphemgrenze vor einem yod-Suffix wenn die Regel doch aus dem Pas-sivum entstand (zB sruyaacutete lsquowird gehoumlrtrsquo lt klu-h1-ieacute- vgl lat cluēre lsquogenannt werden heiszligenrsquo usw) Um die Hypothese zu uumlberpruumlfen verfuumlgen wir uumlber zwei Wege und zwar am erster Stelle eine ldquomorphologisch-vergleichenderdquo und dann eine zweite ldquophonologisch-synchronischerdquo (das ist die Uumlberpruumlfung der Heth Lenitionsregeln bei praumlhistorischen Akzentschwankungen)

Das wuumlrde natuumlrlich bedeuten daszlig man mit zwei (morphologisch sowohl als diachronisch) verschiedenen Heth Fientiv-Suffixe rechnen sollte das lsquoaltersquo auf ‑sea- (lt ‑h1-ieacuteoacute-) und das lsquoneuersquo auf -ēšš- (lt ‑eacuteh1‑sh1‑) obwohl doch mit derselben lsquoStativrsquo-Basis auf -(e)h1‑ Einige der moumlglichen Kandidaten zu lsquoaltenrsquo Hethitischen Fientiva waumlren zB (ltlt bedeutet ldquoindirekterdquo oder ldquoumge-stalterdquo Herleitung) die folgende

arai-i ari- lsquoto (a)rise to lift to raisersquo ltlt IE h3r-h1ieacuteoacute- (lat orior [EDH (= Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon A Kloek-horst 2008) 200])

3plpresact a-ri-sa-an-zi (KUB 23 i 44 ii 29) uswharkiiea-i lsquoto get lost to loose oneself to disappear to perishrsquo lt IE [h3erg-

h3rg-] h3rg-h1ieacuteoacute- (OIr orgaid lsquoto kill to ravage to devastatersquo conmiddotoirg lsquoto smitersquo Arm () harkanem lsquoto smite to smashrsquo) [EDH 306 HW2 (= Hethiti‑sches Woumlrterbuch J Friedrich amp A Kammenhuber 1975ff) e 297f]

3plpresact har-ki-ia-an-zi (OHMS) 3sgimpact [har-]ki-e-ed-du (MHNS) usw

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

13joseacute virgilio garciacutea trabazo

Als Kausativbildungen stehen die Ableitungen harni(n)k-i und harknu-i lsquoto destroy to ruinrsquo

parkiiea-i [ park-tta(ri)] lsquoto raise to lift to elevate to grow (trans) to rise to go up to grow (intr) to take away to removersquo lt IE [(midd) bherĝ h-] (act) bhrĝh‑h1ieacuteoacute- (Cluw parraia- (adj) lsquohighrsquo [lt bhrĝh-ei-o-] Arm baṛnam aor ebarj lsquoto raisersquo barjr lsquohighrsquo Skt barh- lsquoto make strongrsquo bṛhaacutent- lsquohighrsquo TochB paumlrk‑ lsquoto arisersquo ON bjarg berg lsquomountainrsquo) [EDH 636f CHD (= Chi‑cago Hittite Dictionary 1983ff) P 155f] Interessant ist doch die Bemer-kung bei CHD 157 ldquoThere appears to be no correlation between voice and transitivityrdquo was mE ein Indiz dafuumlr ist dass es sich um alte Aktionsart-Oppositionen handele (dazu auch die Kausativbildungen als alte Aktions-art-Oppositionselemente)

3sgpresact paacuter-ki-ia-az-zi (MS) 3plpresact paacuter-ki-ia-an-zi (MHMS) 1sgpretact [paacute]r-ki-ia-nu-un (NH) 3sgpretact paacuter-ki-ia-at (OHMS) usw

Kausativbildungen parknu-i lsquoto make high to raise to elevatersquo parkiianu-i lsquoto rise to make risersquo Moumlglicher i‑Adj parkī (paacuter-ki-i) lt IE bhrĝ h-i-

Zu den Akzentschwankungen sollte man zuerst als wichtig ndash und echt alt ndash die Opposition zwischen peacutek-ie- gt ai paacutecyate lsquowird reif rsquo und pk-h1ieacute- gt ai pacyaacutete lsquowird reif gekochtrsquo betrachten (vgl gr πεσσω att πεττω lsquolasse rei-fen verdaue kochersquo ein Faktitives Oppositionsaktiv zu einem nicht erhalte-nen Medium LIV 468 Fn 4) So entsteht eine moumlgliche Erklaumlrung dafuumlr daszlig zB Heth hatuk-i lsquoto be terriblersquo (lt IE h2teacuteug-ti h2tug-eacutenti vgl ved tujyaacutete lsquoerschrickt fliehtrsquo gr ἀτυζομενος lsquoerschreckt [fliehend]rsquo) nicht die erwartete Lesung ha-at-tV- erweist (wie zB bei h2p‑eacutesr gt happeššar lsquoLippersquo) sondern ha-tV- (wofuumlr schlaumlgt Kloekhorst in EDH 337 eine zu komplizierte Loumlsung vor) es handele sich um die erwartete Entwicklung aus h2tug-h1ieacuteoacute- mit Le-nition t gt d als Resultat der Akzentverschiebung bei den alten (Stativ-)Fientiv auf ‑h1ieacuteoacute- der seinerseits spaumlter durch den lsquoneuenrsquo Fientiv hatukēšš- ersetzt worden waumlre

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

14

The Compass Conspiracy a footnote to Vernerrsquos Law and some further

observations on the reflexes of PIE ‑sr‑

Piotr GąsiorowskiAdam Mickiewicz University Poznan

The paper reconsiders the fate of medial -sr- in Germanic especially in the context of Vernerrsquos Law It is argued that the epenthesis of -t- took place later than the Vernerian voicing of -s- and that the further development of -zr- involved no stop insertion Several new etymologies are offered to sup-port this proposal and some of its ramifications are explored including the derivation of Lat vēr lsquospringrsquo and the structure of the Germanic words for the four cardinal directions Parallel developments in a few other branches of the Indo-European family are also discussed

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

15

Raising before micro in Old Irish evidence and consequences

Aaron GriffithUniversitaumlt Wien

The general conditions for raising and lowering of vowels in Old Irish are well-known Although there is some disagreement (Schrijver 1995 50ndash2) the most accepted formulation of the raising and lowering rules are accented mid-vow-els raise to high vowels before a following high vowel and high vowels lower to mid-vowels before a following non-high back vowel (McCone 1996 109ff) The raising is more restricted than the lowering both because the raised vowel must be accented and because the raising is blocked by voiceless obstruents and most consonant clusters

I would like to propose a further restriction on the raising rule μ blocks the raising of e to i The data supporting this restriction are limited but rea-sonably compelling (reimir ldquoas thick asrdquo leime ldquoimpotence follyrdquo neimi ldquopoi-sonsrdquo domiddoteim ldquoyou protectrdquo) The restriction is also phonetically plausible since it seems likely that the highly marked sound μ nasalized the preceding vowel and nasalized vowels have fewer contrasts cross-linguistically than oral ones Independent evidence further suggests that the contrast ẽ ĩ was neutralized as a mid-vowel (Schrijver 1993)

Though this is a very minor sound law it has an outsize influence on our understanding of Irish historical grammar due to its interaction with the con-tested Insular Celtic sound change es gt is The raising of unaccented es to is before vowel has been championed by McCone (1996 99ndash100 2006 110ndash15) as the most straightforward means of accounting for a large number of verbal forms (eg beresi gt berisi gt biri) Schumacher (2004 138ndash53) however cit-ing OIr temel ldquodarknessrdquo and OW timuil lt IC temeselo- (not from teμiselo-) has argued that the raising cannot have taken place in Insular Celtic or even in Pre-Irish As a result he must explain the various verbal forms differently and I would argue less plausibly

The restriction on raising before μ as proposed here allows us essentially to compromise between McConersquos and Schumacherrsquos positions While the Brit-ish evidence clearly militates against an Insular Celtic rule es gt is an early

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

16 Aaron Griffith

Pre-Irish raising is still possible Inherited Pre-Irish teμeselo- gave teμiselo- which regularly became OIr temel At the same time verbs forms like OIr biri are still derivable much as McCone argued (lt birisi (apocope) lt berisi (nor-mal raising) lt Pre-OIr beresi (via special raising of es to is)) Under the ac-count proposed here some analogy is necessary to account for all of the forms McCone explains through his Insular Celtic es gt is rule but the analogy can be easily motivated

In summary I suggest that the lack of raising of e to i before μ allows us to explain a number of data directly In addition through the interaction of this rule with a Pre-Old Irish raising of es to is a number of further forms fall out in a manner much more straightforward than would otherwise be pos-sible

References

McCone Kim 1996 Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change Maynooth Department of Old Irish

McCone Kim 2006 The origins and development of the Insular Celtic verbal complex May-nooth Department of Old Irish

Schrijver Peter 1993 ldquoOn the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irishrdquo Eacuteriu 44 33ndash52

Schrijver Peter 1995 Studies in British Celtic historical phonology Amsterdam RodopiSchumacher Stefan 2004 Die keltische Primaumlrverben Innsbruck IBS

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

17

The ruki-rule in Nuristani

Ireacuten HegedűsUniversity of Peacutecs

Preliminaries

When dealing with the analysis of Nuristani etymological data it may be impor-tant to clarify some basic points of departure

a The classification of Nuristani languages Studies on Nuristani languages by G Morgenstierne DI Edelman and R

Strand have accumulated sufficient and persuasive arguments for treating Nuristani as an early diverging third Aryan branch so in our treatment Nuristani is not part of Indo-Iranian though it is obvious that Nuristani lan-guages have been influenced both by Iranian and Indo-Aryan languages

b The establishment of the relative chronology of the major phonological changes in the divergence of Aryan languages from Proto-Indo-European

The evaluation of the Nuristani etyma possibly affected by the ruki-rule will be based on the following concept of the relative chronology of phonological evolution from PIE to Aryan1 the vocalization (or loss) of PIE laryngeals2 the operation of Bartholomaersquos Law3 PIE l gt PIIr r4 the operation of RUKI rule5 satem palatalization

Research question

The operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani languages is a question that has led to the emergence of conflicting opinions varying between denying its operation and allowing the idea of its partial operation Is it really true that Nuristani languages were only partially or not at all affected by the operation of the ruki-rule

