II

ioliUBI BONI TACENT. MALUM

Vol. VII, No.1 January, 1972

Editor and publisher: F. Sionil Jose. Editorial Advirsers: Onofre D. Corpuz, Mochtar Lubis, Sulak Sivaraksa.Contributing Editor: Leonard Casper. Correspondents:, Willam Hsu, Edwin Thumb"". --ARTICLES

SOUTHEAST ASIA IN THE SEVENTIES ...................... Soedjahno7co 3INDONESIA AND THE WORLD .............................. Mochtar Liibü 7SOME OBSERVATIONS ON THE PROMOTION OF JAPANESE-

INDONESIAN CULTURAL :RELATIONS ............... Rosihan Anwa-r 12SMALL FAMILY NORM FOR FILIPINOS.................. F. Landa Jocano 2-4LIFE STYLE OF THE URBAN POOR AND PEOPLE'S

ORGANIZATIONS .................................. Richard P: Poethig 37

NEIGHBORS IN CEBU .................................... Helga E. Jacobson 44

FICTION

MOTHER GOES TO HEAVEN.............................. SitorSitumorang 17BIG WHITE AMERICAN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. .. . . . . .. Federico Licsi Espino, Jr. 30A CHILD'S GARDEN OF TELEVISION .................... Erwin E. Castillo 35

POETRY

TWO POEMS .......................................,........ Trisno Siimci'djo 2

CHINESE IMPRESSIONS: POEMS WRITTEN IN TAIPEI.. Cirilo F. Bautista 22LIGHT AND DARKNESS MEET TWICE ..........;........ Gemino H. Abad 29CARISSIMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. Tita Lacambra-Ayala 36THE MANGO TREE ................................... Suvimalee Gunaratna 47

LITERARY NOTES: WRITERS AND AWARDS ........... Federico Mangahas 48THE PRAYING MAN (Contimiation) .................... Bienvenido N. Santos' 54INDEX TO VOLUME VI .................................................... 51

CONTRIBUTORS .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 51

531 Padre Faura¡ Ermitai Manila¡ Philippines.. Europe and the Amerlcas $.95; Asia

Europe and .the Americas S10.00. Asia $8.50. A stamped self-addressed envelopemanuscripts otherwise they carinot be returned.

for Cultural Freedom with Office at 104 Boulevard Haussmann Paris Be.orSolidarity isFranc-e.Views expressed in Solidarity Magazine are to be attributed to th~ aulhors.Copyright 1967, SOLIDARIDAD Publishing House. 'Entered as Second-Class Matter at the Manila Post Office on February 7, 1968.

LIFE STYLE OF THEURBAN POORAND PEOPLE'SORGANIZATIONS

Richard p~ Poethig

So lon.gas the city contains a size-able lower dass, nothing basic canbe done about its most seriousproblems. Good jobs mary be of-fered to all, but some will re'mciinchronically iinemployed. Slwmsmciy be demolished, but if the hous-ing thcit replaces them is occupiedby the lower cl'1,ss, it will shortlybe turned into the new slu.ms. Wel-fare pciymønts may be doubled ortripled and a negatúie income taxinstituted, biit some persons willconb1nue tn live in squa,lor and mis-ery. . .. The streets ma11 be filled

with armies of policemen, but viol-ent crime and civil disorder willdecrease v'ery little. If however, thelower class were to disappear...the most serious and intractableproblems of the city wil disappearwith it. (itals. mine)

- 'Edward BanfieldThe Unheavenuy City*

There is no such thing as an apci-thetic group, culture or clasB.

- Saul Alinsky

The two quotes represent two viewsof the urban poor. Edward Banfield, anurbanologist, suggests that the socialproblems of the city stem from the poorwho live in a state of improvidence andirresponsibility. Eliminate the poor,says Banfield, and the city wil go onto greater things.

Saul Alinsky, an organizer of urbanpoor communities, believes differently.

* Little, Brown & Co., Boston, Mass., 1970.

37

Alinsky asserts that there is no groupof' people who are hopeless. Any peopleno matter how poor, can be organizedto become determiners of their ownfuture.Literature. Provided A Viewof the Urb'an Poor

In the past, views of the urban poorhave been expressed by those who studyurban communities. Government pro-grams related to the urban poor havedrawn heavily on the pictures of theurban poor reflected in the writingsand studies of novelists, journalists,and sociologists. The urban poor werefirst characterized by the novelists andmuckrakers of the 19th century. Char-les Dicken's portrayal of the Londonslums in his novel and Jacob Riis' jour-nalistic work on life in the New Yorktenements, How the Other Half Lives,presented. the images of poverty uponwhich .latter-day sociologists reflected.

Close on the heels of the no,velists andthe muckrakers were the AmericanClergymen whose religious sensibiltieswere aroused by the conditions of theurban slums. The Social Gospel Move-ment, led by Walter Rauschenbush,played a maj or role in callng for social

reform in the industrial system ofAmerica, which had relegated countlessthousands to lives of quiet desperation.The literature which came out of thisperiod continued to have influence longafter its initial impact. Its reformistmessage colored the writings of thelater urban sociologists who used em-pirical data to picture life among theurban ,poor.Literature during the New Deal

period in the U.S. was essentially re-fo,rmist in nature. The urban poor weretreated as an entity apart from themain body of society. Franklin Roose-velt's "one-third of a nation - the il~housed, il-clothed, il-fed" were to belegi,slated into the main body of the na-tion. "Dead End," a popular motionpicture of the period, reflected many ofthe sociologists' notions of the social

. disorganization and the familal disin-tegration which were to be found in

38 Solidarity

the life of the urban slums. It wasfilmed on a street dead-ending on theEast River. The title was symbolic ofthe future of those who lived in theslums. It told the story of neglectedchildren - the school drop-outs of thatday - beginning their life of crime. A"wanted" criminal, who returns to thehaunts of his youth, is the

hero of thestreet gang. The moral of the storywas of course, that crime does not pay,sinc~ the public enemy is finally gunneddown by New York police. But theimage of poverty presented by the pic-ture remains vivid in my mind's eyethirty-five years later - repressive, re-.

trogressive, disintegrative.

A Personal View

Having grown up in New York Cityduring the 1930's, within walking dis-tance of the scene of "Dead End," I cannow reflect on the inadequacies of theimage presented. The neighborhood inwhich I lived was not repressive, re-trogressive, or disintegrative. The fam-iles from which my friends came werenot at the point of fallng apart. Theneighborhood, in fact, had a distinctcharacter.

Although reputedly the German sec-tion of the city, it was ethnically mixed.The street corner society to which I be-longed included friends whose forbearswere Czechs, Slovaks, Austrians, Hun-garians, Russians, Italians, Irish, andArmenians. The city block provided thenormal social unit around which socialactivities took place. Relatives werewithin walking distance or could bereached by a quick trip on the subway.Grandmother's birthday brought to-gether numerous aunts, uncles, andcousins. Friends from the neighbor-hood would drop by for pinochle orpoker games or just to kaffee-klatsch.The shops and the stores fronting onthe avenues provided points of socialexchange. They also provided after-school and Saturday jobs. The side-streets were the playgrounds. A widerange of ball games were ingeniouslycontrived to fit into the limited space

available. For the adults on warm sum-

mer evenings, the front stoops of thesidestreet tenements provided the con-text for conviviality, the exchange ofneighborhood information, and forkeeping a watchful eye on the activitiesof the neighborhood youth.

This personal note does not meanthat all neighborhoods were alike orthat the elements of family break-down, juvenile delinquency, crime werenot to be found in poor neighborhoods.It is to assert that a pattern of social

relationships did exist which providedorganization and a continuing rhythmof life to the neighborhood.

Social Orgamization Amongthe City's Poor

Wiliam Whyte was among the firstto discover the social organizationwhich existed in urban poor communi-ties.! "Street Garner Society," his 1943study of the north End of Boston,. un-covered the highly organized behaviorand social controls which existed in anItalian urban slum neighborhood.Whyte's work began a stream of urbanpoor neighborhood studies which havecontinued to this day. Besides affrmingthe social organization which exists inurban poor neighborhoods, these studieshave shown the variety of social envi-ronments in which the urban poor live.Clinard in his authoritative work on

ISome better known studies were WiliamF. Whyte, Street COTner Society, a 1943study of North End Boston; Michael Youngand Peter Wilmott, Family and Kinship inEast London, 1957; Jane Jacobs, The Deathand Life of Great Amencan Cities, 1961, withspecific referenèe to Greenwich Vilage andlower Manhattan; Herbert Gans, The UrbanVillagers, a 1962'study of West End Boston;Ellot Liebow, Tally's Corner, a 1967 study of

a Negro section of Washington, D.C. FromLatin America: Wiliam Mangin and JohnT'urner, The Barriada Movem6'nt, a 1968 study

of squatters of Lima, Peru; Liza Peattie, The

View from the Barno, a 1968 study of a bar-

rio of Guayana, Venezuela. From Asia:Ronald Dore, City Life in Japan, 1958; Bar-

rington Kaye, Upper Nanking Street, a studyof a shop house section of Singapore; MaryHollnsteiner, Inner Tondo as a Way of Dife,1967.