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

18 Ireacuten Hegedűs

Structure of presentation

In an attempt to answer the research question the following points will be high-lighted

1 the importance of the difference of the Nuristani phonological context from that of the Indic and in the Iranian branch in the treatment of PIE s

2 the conditions in which Nuristani š lt s irrespective of the ruki-rule (quasi ruki-forms)

3 the preservation of PIE s after u (hypothesis to be promoted the late loss of preconsonantal laryngeals in Nuristani)

Conclusion

ndash The limited amount of data available from Nuristani languages (especially of those that would be relevant for the examination of the ruki-rule) makes it difficult to formulate a strong conclusion however

ndash our final evaluation leans towards the acceptance of the operation of the ruki-rule in Nuristani with the rider that1 the true picture is often obscured by some internal phonological chang-

es operating in the individual development of Nuristani languages and2 the ruki-rule may have been inoperative in a position after u simply due

to the inapplicability of the phonotactic context

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

19

Hidden sound laws in the inflectional morphology of Proto-Indo-European

Eugen HillLudwig-Maximilians-Universitaumlt Muumlnchen

The lecture is aimed to show that solutions to morphological problems in re-constructed languages are often to be found not in the domain of morphol-ogy itself but rather in phonological developments once operative in the lan-guage in question The particular problem to be discussed is the widely known asymmetry in the inflectional paradigm of the thematic present stems of PIE while in the 2sg and 3sg active the desinences of the present indicative are constructed by simple adding an ‑i to the corresponding desinences of the injunctive mood (ind 2sg ‑es‑i 3sg ‑et‑i larr inj 2sg ‑es 3sg ‑et) in the 1sg the relation between the present indicative and the corresponding injunctive form is markedly different (ind 1sg -ō or possibly ‑oH ~ inj 1sg ‑om) This asymmetry is even more embarassing if one considers the inflection of the athematic present stems where the 1sg does not deviate (ind 1sg ‑m‑i 2sg ‑s‑i 3sg ‑t‑i larr inj 1sg ‑m 2sg ‑s 3sg ‑t) The unexpected 1sg present indicative of the thematic present stems in PIE -ō or ‑oH has been topic of many morphological hypotheses in which this desinence is mostly interpreted as a remnant of a more ancient inflection system which is assumed to have been originally entirely different from that of the athematic verbs Hypoth-eses of this kind necessarily postulate an unusual amount of morphological restructuring in the inflection of the thematic present stems where only one inflectional form the 1sg is believed to have retained its original shape

An entirely different solution to the problem was proposed in 1983 by W Cowgill in his influencial paper on the thematic conjugation in PIE Accord-ing to his view the unexspected shape of the 1sg present indicative of the the-matic present stems is a result of a purely phonological development of an older ‑om‑i which is to be expected beside the corresponding injunctive des-inence ‑om Cowgill saw a further instance of the proposed sound change in the inflection of the thematic nouns where the instrumental pl ends in PIE -ōis while ‑o‑mis should be expected due to the evidence of Baltic Slavic and Germanic However Cowgillrsquos solution to the problem of the 1sg present

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

20 Eugen Hill

indicative of the thematic present stems was widely ignored in the field due to the following obvious difficulties The assumed sound change ‑omi gt -ōi gt -ō presupposes a syllabification which deviates from the syllabification rules known to have operated in PIE The m‑endings of the instrumental case ndash the only other instance of the proposed sound law ndash are traditionally viewed as a recent innovation of Baltic Slavic and Germanic whereas more original bh-endings are believed to be preserved in Indoiranian Armenian Greek Ital-ic and Celtic

The lecture intends to show that both objections do not in fact invalidate Cowgillrsquos hypothesis It can be demonstrated that the syllabification rules which are traditionally assumed for the latest stage of PIE did not operate in earlier times Cf the development known as Stangrsquos law in the accsg forms such as gʷoacuteum gt gʷōm gt Skr gām lsquocowrsquo but also in the 1pl of nasal presents such as klnu-meacute-s gt kln-meacute-s gt Skr śrṇ-maacutes lsquowe hearrsquo The PIE morphology contains more independent evidence for a loss of m before i cf the oblique case forms of the thematic pronouns such as datsg m toacute-smo-ei gt Skr taacutesmai but f toacute-sieh2-ei gt Skr taacutesyai where toacute-smieh2-ei is actually to be expected As for the instrumental case of the thematic nouns it can be shown that the m‑endings of Baltic Slavic and Germanic directly reflect the original situation whereas the bh-endings emerged secondarily by a sound change which has not been previously described in the literature

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

21

The status and prevalence of Proto-Indo-European a

Adam HyllestedUniversity of Copenhagen

The basic root-vowel in PIE is universally reconstructed as e while a is as-signed a marginal role Many Indo-Europeanists deny the existence of a pho-neme a altogether This has severely challenged the importance of typological plausibility in linguistic reconstruction Do languages with a single vowel pho-neme actually exist and if yes isnrsquot this phoneme always a

The following traditional arguments against a phonemic a might just as well be used in favour of it

1 It is often claimed that a does not participate in ablaut alternations In fact it does (Hiaacuteĝ-e-ti lsquosacrificesrsquo ~ ppp Hiĝ-toacute- sāl-s lsquosaltrsquo ~ ASg saacutel-m -kas lsquoin a rowrsquo ~ kos-mo-s lsquoorderrsquo) Ascribing all instances of ablauting a (and not those of e) to ldquohiddenrdquo laryngeals is based upon a circular way of reasoning And even if a did not undergo ablaut this would merely reveal that it behaved differently from e indicating that it was actually distinct

2 a is very rare in suffixes and endings This is not typologically uncommon and again a difference in occurrence need not indicate anything else than a difference in quality

3 The evidence for a is restricted to a few of the daughter-languages espe-cially Celtic and Italic known for having developed many cases of second-ary a That these languages are precisely the ones where a is distinct from e and o in the first place should make one suspicious

4 Many arsquos occur in words of expressive character Even in such words how-ever few languages use vowels that do not already form part of their pho-nemic system

5 Many lexemes with a seem to have been borrowed from non-IE languages (eg Proto-Semitic ϑawr gt PIE taacuteuros lsquobullrsquo) It is noteworthy however that the allegedly unfamiliar vowel was not substituted with a domestic one (eg the way ϑ- was replaced by t‑)

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

22 Adam Hyllested

6 a appears in a rather limited set of positions eg following k What has been overlooked is that e rarely occurs in the same position This speaks for a case of allophonic variation

My paper will examine whether we can eat our cake and have it Is there in fact a way to accept the reconstruction of a without violating basic principles of phonological typology

It will be argued that e and a originally occurred in complementary dis-tribution the timbre depending on the consonantal surroundings Perhaps quite surprisingly e turns out to have been the marked vowel while a was the ldquoelsewhere-allophonerdquo meaning that the sequences in which it occurred had nothing particular in common but simply constituted what was left when the original vowel came to be realized as e in certain positions

The key point here is that even though e outnumbered a in terms of pure occurrences a was the predictable outcome in a larger set of positions In fact the phonemic quality of the vowel might as well be interpreted as a in early PIE

One of the corollaries of my analysis is that while taacuteuros is indeed a Se-mitic loanword we should still expect a-vocalism had it been inherited

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

23

The development of Proto-Celtic sk in Brythonic

ANders Richardt JoslashrgensenUniversity of Copenhagen

The question of the development of sk in Brythonic more specifically why we sometimes find initial xu- and medial -x- (instead of preserved sk) is still a matter of some debate It will be argued that the conditioning factor is a following front vowel It will furthermore be argued that we are dealing with a form of palatalization a phonetic parallel being provided by Swedish [xʷ-] from sk‑ + front vowel This explanation is extended to medial position where the conditioning factor is quite similar (-sk- + -i-)

As a consequence the various outcomes seen in Brythonic namely initial sk- xu- medial -sk- -x- can all be derived from a simple PCelt sk (which is preserved in Old Irish) This has implications for the reconstruction of PIE -skeo-presents to roots in final velar where Brythonic does not as has tradi-tionally been assumed provide evidence for the preservation of the root final stop

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

24

Greek ὀπυίω and other words without a digamma

Joshua T KatzPrinceton University

The Greek word ὀπυίω conventionally translated as lsquomarry take as wifersquo lacks an etymology on which everyone agrees One view given with a question mark in sup2LIV (M Kuumlmmel) is that it goes back to h3pus-ieacuteoacute- (the PIE root would be h3peus- lsquosich mehren reich werden anrsquo) and thus makes an equation with Ved puacuteṣyati lsquoflourishesrsquo My goal in this paper is to make plausible the al-ternative ndash hitherto unconsidered as far as I know except independently by Michael Janda (pc) ndash that the Vedic word with which ὀπυίω is cognate is in-stead vapuṣyo lsquogaze in wonder atrsquo As for vapuṣyo though evidently a derivative of vaacutepuṣ- lsquowonderful (adj) beauty (noun)rsquo its root etymology is unfortunately not clear either but I propose to connect it to radicVAPsup1 lsquostrewrsquo ie PIE uep- which 2LIV presents with a question mark and states is found only in Indo-Iranian

The morphology of this suggestion is relatively straightforward but the se-mantics and phonology evidently are not for one thing lsquomarryrsquo would not seem to be close in meaning to lsquostrewrsquo and for another the Gortyn Law Code offers prima facie evidence against the existence of a digamma in the Greek verb But let us see hellip

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

25

Evidence for non-linear phonological structure in Indo-European the case of fricative clusters

Goumltz KeydanaGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

In my talk I argue for the neccessity of reconstructing hierarchical phonologi-cal structure for onset clusters containing fricatives in ancient IE languages and PIE

In the first part I discuss s in obstruent (O) clusters I start out with a short sketch of reduplication in ancient IE languages and PIE Reduplication was a process of copying melodical specifications from the root into the reduplicant a prefix which was phonologically specified as a CV-template with melodical information linked only to the V-slot specifying the vowel as e The C-slot was filled by a copy of the melodical speci_cation of the least sonorant segment in the onset of the root to which the prefix attached

As is well known s-clusters behave in different but always deviant ways with resepect to reduplication throughout the ancient IE languages I show that this behaviour can only be explained by assuming hierarchical structure in the organization of phonological segments s in onset clusters was subseg-mental in languages like Germanic and Latin (the latter showing traces of an older pattern with extrasyllabic s) In Greek and Indo-Iranian s was extra-syllabic In other words these languages allowed for non-moraic syllables (the so-called semisyllables or Nebensilben of Sieversrsquo) constituted by a sibilant and licensed (at least) in the left margin of the prosodic word External reconstruc-tion leads to the proposal that PIE s in sO-clusters was extrasyllabic too

Next I demonstrate that semisyllables aid in explaining further peculiari-ties of sO-clusters sO-clusters violate the sonority sequencing principle In IE syllable structure there is always an increase in sonority from the left syllable margin to the nucleus only sO-clusters show a decrease They also infringe upon a constraint on onsets with more than two segments otherwise undomi-nated in PIE Both sets of data are easily explained under the assumption of semisyllabicity in PIE

In the second part of my talk I extend the investigation to laryngeals (H) in onset clusters I show that they behave similar to the sibilant in reduplica-

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

26 Goumltz Keydana

tion With roots beginning in HO the C-slot of the reduplicant is always filled by a copy of the melodic specification of the plosive With roots beginning in H + sonorant on the other hand the melodic specification of the laryngeal is copied Therefore laryngeals must be more sonorous than plosives but less sonorous than sonorants With respect to the sonority hierarchy they pattern with s

The similarity between laryngeals and the sibilant extends to the way they are treated in the process of syllable structure building Again reduplication serves to illustrate this point The attested patterns show that laryngeals were subsegmental in any type of onset cluster in Pre-Greek while in Indo-Iranian they were part of the syllable onset when followed by sonorants and extrasyl-labic when followed by obstruents The Indo-Iranian pattern can be recon-structed for PIE We may therefore conclude that laryngeals formed a natural class with s in PIE Concerning syllable structure our observations lead to the following generalization PIE allowed for non-moraic semisyllables just in case they contained a fricative (the maximal structure of PIE semisyllables remains to be established the type h2ster‑ may ndash but must not neccessarily ndash point to onset clusters) This PIE pattern can be backed by ample typological evidence

In the last part of my talk I return to s-clusters once again I will tentatively argue that s-mobile can be explained if we take into account the special sta-tus of s in clusters with respect to syllable structure Far from being able to present a thorough explanation for s-mobile I show that the traditional ap-proaches to this phenomenon suffer from being highly improbable in the light of our knowledge of PIE syntax Semisyllables on the other hand are cross-linguistically highly marked The instability of s in onsets of roots is therefore easily accounted for if we assume hierarchical structure in PIE phonology

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

27

The phonological interpretation of plene and non-plene spelled e in Hittite

Alwin KloekhorstLeiden University

Within Hittite linguistics plene writing ie the extra writing of the vowel of a CV or VC sign by its separate V-sign eg me‑e‑ni te‑e-ez-zi e-eš-zi har-ga-e‑eš has always been a hotly debated subject Nowadays it seems to have become more and more consensus that plene writing should be interpreted as indicating vowel length mēni tēzzi ēšzi hargaēš and that this vowel length is caused by accentuation But why do we then also find words without any plene written vowel (eg me-er-zi še‑ep‑piacute‑it) or words with multiple plene vowels (eg te‑e-pa-u-e‑eš) In the case of ‑e‑ it has been suggested that the plene vowel is also used for disambiguation of ambiguous signs (ie CV and VC signs that can be read with an e‑ as well as an i‑vowel CEI EIC) and that in these cases the plene vowel does not indicate vowel length Does this mean that e‑EŠ-zi represents ēšzi with a long vowel but e‑EIP-zi = epzi with a short vowel Moreover it has often been stated that the practice of plene spelling is decreasing in time because of a change in scribal habits Why does this indeed seem to work for eg peacute‑e‑eh‑hi (which is attested with plene spelling in OS texts only but is spelled peacute‑eh‑hi without plene ‑e‑ in MS and NS texts) but not for ke‑e‑el (which is consistently spelled with plene ‑e‑ in texts of all periods) Is this really due to scribal peculiarities or must these differences rather be regarded as betraying diachronic phonological processes

As we see there are still many questions that can be asked when it comes to plene spelling in Hittite In this paper I will present the results of my investigations into the plene and non-plene writing of the vowel ‑e‑ in which all forms with an e‑vowel whether written plene or not have been taken into account I will discuss the different uses of plene and non-plene writing of ‑e‑ assess their inner-Hittite diachronic developments and explain how they should be phonologically interpreted and how they can subsequently be used for etymological purposes

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

28

Parthian ž

Agnes KornUniversity of Frankfurt aM

It has generally been assumed that Old Iranian ž j and postvocalic č all come out as ž in Parthian (or generally in Middle Northwestern Iranian) while they yield z in Middle Persian and that these processes are parallel

This paper will attempt to show that the developments of OIr j and postvo-calic č in Middle Persian and Parthian cannot have been parallel and will ar-gue that Parthian preserves two distinct phonemes j (allophones [j] [ž]) lt j ž) and č in all positions of the word

The development in Parthian is also relevant for the grouping of West Ira-nian languages as some contemporary languages point towards a preservation of OIr j as an affricate in Middle Northwestern Iranian

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

29

The rise of the Germanic iterative verbs another case of ablaut being translated

into consonant gradation

Guus KroonenLeiden University

The origin of the Germanic class two iterative verbs has been debated for over a century The controversy primarily seems to be the result of the eccentric poly-morphism displayed by the iterative verbs eg OHG zogōn lsquoto dragrsquo lt tugōn- ME toggen lsquoto tugrsquo lt tuggōn- OHG zockōn lsquoto jerkrsquo lt tukkōn- LG tuken lsquoto tear pluckrsquo lt tukōn- This polymorphism has been ascribed to ldquoexpressivityrdquo or to the influence of an unknown substrate language Still its systematic mor-phological patterning its strict limitation to class 2 verbs and its unambiguous semantics indicate that Osthoff rsquos old linkage of the Germanic iteratives with the Indo-European n-presents must be correct

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

30

Typology and reconstruction the IE consonants and vowel

Martin J KuumlmmelAlbert-Ludwigs-Universitaumlt Freiburg

When we reconstruct a proto-language we produce a hypothesis about a non-attested synchronic stage That the probability of this hypothesis should be compatible with typological knowledge about synchronic systems is certainly reasonable But first of all reconstruction is a hypothesis about non-attested changes and its primary goal is to explain attested language data by assuming these changes Therefore the changes themselves should also be compatible with typological knowledge ie knowledge about diachronic typology Unfor-tunately this kind of knowledge is less easily accessible than information about synchronic typology

In this paper I shall try to look at some problems of phonological recon-struction in PIE and what typological considerations might tell us about them together with internal evidence Of course the well-known controversial topics of PIE consonantism will be addressed The stop system and the ldquoglottalrdquo mod-els the CentumndashSatem problem and the ldquolaryngealsrdquo (especially their various effects and what they really might tell) These problems will be discussed from a diachronic typological viewpoint but also some recent claims about later IE reflexes of these sounds are critically examined

In contrast to this the reconstruction of vowels and their prehistory seems to be rather less controversial but quite some problems have remained unclear in this field In the light of typological parallels I shall try to hint at possible new solutions that might allow a better understanding of PIE phonological rules and some reflexes of PIE vowels in the extant IE languages

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

31

Optimale Onsets im Indogermanischen

Rosemarie Luumlhr amp Susanne ZeilfelderFriedrich-Schiller-Universitaumlt Jena

Innerhalb der Optimalitaumltstheorie sind Reduplikationssilben Beispiele fuumlr das Prinzip bdquoEmergence of the Unmarkedldquo Da man annimmt dass Redu plika-tions silben keinen Input haben sollten nur unmarkierte lautliche Strukturen im Output erscheinen Wenn dies ein allgemeines Prinzip ist erwartet man dessen Geltung auch in den indogermanischen Sprachen In der Tat trifft es zB fuumlr den Reduplikationssilbenvokal ai im Gotischen zu der sicher fuumlr ein kurzes offenes e steht In aumlhnlicher Weise wuumlrde man bei den Konsonanten un-markierte Strukturen erwarten Insbesondere sollten Anlautcluster der Wur-zelsilbe in der Reduplikationssilbe vereinfacht sein Doch gibt es ganz unter-schiedliche Repraumlsentationen wie Fortsetzer des indogermanischen Perfekts im Gotischen Griechischen Lateinischen und Altindischen zeigen Besonders die Behandlung von Clustern aus s + Verschlusslaut bildet hier Probleme Im Vortrag werden im Rahmen der Optimalitaumltstheorie die einschlaumlgigen Cons-traints und deren Ranking vorgestellt

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

32

The development of Proto-Slavic word-final -ī -ě from PIE -oi lsquo-airsquo

Marek MajerUniversity of Łoacutedź

In Slavic there seems to be an unpredictable distribution of final -ě and -ī that appear in the positions where the older models of reconstructed Proto-Indo-European had the diphthongs -oi and -ai (the latter sequence must be rewritten as -h2ei etc in todayrsquos terms) Numerous solutions to the problem have been offered none of them completely satisfactory

The paper suggests a framework of the Proto-Slavic development of the above-mentioned PIE word-final diphthongs in which it is assumed that PIE lsquo-airsquo and -oi while having merged medially and initially remained distinct in word-final position (a development parallel eg to the treatment of ā and ō in Celtic) Two simple phonological rules are argued for

PIE lsquo-airsquo gt PSl -ěPIE -oi gt PSl -ī

Apparent exceptions (limited to two cases seemingly violating the second rule) may actually be plausibly accounted for on morphophonemic grounds No such explanation seems to be available for the forms that confirm the rule PIE -oi gt PSl -ī which strongly points to the fact that this was the only regular phonological development By explaining the two apparent cases of PSl -ě where -ī would be expected (a development which may in fact roughly be codified under a separate sound law) a coherent and complete picture of the development of PIE word-final diphthongs in Slavic may be arrived at

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

33

Some cases of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek

Biliana MihaylovaSofia University

The converse of Sieversrsquo law is a very debatable phenomenon in Indo-Europe-an linguistics In Greek we find some examples of it mentioned by M Peters (1980 290 fn 243) The aim of this paper is to provide evidence for the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law in Greek analyzing four cases where it appears in the groups iy uw The application of this rule in etymological research could shed more light on the origin and word formation of Greek words considered until now obscure or ascribed to the Pre-Greek substratum languages

Three of the instances examined in the paper are derived from the IE root tewh2- lsquoto swellrsquo

1 Gk σάμος lsquoheightrsquo cognate to Lat tama lsquotumour swellingrsquo Persson (1912 471) derives it from IE twəmos However the sequence twh2mos would result in tuh2mos gt tūmos This problem can be solved by assuming the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law tuh2‑em‑o‑s gt tuwamos gt twamos gt σάμος

2 Gk σάλος lsquorolling swell of the searsquo for which Persson (ibidem 484) poses twəlos but we should reconstruct a protoform tuh2‑el‑o‑s gt tuwalos and after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law twalos gt σάλος For the se-mantic development cf Lat tullius lsquoflush torrentrsquo OIcel fimbul-thornul lsquomyth-ical riverrsquo OIr ton lsquowaversquo

3 Gk σάϑη lsquomembrum virilersquo goes back to twadhā which results from tuwadhā lt tuh2-edh‑eh2 after the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law The semantics could be supported for example by Gk φαλλος φαλής lsquomembrum virilersquo from the IE root bhel‑ lsquoto swell growrsquo

4 Gk ζάλη lsquosquall storm driving rainrsquo may be derived from the IE root deyh2- dyeh2‑ lsquoto swing moversquo In this case we should reconstruct dih2‑el‑eh2 gt diyaleh2 and by the action of the converse of Sieversrsquo law dyaleh2 gt ζάλη From semantic point of view the association of the notion for lsquostormrsquo to a root signifying lsquoto swing move and precipitatersquo seems very probable

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

34 Biliana Mihaylova

From the point of view of word formation it is obvious that the four lex-emes analyzed above present a parallel structure The root shows zero grade while the suffix full grade This fact leads us to the conclusion that the forms belong originally to the hysterodynamic type of inflection in Indo-European

The forms presenting the structure CuiH-eRC- like the four lexemes ana-lyzed above result from the accusative forms which replaced those of the old nominative CewyH-RC- This process of substitution is well known cf for example Gk παλάμη lsquopalmrsquo lt plh2‑em‑

References

Persson P 1912 Beitraumlge zur indogermanischen Wortforschung (Arbeten utgivna met understoumld af V Ekmans Universitetsfond 12) Uppsala

Peters M 1980 Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen (Sitzungberichte der Oumlsterr Akademie der Wissenschaften Phil-hist Kl 377) Wien

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

35

On the morphophonemics of Proto-Indo-European -sḱeo- suffixed presents

Paolo MiliziaUniversitagrave degli Studi di Cassino

The LIV records 612 roots ending with a stop out of a total of 1182 (5178) if we consider the subset of the 74 recorded roots that have an (attested) de-rived present stem in -skeo- we find that those ending with a stop are only 26 (3514) As the chi-square test shows this discrepancy is hardly due to chance

It is thinkable that the various phenomena of consonantal simplification that the -Csk- clusters may have undergone in the pre-history of the different IE languages affected the morphotactic transparency of the inherited stems in degC-+-skeo- thus weakening their relation with the rest of the paradigm and as a result of that undermining their diachronic stability On the other hand it is indisputable that in PIE the suffix -sḱeo- was applicable to stop-final roots as prḱ-sḱeacute- (from perḱ- lsquoaskrsquo cf OI prcchaacuteti Av pərəsā Lat poscō LIV 490f IEW 821f) testifies

Then the question arises whether in the proto-system the -Csk- clusters underlyingly contained in such stems were allowed to surface intact or were subject to the action of (morpho-)phonemic constraints Synchronic deletion of root-final stops or at least of dorsal root-final stops seems to be suggested by the historic continuations of prḱ-sḱeacute- which point to a simplified surface form prsḱeacute- In addition to that some attested -sḱeacute- stems derived from roots ending with a voiced or voiced aspirate stop are noteworthy

1 bherǵ- lsquofry roastrsquo bhrǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrzǵeacute- gt OInd bhrjjaacuteti lsquofries roastsrsquo (LIV 78 IEW 137)

2 bhleig- lsquoshinersquo bhlig- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhlizǵeacute- gt Lith blizgugrave lsquoflickerrsquo (LIV 89 sv bhleig- n 4 IEW 156f LitEW I 46 sv blaikštytis)

3 bhreh1ǵ- lsquo(be) whitersquo bhrh1ǵ- + -sḱeacute- rarr bhrh1zǵeacute- cf OChSl probrězgnǫti lsquodawnrsquo (LIV 92 sv bhreh1ǵ- n 4 IEW 139f)

4 kʷendh‑ lsquosufferrsquo kʷndh‑ + -sḱeacute-rarr kʷn(dh)zǵheacute‑ gt Grk πάσχω lsquosufferrsquo (LIV 390 IEW 641)

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

36 Paolo Milizia

5 meiḱ-meiǵ- lsquomixrsquo miǵ- + -sḱeacute-rarr mizǵeacute- gt Grk μίσγω lsquomixrsquo (LIV 428 IEW 714)

6 regh- lsquosich aufrichtenrsquo (LIV) rgh- + -sḱeacute- rarr rzgheacute‑ gt Grk ἄρχω lsquobe firstrsquo(LIV 498 IEW 854 863)

7 tuengh- lsquooppressrsquo tuengh- (with second e gr) + -sḱeacute- rarr tuenzǵheacute‑ gt Av ϑβązjaiti lsquofall in distressrsquo (LIV 655 sv tuenk- IEW 1099f)

8 ueig- lsquoin Bewegung geratenrsquo (LIV) uig- + -sḱeacute- rarr uizǵeacute- gt Lith vizgugrave lsquotremblersquo (LIV 667f IEW 1130f LitEW 1264f sv viskėti)

Leaving aside minor problems such as the reflex of the dorsal stop in Av ϑβązjaiti (depalatalization of ǵ(h) after z ndash see AirWb 798 or replacement of tuenzǵh by tuenzgh by analogy with the base tuengh-) each of these stems is straightforwardly explainable by assuming a progressive voice assimila-tion accompanied by the same root-final stop deletion phenomenon shown by prsḱeacute- Although being usually dealt with as outcomes of branch-specific sound changes ndash especially in the cases of Grk πάσχω and μίσγω (cf Rix 1976 94f) and of Av ϑβązjaiti (extension of Bartholomaersquos law to ghsḱ clusters) ndash these developments if taken as a whole may be interpreted as evidence for a particular tendency of the suffix -sḱeacute- to take on the laryngeal features of an (underlyingly) preceding obstruent A further step could consist in taking into consideration the possibility that already at the PIE stage the affix -sḱeacute- was associated to a specific suffixation rule requiring root-final stops ndash or at least dorsal root-final stops ndash to be deleted and their laryngeal features to be linked to the obstruents of the suffix

From a typological point of view instances of progressive voice assimila-tion such as those hypothesized here are interpretable as the product of the interaction between the constraint dispreferring obstruent clusters that do not agree in voicing and the constraint according to which root faithfulness may at least under certain conditions dominate affix faithfulness (s Beckman 1999)

Bibliographical abbreviations

AirWb = Christian Bartholomae Altiranisches Woumlrterbuch Strassburg 1904IEW = Julius Pokorny Indogermanisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch vol 1 Bern 1959LIV = Helmut Rix et al Lexikon der indogermanischen Verben 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001LitEW = Ernst Fraenkel Litauisches etymologisches Woumlrterbuch Heidelberg 1962ndash65Rix Helmut (1976) Historische Grammatik des Griechischen DarmstadtBeckman Jill N (1999) Positional Faithfulness New YorkMayrhofer Manfred 1986 Indogermanische Grammatik I2 Lautlehre Heidelberg Winter

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

37

Vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic history and chronology

Kanehiro NishimuraKyoto University SJPS

This paper focuses on both vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic Despite the traditional view (see eg Solmsen 1894 153) that vowel reduction was a rather restricted phenomenon there (which is partly true) I conclude that this vocalic change was already operative in early Sabellic such as Pre-Samnite (eg ϝολαισυμος [personal name]) Paleo-Umbrian (eg setums [personal name]) and South Picene (eg estuf and estufk lsquoherersquo) and that it was particu-larly noticeable in labial context The application of vowel reduction to non-in-itial syllables both word-medial and word-final is construed as reflecting that the operation driven by initial stress was already active in these early dialects In regard to syncope scholars have traditionally assumed that final syncope predated medial syncope which was dated as late as the fifth century bce However I present several instances of medial syncope that could go back to the sixth century eg Pre-Samnite imperatives ο(vac)fρι[-]qτο[δ (σ)τα[]ιοσqτοδ South Picene aituacutepas (cf Umbrian eitipes lsquothey resolvedrsquo) muacutefqluacutem lsquomonument()rsquo mefiiacuten lsquomiddlersquo uelaimes [personal name] The antiquity of medial syncope in these forms leads us to reconsider the alleged chronological gap between syncope in medial and final syllables Oscan tuacutevtiacuteks lsquobelonging to the communityrsquo lt toutikos for instance preserved the vowel (-i-) in the medial syllable while it lost one (-o-) in the final syllable This case appears to justify the claim (see Benediktsson 1960 197 et passim) that syncope first removed the vowel in final syllable (-o-) closing the preceding syllable and thus impeded syncope there (ie -iacute- was preserved) But I tentatively suggest that syncope in Sabellic targeted both medial and final syllables synchroni-cally (as vowel reduction see above) and that for tuacutevtiacuteks the heavy consonant cluster -tks was avoided which would have occurred if both vowels had been syncopated Further this antiquity of vowel reduction and deletion in Sabellic as early as 550ndash500 bce or earlier is taken to reflect that Sabellic probably developed the initial-stress system on its own independently from Etruscan

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

38 Kanehiro Nishimura

(cf Skutsch 1913 190 Sommer 1914 86 and Prosdocimi 1986 612 614) where vowel reduction only came into effect around that period of time

References

Benediktsson H 1960 The vowel syncope in Oscan-Umbrian Norsk Tidsskrift for Sprogvidens‑kap 19 157-297

Prosdocimi A L 1986 Sullrsquoaccento latino e italico In o-o-pe-ro-si Festschrift fuumlr Ernst Risch zum 75 Geburtstag ed Annemarie Etter 601ndash618 BerlinNew York Walter de Gruyter

Skutsch F 1913 Der lateinische Accent Glotta 4 187ndash200Solmsen F 1894 Studien zur lateinischen Lautgeschichte Strassburg Verlag von Karl J Truumlb-

nerSommer F 1914 Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre eine Einfuumlhrung in das

sprach wis sen schaft liche Studium des Lateins 2nd and 3rd ed Heidelberg Carl Winter

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

39

Remarks on the PIE amphikinetic nouns

Georges-Jean PinaultEacutecole Pratique des Hautes Eacutetudes

Leaving aside differences of terminology one may define in the system of PIE nominal stem formation an accent-ablaut class characterized by accent on the root in the strong cases accent on the ending in the weak cases with a special pattern of the locative singular featuring accent on the suffix and zero grade of the root in addition the suffix has the o-grade in the strong cases This inflec-tional type has been called amphikinetic (or holokinetic or amphidynamic) It is exemplified by nouns that can be reconstructed for the proto-language as lsquoearthrsquo lsquodawnrsquo lsquopathrsquo etc If one follows the system proposed by Jochem Schin-dler this type has several common features with the hysterokinetic class

1 they share the same pattern for the weak cases and the locative singular2 both hysterokinetic and amphikinetic nouns are internally derived3 both classes serve to build derivatives with the same functions to wit ab-

stractscollectives agent nouns and animate action nouns

Given the morphological and phonological possibilities the relationships of the three first members of an internal derivational chain (acrostatic rarr proter-okinetic rarr hysterokinetic) are governed by a simple rule the strong stem of the next class is based on the weak stem of the preceding class This rule stops with the amphikinetic class since its strong stem features the normal e-grade of the proterokinetic class and it has the same weak stem as the ldquoprecedingrdquo ie hysterokinetic class Therefore the amphikinetic class looks as an ldquoadditionrdquo to a system of internal derivation that would be ideally complete with the hyster-okinetic class One may even go so far as to assume that there never existed a pure amphikinetic pattern and that it is a mixed category or a variant of the hysterokinetic type It is anchored in the PIE derivational system however as shown by the formation of numerous stems

The paper will try to explore the motivation for the formation of the am-phikinetic type by analyzing the functions of the representatives that can be attributed to the proto-language The e-grade of the strong stem can be related to a more general morphophonemic device that makes derivatives based on

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

40 Georges-Jean Pinault

nouns with zero grade of the root The o-grade of the suffix in the strong cases can be explained by an independent rule that presupposes the accent on the preceding syllable The hypothesis would be that the amphikinetic type served originally to build animate substantives as opposed to neuter substantives and to adjectives The picture was blurred by two later trends1 a part of these animate substantives were transferred as collectives while

remaining substantives as opposed to different singular stems2 some of them remained animate but became adjectives through the use of

these substantives to qualify other animate nounsAccordingly the patterns of internal derivation for the amphikinetic stems

were restructured This case will be exemplified by the fate of several catego-ries The scenario may explain among other things the secondary differentia-tion between the two types of -teor- agent nouns (according to Tichy 1995) that are both internally derived as parallel to other pairs of hysterokinetic vs amphikinetic types that do not show the same functional contrast as these agent nouns

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

41

Germanic and the ruki dialects

Charles PrescottUniversity of Sussex

A new relationship is proposed between Germanic which shows lowering and retraction of vowels before r w x and the ruki dialects of Indo-European Baltic Slavic and Indo-Iranian which have retraction of consonants following r u k i There are two aspects to the relationship the Germanic seg-ments correspond directly to three of the four ruki segments and the effects on vowels in Germanic and on consonants in the ruki dialects may be attributed to the spread of a common phonological feature RetractedTongue-root (RTR)

The relationship may be illustrated by related words in Gothic and San-skrit

bull for the effect on vowels in Germanic Gothic auacutehsa lsquooxrsquo is taken to show a lowered allophone of u auacute before x h the Germanic reflex of IE k

bull for the effect on consonants in the ruki dialects Sanskrit ukṣā lsquobullrsquo shows a retracted allophone of s after k assimilated to a retroflex phoneme ṣ

The association of Germanic with the ruki group is shown in bold in Figure 1 as Northern Indo-European (nIE) Though r may often have the feature RTR its addition to i u (making them lower) and to k in the ruki group is seen as an arbitrary dialect marker The posited lower realisation of u may be a reason by compressing the vowel space below it for the widespread merger o and a in ruki dialects

Germanic has evidence for RTR in r w (consonantal u) and x (the reflex of IE k) but not in i or vocalic u That it also has merger of o and a may suggest that the earliest Germanic shared more fully in the ruki dialect marking

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

42 Charles Prescott

Figure 1 Core IE dialects (ie excluding Anatolian and Tocharian)

centum satem ruki

nIE Germanic Baltic Slavic Indo-Iranian ruki

Celtic Albanian Armenian satem

sIE Italic Greek centum

wIE eIE

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

43

The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Indo-European languages other than Greek

Tijmen PronkLeiden University

In 1905 Ferdinand de Saussure observed that a root-final vowel was dropped if the root had o‑grade The focus of de Saussurersquos formulation is of course Greek since that was the language which provided evidence for the root-final vowels which we now know to be reflexes of the laryngeals In laryngealist terms de Saussurersquos observation was described by Nussbaum as follows ldquoH shows a vo-calic outcome in neither the environment _Ro nor in the environment oR_Crdquo (1997 182) Nussbaum coined the term ldquoSaussure effectrdquo for this phenomenon Since Meillet it has been observed that the rule might apply to other Indo-European languages than Greek as well Today the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo is applied throughout Indo-European whenever we expect a trace of a laryngeal in the vicinity of an o-grade but do not find one

The phonetic improbability of the effect however invokes skepticism about its existence I will show that there is an acceptable alternative for all adduced examples of the ldquoSaussure effectrdquo outside Greek I will briefly discuss all ex-amples which appear to be most convincing with a special focus on the Latin examples

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

44

Rule ordering paradoxes in Indo-European reintroducing phonetics

Jens Elmegaringrd RasmussenUniversity of Copenhagen

Why prsptc -nt-s of reduplicated verbs The rules make us expect -ent-z gt -ont-z gt -ōnt-z gt -ont-z so what is wrong

Why doacuteh3-tōr gen doacuteh3-tr-s (habitual type) The rules would predict nom dēh3-teacuter-z gt dēh3-tēr-z gt deh3-tēr-z gt deacuteh3-tēr-z gt PIE doacuteh3-tēr What has to be adjusted The gen is fine dēh3-ter-oacutes gt deh3-tr-oacutes gt deacuteh3-tr-os gt deacuteh3-tr-s gt PIE doacuteh3-tr-s

Why ablaut ēeacute in the s‑aorist The z-induced lengthening works in nomi-natives after the weakening of unaccented ‑e‑ to ‑o‑ so why not ēoacute Or does that perhaps exist

These and other examples will be addressed in the paper and solutions suggsted The most important seems to be

Sharpen the phonetics there may be room around and rules may have to be formulated in subphonemic terms

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

45

Laryngeal features in stops of Armenian dialects

Giancarlo SchirruUniversity of Cassino

Modern Eastern Armenian has a system of 15 stops they can be classified in five classes contrasting in place of articulation and kind of release features and three series with different laryngeal features In the standard variety based on the Erevan dialect the three series are generally described as following 1) voiced b d dz dʒ g 2) voiceless p t ts tʃ k 3) voiceless aspirate ph th tsh tʃh kh (s Vaux 1998 12ndash13 Hacopian 2003)

Already in the end of 19th century scholars have revealed the existence of eastern Armenian dialects where the 1st series of stops which is voiced plain in Erevan and Tbilisi varieties is described as ldquovoiced aspiraterdquo (Sievers 1901 Adjarian 1909) Moving from these observations some scholars questioned the traditional reconstruction of Old Armenian historical phonology in which is described a complete chain shift of the three main series of Indo-European stops instead they argue the conservation of the I-E ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo in the oldest historical stage of Armenian and in a few modern dialects (s the refer-ences in Belardi 2006 205ndash16) Along this hypothesis Armenian would be the only other linguistic group of Indo-European besides the Indo-Aryan one preserving the so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo

This paper is based on a field research on three eastern varieties of Arme-nian (Erevan Aštarak Gavar) and a western one (Gyumri) The research is based on the acoustic analysis of data coming from the reading of a list of 34 minimal pairs (by a total amount of 27 speakers) We can summarize the fol-lowing results in all the eastern varieties voiceless aspirate stops (3rd series) are characterized in comparison to the plain voiceless ones (2nd series) by a longer Voice Onset Time (VOT) In Aštarak Gavar and Gyumri dialects VOT is irrelevant for the distinction between stops belonging to the 1st and 2nd se-ries since in initial position the formers display a very weak (or no) sonority bar the relevant difference seems to be the use either of murmured vs modal voice or of slack vs stiff voice in the first section of the following vowel (s Ladefoged amp Maddieson 1996 55ndash66 for these distinctions and their acoustic cues) therefore the 1st series of consonants can be phonetically described as murmured or as slack (cf Pisowicz 1998) These data can support a recon-

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

46 Giancarlo Schirru

struction of proto-Armenian consonant system which makes use of the fol-lowing two distinctive laryngeal features [plusmnspread glottis] responsible of the distinction between 2nd and 3rd series and [plusmnslack vocal folds] distinguishing 1st and 2nd series

A similar reconstruction seems to be consistent with data concerning the phonetic realization of I-E so-called ldquovoiced aspiratesrdquo coming from Indo-Aryan languages (for ex Hindi see also the tonogenesis process in Panjabi)

References

Adjarian H (1909) Classification des dialectes armeacuteniens Paris ChampionBelardi W (2006) Elementi di armeno aureo II Le origini indoeuropee del sistema fonologico

dellrsquoarmeno aureo Roma Il CalamoLadefoged P amp Maddieson I (1996) The sounds of worldrsquos languages Malden (Ma) BlackwellHacopian N (2003) ldquoA three-way VOT contrast in final position Data from Armenianrdquo Jour‑

nal of the International Phonetic Association 33 51ndash80Pisowicz A (1998) ldquoWhat did Hratchia Adjarian mean by lsquovoiced aspiratesrsquo in Armenian dia-

lectsrdquo Annual of Armenian Linguistics 19 43ndash55Sievers E (19015) Grundzuumlge der Phonetik zur Einfuumlhrung in das Studium der Lautlehre der

indogermanischen Sprachen Leipzig Bretikopf amp HaumlrtelVaux B (1998) The phonology of Armenian Oxford Clarendon Press

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

47

Tocharisches Lautgesetz ‑sl‑ gt ‑ll‑ ‑l‑

Ilja SeržantUniversitaumlt zu Koumlln1 Universitetet i Bergen

Obwohl die Beleglage relativ begrenzt ist glaube ich zeigen zu koumlnnen dass im Urtocharischen eine Assimilation vor-urtoch sl gt urtoch -ll- gt TB ‑ll‑ TA ‑l stattgefunden hat Folgende Beispiele sollen diese Hypothese stuumltzen

1 TB ṣəllə - (z B in ṣaumlllatsi 412 b2 (M)) bdquoto throw off smthldquo) kann nun unmittelbar auf den reduplizierten idg Stamm si-sl- zuruumlckgefuumlhrt wer-den Das doppelte ‑ll‑ findet damit eine einfache und analogievermeidende Erklaumlrung

2 ferner im Anlaut (wo natuumlrlich auch mit s-mobile gerechnet werden kann) idg sleubh- bdquogleiten schluumlpfenldquo (ae slūpan) (LIV2 567) erscheint als toch TB lup‑ laup- TA lop‑ (Adams 1999 558) idg slegg- erschlaffenldquo (an slakr bdquoschlaff ldquo) erscheint als toch AB laumlnk- bdquohaumlngenldquo (aus dem Praumlsens idg sl-ngg- vgl lat langueō bdquoschlaff seinldquo gr λαγγων EM bdquoFeiglingldquo (LIV2 565)

3 Innerhalb des Tocharischen wird die Herleitung von TB yaumlllontilde bdquoSinneldquo als aus yəs-lo- von der Wurzel TB yaumls-yās-2 bdquoerregen beruumlhrenldquo ermoumlglicht

References

LIV2 Lexicon der Indogermanischen Verben Die Wurzeln und ihre Primaumlrstammbildungen Un-ter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearb von M Kuumlmmel Th Zehnder R Lipp B Schirmer Zweite erweiterte und verbesserte Auflage bearb von Mar-tin Kuumlmmel und Helmut Rix Wiesbaden 2001

Adams Douglas Q 1999 A Dictionary of Tocharian B Amsterdam AtlantaKrause Wolfgang 1952 Westtocharische Grammatik Heidelberg

1 Die jetztige Affilation ist die Universitetet i Bergen diese Arbeit entstand jedoch an der Universitaumlt zu Koumlln unter Leitung und mit Hilfe von Prof J L Garciacutea Ramoacuten

2 Bei Krause (1952 273 275) faumllschlich als zwei Wurzeln eingetragen wobei yās- nur das PP Prt I yayāsau bildet das aber formal und semantisch zum Prt I yasāte (Š) yasaacute- (eingetra-gen unter der Wz yaumls-) gehoumlrt

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

48

Indo-European laryngeals in Anatolian

Vitalij ShevoroshkinUniversity of Michigan Ann Arbor

The standard 3-laryngeal theory assumes that Ht [Hittite] hant- lsquofrontrsquo Gr[eek] ἀντί- lsquooppositersquo (etc) originate from IE h2ent‑ [h2e gt α] and that Gr ὄρν-ις lsquobirdrsquo (etc) originates from IE h3er‑on‑ (where h3 is the alleged IE o‑coloring laryngeal)

But as stated (among others) by A Lehrman in his book Indo-Hittite redux (1988 257) there is no reason to ascribe any vowel-ldquocoloringrdquo power to the un-derlying IE laryngeals Indeed those IE languages which preserved IE vowels a and o (like Gr above) show no traces of an underlying IE [e] they just show a and o no matter if the word contains an underlying laryngeal or not (the same happens in non-IE languages which relate to IE) Ht Luw[ian] Hierogl Luw Palaic show [a] both for IE a (IE Hant- gt Ht Luw hant- lsquofrontrsquo above) and o (IE Hor-on- gt Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo)

In Late Anat[olian] (= [HtLuw]) languages of the 4th c BC ndash Lyc[ian] and Mil[yan] ndash we find x for Ht h- -hh- and both x and g for Ht -h(h)- (Cxx- lt CVx-) 8 exx

1 (a) Lyc-Mil xntildet- vs Ht hant- (above) (b) xntildena- lsquograndmotherrsquo vs Ht han‑na- id (c) xuga- lsquograndfatherrsquo vs Ht huhha- id but note lenition in Luw huha- (d) Lyc xaha- lsquoaltarrsquo [Lyc h = Mil s] vs Ht hassa- lsquohearthrsquo (e) Lyc xba(i)- lsquoirrigatersquo Mil xbadiz (pl) lsquo(river) vallies Lyciansrsquo vs Ht hapa- [haba] lsquoriverrsquo (f) Lyc xawa- lsquosheeprsquo vs Luw hawi- id lt IE Howi- id (not lsquoh3ewi‑rsquo) (g) Lyc stem xdda- lsquoto hurryrsquo vs Luw hū-da- lsquohaste agilityrsquo Ht huta- lsquoreadinessrsquo hutak lsquoreadily quicklyrsquo lt IE Hew-dho- (Lyc verb xuwa- lsquofollow (closely)rsquo ) cf Lyc stem xudr- ː Luw hudr- (hudar-la- lsquoservantrsquo) see next (h) Mil xu-s-ti- lsquoto rush (smth)rsquo n xust(t)i- lsquoraid (lt rushing)rsquo (xu-z-r- lsquovery fastrsquo in xuzr-ntildeta- xuzruwẽti- attr to [god] Trqqiz lsquowarriorsrsquo or Ht hu(e)sa- lsquospindlersquo lt Hʷeis-)

2 Lyc verb epi-(e)rije- lsquosellrsquo () can not match Ht happar- lsquopricersquo (cf rather Lyc PN Xppara-ma) there is no shift Lyc ZERO lt IE lsquoh3-rsquo On the other hand Lyc PN Xerẽ-i matches Ht haran- lsquoeaglersquo IE (lsquoh2h3rsquo) gt HtLuw h- gt Lyc x-

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

49Vitalij Shevoroshkin

Recent studies of Mil texts (2 relatively long inscriptions) confirm J Rasmus-senrsquos amp D Schuumlrrrsquos identification of Lyc-Mil q as mostly representing HtLuw [hʷ] lt IE Hʷ eg3 (a) Lyc Trqqas Mil Trqqiz lt t(a)rHʷents (god Tarhunt) (b) Mil ute

mqr- lsquoto time ration [some produce] for a year (ut‑e)rsquo Ht witt-i mēhur lsquotime in the yearrsquo Ht mēhur- lsquotime periodrsquo (-ēhV- vs -ahhV-) lt IE mēHʷr or meiHʷr (c) Mil qidri- laxadi lsquodash with fight (toward hellip)rsquo qidrala lsquofor raidsspoilsrsquo Ht huedar huitar lsquo(wild) animals gamersquo (=Luw) (d) Mil qtti- lsquoremoversquo Ht huittiya- lsquodraw dragrsquo (e) Mil qla- qelẽne- (suff -anna-) lsquoaccumulate harvestrsquo qi-qlẽni-rei- lsquocollectionrsquo qelelija lsquowealthrsquo or lsquoharvestrsquo q(e)lei (d-l sg) lsquoatto the collection-placersquo ː Ht hula- lsquowind twistrsquo lt IE Hʷel- id (f) Mil qirze- (-z- lt ts or ty) lsquoobligation sharersquo () Ht hu(wa)rt- hurz- lsquocursersquo lt IE Hʷert- lsquovowrsquo (g) Mil qre- lsquosprinklersquo (during an offering rite) Ht hu(wa)rai- id etc

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

50

PIE lsquomersquo and a new Lydian sound law

Zsolt SImonHungarian Academy of Sciences

Kloekhorst 2004 established that the phonetic value of the Hieroglyphic Lu-wian sign 19 ltaacutegt is the glottal stop (with or without a following short or long a) ie [ʔ(ā)] (though this is debated Kloekhorstrsquos explanation remains by far the most convincing one cf Melchert forthcoming Rasmussen 2007 Simon in preparation) Kloekhorstrsquos interpretation has important ramifications not only for the history of Luwian but both for PIE and for the history of other Anatolian languages Since one of these PIE ramifications is the corroboration of the reconstruction h1meacute lsquomersquo first the validity of this reconstruction will be discussed where a new morphological analysis will be offered This provides the basis of the second part of the paper a discussion of the Lydian reflexes of h1 in initial position based on the Lydian words amu lsquomersquo dẽt- lsquogoodsrsquo and aśfa- lsquogoodsrsquo It will be suggested that though the h1 disappears before a vowel it has been vocalized before a consonant Incidentally the ad hoc Lydian sound change of y gt d_ also will be integrated into this suggested sound law

Selected references

Kloekhorst Alwin (2004) ldquoThe preservation of h1 in Hieroglyphic Luwian Two separate a-Signsrdquo HS 117 26ndash49

Melchert H Craig (forthcoming) ldquoThe spelling of initial a- in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Fest‑schrift for N N

Rasmussen Jens E (2007) ldquoA reflex of H1 in Hieroglyphic Luvianrdquo In Karlene Joney-Bley et al (eds) Proceedings of the 18th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference Los Angeles November 3ndash4 2006 Washington 161ndash167

Simon Zsolt (forthcoming) ldquoOnce again on the Hieroglyphic Luwian sign 19 ltaacutegtrdquo

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

51

Some consequences of Kartvelian realisations of Indo-European borrowings

for the reconstruction of the Proto-Indo-European phonological system

Thomas SmithermanUniversity of Bergen

Indo-Europeanisms in the Kartvelian languages are occasionally the field for serious etymological studies (Klimov 1994 Furneacutee 1979 GamqrelidzeIvanov 1984) A number of suspected IE loanwords into the Proto-Kartvelian as well as Proto-Georgian-Zan layers of vocabulary have already been established Some of these bear certain features of antiquity not resembling their direct Greek Armenian Anatolian or Iranian neighbours while others appear to stem from an ancient layer of one or more such branches Comparisons are relatively eas-ily made due to the large number of systemic phonological features shared by PIE and PK

Using a searchable database collected from the latest edition of Das ety‑mologische Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen (Faumlhnrich 2006) and the The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-Indo-European World (Mallory amp Adams 2006) useful for its division of the lexicon by se-mantic fields some new possible borrowings can be proposed by direct lexical comparison Examining the list of likely correspondences one can compare the frequency of phonetic features of PIE initial and final consonants with their Kartvelian counterparts

The compiled data show that the PIE voiced aspirates have by far the great-est tendency to be rendered as voiced stops in Kartvelian Unsurprisingly the PIE unvoiced stops can rarely be said to lend themselves to Kartvelian voiced stops However perhaps more surprising is that PIE unvoiced stops are most rarely lax (aspirated or fully fricative) in Kartvelian the exception to this being the labials where PIE p usually corresponds with PK ph due to the relative infrequency of PIE b and PK prsquo

Indo-European borrowings are assimilated into the Kartvelian phonologi-cal systems with certain marked tendencies The general tendency is for tradi-

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

52 Thomas Smitherman

tional PIE voiced stops to be tense and voiced in syllable-final position while unvoiced PIE stops are more likely to be tense and voiced in initial position Additionally the great majority of dentals and labials are rendered as voiced whereas velars are often voiced only in final position (with a common correla-tion of initial PIE gh- ~ PK ɣ) Therefore roots of the type beg- or kherth- with consonantal harmony in regard to the manner of articulation are com-mon in the data The great majority of roots of the type CeC- where C is a plo-sive show this harmony The most common non-harmonic syllable structure in both PIE and PK is keg- This speaks against the Glottalic Theory perhaps ironically given Gamqrelidzersquos native knowledge of the Kartvelian lexicon and the close proximity to the homeland of a taihun language (Armenian) Howev-er the distribution of aspirated and non-aspirated plosives may serve as some evidence for allophony in the stage of Late PIE or early stages of the formation of the IE branches

Some Examples of Relatively Likely Shared VocabularyPIE PK

GamqIvanov kerp- krsquoreph- Gather (note not khreph-)grsquoeon-h₃- geon- Hearunder-

stand(preserved ablaut)

legh- lag- rg- Set plantdhegrsquoh-om- diqha- Earth claytep- trsquoeph- warm (note not theph-)bhergrsquoh- b(e)rg- old

Klimov gʷebh-u- j1webu- frog toadgʷor- gor- hill (must relate to satem

languages) g(h)rund(h)- ɣruntrsquo- gruntghergh- ɣerɣ- hammer grk κερχ- arm gergzh-grsquohor- ɣor- pig ie dialectal but note

alb derr-skendh- crsquokrsquoe(n)d- plant divide pie sk- ~ pk crsquokrsquo-

crsquoqrsquo- commonCurrent gʷes- krsquowes- extinguish (MalloryAdams for

pie form)kʷelr- gwelr- twistcirclegel- j1al- ability power arm reflex palatisation

in pkghel-u(H)-s ɣl-az1- amphibian stem-extension unusual

for pkkle(n)g- krsquolakrsquo- bend

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

53Thomas Smitherman

kon-to- krsquountrsquo- crooked bent kart syllabic structure unusual

grsquoen-h1- c1hen- become grow arm cn-aw but zan chen-

grsquohwer- zwer- beast steer kart close to Slavic zver

rek- rekrsquo- rex- call voiceregrsquo- rg- rJ- rule order

direct(s)kel- khel- bendreup- roph- smash crushdhgrsquoh-(i)es- deɣ- deg- day burn PGmc daɣ- gk χϑ-εςprkrsquo- pharchx- harvest secondary palatisation

in kartmegrsquoh(hx)- mec1h- old Laz Svan mechrsquo = not

late Arm loan

References

Faumlhnrich Heinz Etymologisches Woumlrterbuch der kartwelischen Sprachen 2nd ed Amsterdam Brill 1994

Furneacutee EJ Studium zum ostmediterranen Subtrat nebst einem Versuch zu einer neuen pelasgi‑schen Theorie Louvain 1979

Gamqrelidze T amp Ivanov V V Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy Tbilisi 1984Klimov G A Drevnejšie indoevropeizmy kartvelrsquoskix jazykov Moscow Nauka 1994Lexikon der indogermanischen Verbum 2nd ed Wiesbaden 2001Mallory J P amp Adams D Q The Oxford Introduction to Proto-Indo-European and the Proto-

Indo-European world

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

54

Proto-Indo-European kakoacutes lsquobadrsquo ndash another good example of unconditioned a

Dieter Steinbauer

The first part of my paper discusses some problems of establishing the inven-tory of vowel phonemes in the proto-Indo-European phonemic system The short vowels were a e i o u + shwa The latter had no partner among the five long vowels ā ē ī ō ū Shwa was the anaptyctic vowel that developed next to consonants under various conditions

The so-called coloring of pre-proto-Indo-European e by adjacent laryn-geal should be seen as a persistent rule Morphonological rules (reduplication of syllable onset vriddhi insertion of e after first root consonant) can prove this eg vwoey- lsquobirdrsquo vowyom lsquoeggrsquo

The three laryngeals are seen as fricativesspirants h1 = h h2 = x h3 = v

There are some well-known rules that free a ā from the conditioning la-ryngeal Accusative singular -axm gt PIE -ām cp dyewm gt PIE diēm lsquodayrsquo Vocative singular -ax gt PIE -a cp dyew gt PIE dye OI adyaacute lsquotodayrsquo

Ablaut patterns with primary a and ā also exist (ldquolongrdquo makrsquoroacutes mākrsquoos) but still some words will ever () be ldquobeechrdquo-argument-lexemes ie no deci-sion can be made if we have to part from a long ā or vowel plus laryngeal

Relations between vowels of different quantity may be illustrated by lsquoyou = thoursquo and lsquonowrsquo

Beside tu tū and nu nū we find Latin (emphatic) tute tūte lt tūtu Gothic nunu Palaeo-Sicilian nunu (without hint to quantity) These lexemes are not mere iterations but the combinations of the long and short form The usually reconstructed nūn must have lost its second vowel by elision ()

The phonological system of proto-Indo-European is reconstructed by gath-ering cognate sets ie by comparing and evaluating etymologies Many cases are crucial not allowing straightforward reconstructions

In the second part of my paper a host of superficially unrelated problems must be tackled validity of regular sound change even with lexemes originat-ing from sound symbolism or acceptance of obvious irregularities (violation

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

55Dieter Steinbauer

of root-structure complete dissimilation) subgrouping loan words within languages of the same family etc

The proto-I-E word for lsquobadrsquo was kakoacutes The cognate set

bull Greek (up to now) kakoacutes lsquobad evil uglyrsquo Phrygian kako- lsquoevilrsquo Albanian keq (lt kakio-) lsquobad evilrsquo OI aacutekam lsquopainrsquo Avestan aka- lsquobad evilrsquo (ltkaka- loss of k- by dissimilation)

Until now among recognized etymologies for lsquobadrsquo only the prefix dus- could be found The adjective kakoacutes should be added

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

56

The sociophonemics of Late Gaulish

David StifterUniversitaumlt Wien

In order to fully appreciate the diachronic developments of linguistic systems for example the restructuring of the sound systems of languages it is not suf-ficient to have a command of the linguistic facts only but it is also important to have an understanding of the social and historical contexts in which those developments take place When the contexts are known other factors than abstract language-internal tendencies may gain explanational power like for example sociolinguistic variation or contact influence Under this hypothesis I will look at documents of the Late Gaulish language in particular Endli-cherrsquos Glossary and the inscription on the Chacircteaubleau tile to assess how the diachronic-linguistic phenomena identifiable in those texts especially in regard to phonology can be integrated with what can be concluded from the scanty sources about the extralinguistic fate of Gaulish in the Roman provin-cial period

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

57

Greek evidence for the ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo reconsidered

Lucien van BeekLeiden University

In this paper I will reconsider the Greek evidence for the so-called Saussure Effect the phenomenon in some of the daughter languages that a Proto-Indo-European laryngeal seems to be lost in the vicinity of an o-grade The Greek evidence comprises forms of the following two types

A Root-initial laryngeal HRoC(C)- (R any resonant or semivowel) eg ομειχω lsquourinatersquo (Hes) μοιχος lsquoadultererrsquo (Ion-Att)

B Root-final laryngeal before consonant (C)CoRH-C- eg τελαμων lsquocarry-ing straprsquo (Hom) τολμα lsquocouragersquo (Ion-Att)

The communis opinio seems to be that the laryngeal was lost in the environ-ments under (A) and (B) either in PIE or in a late dialectal stage of it (see the bibliography) However if we accept the Saussure Effect as a regular sound change the phonetics behind it are not easily understood Moreover it seems that evidence for it in Balto-Slavic Latin and Anatolian is slim

Therefore my set-up will be to try how far we can get if we assume that the Saussure Effect did not operate in Greek in the way sketched above The ques-tion in each individual case is whether a good alternative explanation can be provided

Selected bibliography

H C Melchert Anatolian Historical Phonology AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1994) 49ffA Nussbaum The ldquoSaussure Effectrdquo in Latin and Italic In A Lubotsky (ed) Sound Law and

Analogy (FS Beekes) AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1997) 181ffP Schrijver The development of the PIE laryngeals in Latin AmsterdamAtlanta Rodopi (1991)

326ff

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

58

PIE mobile accent in Italic further evidence

Brent VineUniversity of California Los Angeles

It is often assumed that PIE mobile accent was lost without a trace in Italic hav-ing been converted to an initial-stress accent witnessed by the Common Italic ldquoperiod of initial stressrdquo (inferable from Sabellic and Latin syncope MiddleLate Etruscan syncope Latin vowel reduction and OscanLatin ldquogeminatio vocaliumrdquo) In recent years however several theories have proposed the main-tenance of limited forms of early Italic mobile accent in some cases traceable to PIE accentual alternations Thus Lat palma lsquopalmrsquo is said (eg Meiser 1998 108f) to display the accented treatment of CŔHC (gt Ital CaraC ie pĺh2‑meh2 gt palamā gt Lat palma) vs unaccented CRHC (gt Ital CRāC eg plh2‑noacute- gt Lat plānus lsquoflatrsquo) cf the analogous Greek pattern in παλάμη (again lt pĺh2‑meh2) vs unaccented CRC gt CRāC (Rix 1992 73) For a second type according to a proposal of Rix (1996 158n7 cf Meiser 1998 74) PIE unaccent-ed final vowels were subject to regular apocope in Latin (eg PIE eacuteti [ Ved aacuteti Gk ἔτι] gt Lat et) whereas accented final vowels were retained (eg loc sg ped-iacute [cf Gk dat ποδί] gt Lat pede) Both of these proposals while intriguing and attractive in some respects remain controversial

More recently I have suggested that ldquoThurneysen-Havetrsquos Lawrdquo which ac-counts for the a-vocalism of forms like Lat cavēre lsquobeware of rsquo ( κοεω lsquoper-ceiversquo) lt kouh1-eacuteieo- might also exhibit a trace of PIE mobile accent in early Italic The extreme age of the process was demonstrated by Schrijver (1991 436ff) a conception that has been embraced more widely (cf Meiser 1998 85 Martzloff 2006 125ff de Vaan 2008 8) The chronology can be further sup-ported by the possibility that Umbrian sauitu lsquoshe shall woundrsquo (cf Lat sau‑cius lsquowoundedrsquo) provides a Sabellic example of the process (Vine 2004 622ff) Since forms with unaccented ou (in PIE terms) undergo the change to au (cf kouh1-eacuteieo- gt Ital kauē-) while forms with accented oacuteu (in PIE terms) do not (eg h2oacuteu-i- lsquosheeprsquo [acrostatic i‑stem] gt Ital oui-) I have proposed (2006) that Thurneysen-Havetrsquos Law was conditioned by what remained of PIE mobile accent at a very early phase of Italic Thus some instances may reflect still other PIE alternations such as τομος vs τομος distinctions (eg Lat cavus lsquohollowrsquo lt kouH-oacute- lsquoswellingrsquo vs Ibero-Romance kouo- [Port cocircvo

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

59Brent Vine

lsquohollow deeprsquo Span cueva lsquocaversquo etc] lt koacuteuH-o--eh2 cf κοοι κοιλώματα τὰ χάσματα τῆς γῆς Hsch)

The present paper explores two problematic morphological categories in Italic ndash acrostatic iterative-causatives (as in the notorious relic form Lat sōpīre lsquoput to sleeprsquo) and o‑stem denominatives (with poorly-explained ldquo4th-conjuga-tionrdquo inflection Lat servus lsquoslaversquo rarr servīre lsquobe a slaversquo etc) ndash and suggests that both can be explained on the basis of a phonological rule that was sensitive to the position of the accent in PIE terms The discussion of Lat sōpīre begins with a critical reevaluation of the standard theory of acrostatic iterative-causa-tives (Klingenschmitt 1978 LIV) in particular the construct of a ldquozero-graderdquo version -ieo- of iterative-causative -eacuteieo- A reconsideration of o‑stem de-nominatives points up the weaknesses of the prevailing view that these are based on i‑stem pendants of thematic formations The morphological make-up and phonological treatment of these categories in the terms suggested here may provide evidence that in addition to the accentual distinctions noted above early Italic may also have distinguished among accentually contrasting patterns of verbal derivation such as X-eieo- (acrostatic iterative-causative) ~ X-eacuteieo- (standard iterative-causative) ~ X-e-ieacuteoacute- (o‑stem denominative)

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

60

Aspects of Euphratic phonology

Gordon WhittakerGeorg-August-Universitaumlt Goumlttingen

It has been argued in a series of recent publications that

a apparently unmotivated sign values in the cuneiform writing systemb place names in Southern Mesopotamia long thought to be of substrate ori-

gin andc unsegmentable polysyllabic terminology in Sumerian may indicate prior

contact with an Indo-European language

Many of the terms in question exhibit sufficient regularity in their correspon-dences to permit tentative conclusions to be drawn as to the underlying pho-nology of the language in question which has been dubbed Euphratic

The presentation will focus on several areas of phonological interest and discuss the potential and limitations of work on loanwords from a language for which no cuneiform texts are as yet accessible

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

61

Types of ablaut class assignment in non-primary nominal derivation

Paul WidmerPhilipps-University Marburg

Internally derived secondary nominal stems are usually assigned the ablaut class that follows the ablaut class of the derivational basis according to the hierarchically arranged derivational chain (acrostatic gt proterokinetic gt hys-terokinetic gt holokinetic) Alternatively the derived nominal stem may as well be assigned a holokinetic ablaut pattern regardless of the ablaut class of the derivational basis a fact which is quite intriguing It will be suggested that this assignment rule is closely interrelated with phenomena that occur in non-primary nominal derivation from case forms

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

62

Phonetic interpretation of Hurrian sibilants in the light of Indo-European evidence

Ilya YakubovichUniversity of Chicago

The Hurrian language has three ldquosibilantrdquo phonemes that are recorded with the help of the ltsagt ltšagt and ltzagt series in the Mitanni Letter and conven-tionally labeled S Š and TS In my presentation I intend to argue that Š of the traditional transcription should be rather interpreted as the alveolar fricative s with two allophones [s] and [z] The other two phonemes should be reconstructed as affricates ts1 and ts₂ although their precise phonetic interpretation remains uncertain

The prima facie argument for the alveolar interpretation of Š comes from Hurrian texts recorded in Hittite and Ugaritic orthographies Hurrian Š re-ceives the same graphic representation as Hitt Š which represents the regu-lar reflex of Indo-European s The nontrivial similarity between the rendition of Hitt Š as lttgt in the Ugaritic alphabet and the transcription of Hurr Š as lttgt~ltdgt in the same system of writing further underscores the phonetic affinity between the Hittite and Hurrian sounds The grapheme lttgt is most frequently used for rendering the reflexes of Proto-Semitic θ ([thorn]) in the inherited stratum of the Ugaritic lexicon Yet the assumption that the only Hittite sibilant was [thorn] would typologically unlikely while the change θ gt s can be accounted for as part of the chain shift in the history of Ugaritic and in fact increases the phonetic naturalness of the Ugaritic system of sibilants Therefore the alveolar fricative [s] emerges as the most economical phonetic interpretation for Hittite Š Ugaritic lttgt and the voiceless allophone of Hur-rian Š

The voiceless allophones of the Hurrian affricates ts1 and ts2 were appar-ently rendered with the ltsgt and ltṣgt signs in Ugaritic orthography while ltzgt was reserved for their voiceless allophone The affricate articulation of Ugaritic ltsgt and ltzgt is accepted in modern Semitological research In Hittite orthog-raphy both Hurrian affricates were rendered with the ltzagt series which was also used for the Hittite affricate lttsgt The fact that Akk ṣalmu- lsquostatuersquo was borrowed into Mitanni Hurrian as salamši further corroborates the hypothesis

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

63Ilya Yakubovich

that the Hurrian phoneme conventionally reconstructed as S had an affricate pronunciation

An additional argument for the new reconstruction comes from the com-parison between Hurrian and Urartian The close genetic relationship between these two languages prompts one to assume that their phonemes linked by regular correspondences were also phonetically similar unless compelling evidence to the contrary can be presented Numerous reliable cognates bear witness to the correspondence Hurr Š ~ Urart Š Hurr šue- ~ Urart šui‑ni lsquoallrsquo Hurr šauri- ~ Urart šuri- lsquoweaponrsquo Hurr taršuwani- ~ Urart taršuwani- lsquohuman beingrsquo etc The Urartian borrowings into Armenian indicate however that the phonetic value of Urart Š was [s] rather than [ʃ] Urart šuri- lsquoweap-onrsquo gt Arm sur lsquoswordrsquo Urart šani- lsquovesselrsquo ~ Arm san lsquocauldronrsquo etc Given that the Urartians borrowed their cuneiform writing from the Neo-Assyrian Empire this conclusion is consistent with the likely pronunciation of Š as [s] in Neo-Assyrian which has been established on independent grounds

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford

64

A new environment for laryngeal loss in Proto-Celtic

Nicholas ZairOxford University

It has long been assumed that the regular reflex of a laryngeal between two con-sonants in Proto-Celtic was a (eg Schumacher 2004 135ndash136) The purpose of this paper is to argue that in one environment the laryngeal was lost without reflex on the basis of forms such as OIr fomiddotceird ldquothrowsrdquo lt kerH-deo- ferc ldquoangerrdquo lt uerHĝ- MIr ferb ldquoblisterrdquo lt uerH-bhā Comparison of these forms with eg MIr arathar ldquoploughrdquo lt H2erH3‑tro‑ OIr talam ldquoearth groundrdquo lt telH2-mō suggests a rule whereby laryngeals were lost in CHT clusters but vocalised in CHCC and CHR clusters The rule applied only to clusters in non-initial syllables (cf MW had ldquoseedsrdquo lt sH1‑tV‑) Different results in ini-tial and non-initial CHC clusters are of course well attested in other Indo-European languages eg in Proto-Germanic (Ringe 2006 79ndash80 137ndash139)

Recognition of this rule allows us to address several long-standing prob-lems of Proto-Celtic historical phonology For example OIr domiddotcer ldquofellrdquo re-flects kerH2‑t but kerat ought to have given karat in Proto-Celtic by Josephrsquos law (eRa gt aRa Joseph 1982 55) According to the new rule kerH2‑t gt kert gt ker gt domiddotcer by regular sound change (for the loss of ‑t cf OIr middotbeacute ldquomay berdquo lt buet) The same development also sheds light on the development of VIHC clusters in Celtic H3reiH-trā gt reiatrā gt W rhaeadr ldquotorrentrdquo keuH2‑ro‑ gt kauaro- gt MW cawr ldquogiantrdquo Gaul Καυαρος but kreuH-di- gt kreudi- gt MIr cruacuteaid ldquohard harshrdquo

The implications of this Proto-Celtic rule for a suggested Proto-Indo-European rule CHCC gt CCC in non-initial syllables (Hackstein 2004) will be discussed

References

Hackstein Olav (2002) ldquoUridg CHCC gt CCCrdquo Historische Sprachforschung 115 1ndash22Joseph Lionel S (1982) ldquoThe treatment of CRH- and the origin of CaRa- in Celticrdquo Eacuteriu 32

31ndash57Schumacher Stefan (2004) Die keltischen Primaumlrverben Ein vergleichendes etymologisches und

morphologisches Lexikon InnsbruckRinge Don (2006) From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic Oxford