Life Style of the UrbGf POior

Slum and Community Develop'ment(1966), summarizes the findings of thepast decade on urban poor neighbor-boods:

Although some slums lewk unity,disunity camnot be iussu'med to be (L

gerneral phenomenon of the slum.Rathef, eOJch slum neighborhoodmust be examined in the light ofits own sub-culture. In Bach ciase,the particu~ar sub-ciilture will be

the dominant influence on the lifepattern of the respec,tive slum t~n-

habibamts¡ s,haping their livesthrough the pressure of environ-mønval amd f1amily backgroiinds,cultural tt'aditiMi1s, amd major lifeconcerns.2

The neighborhood distinctness towhich Clinard refers is undergirded byaspects of social organization fromwhich the urban sub-culture draws itslife - the sense of belonging and at-tachment to a neighborhood, strongfamily and ethnic ties, formal groups,informal social activities, mutual as-sistance.

Culture of PovertyThe work of Oscar Lewis provided a

different dimension and a compellngterm for the life he found among theurban poor. Drawing upon the studiesof the vecinidOJdes of Mexico City andLa Esmeralda, the squatter barrio inSan Juan, Puerto Rico, Lewis assertedthat within these urban poor communi-ties there existed a way of life whichcould be characterized as a "culture ofpoverty." In this concept, Lewis em-phasized the cyclical nature of povertý,as it is passed on from one generationto another. For Lewis, the "culture ofpoverty" is both a state of disorganiza-

tion and economic deprivation, and arationale of sodo-psychological mecha-nisms through which the poor face life.In his studies of the Sanchez family ofMexico City and the Rios family in San

2Marshall B. Clinard, Slums amd Commu-nity Development (New York: The FreePress, 1966), p. 117.

39

Juan and New York, the social and psy-chological characteristics of poor fam-iles are reinforced in the behavior ofthe young early in life. Lewis has enu-merated the characteristics of the "cul-ture of poverty":

1. The lack of effective participationof the poor in the major institu-tions of the larger society.

2. Within the local community, thereare poor housing conditions,crowding, gregariousness, and aminimum of organization beyondthe level of the nuclear and ex-tended family.

3. On the family level, there is anabsence of childhood as a special-ly prolonged and protected statein the life cycle, early initiation

into sex, free unions or consen-sual marriages, a relatively highincidence of the abandonment ofwives and children, a trend to-ward mother-centered families,predisposition to authoritarian-ism, lack of privacy, a great em-phasis on family solidarity, anideal rarely achieved.

4. On the individual level, a strongfeeling of marginality, of help-lessness, of dependence, of infe-riority.s

Some years ago. E. P. Patanne, in aManila Times Sunday Magazine arti-cle4 applied Os~ar Lewis' concept of the"culture of poverty" to the Philippinescene. Patanne sought to show the sim-ilarity of the poor of Oscar Lewis'studies to the poor of the Manila squat-ter areas. He listed the economic as-pects of the culture of poverty whichhe found in Lewis:

1. the constant struggle for survival2. unemployment3. low wages4. a miscellany of unskiled occupa-

tions5. child labor

30scar Lewis, La. Vida (Vintage Books:

New York, 1968), p. xiv.4"The Culture of Poverty," The Siinday

Times Magazine, November 11, 1962.

40

6. absence of savings7. a chronic shortage of cash8. the' absence of food reserves in

the home9. the pattern of frequent buying of

small quantities of food manytimes a day as the need arises

10. the pawning of personal goods11. borrowing from local money lend-

ers at usurious. rates of interest

12. spontaneous informal credit de-vices organized by neighbors

13. the use of second hand clothingand furniture.

Patanne translated these into commonTagalog sayings:

1. nakaraos din2. kung minsan may trabaho, kung

minsan wala3. ang kinikita ko, kulang pa sa

pagkain4. maski anong trabaho5. mabuting anak, nagtitinda ng si-

garilyo6. walang"'wala7. palaging 'broke' tayo, alam rna

naman8. wala bang makain dito sa bahay

na ito?9. 0 ito, bum'i ka ng tuyo, utangin

mo na!10. prenda11. the great "pa-l1tang" system

which can be found in all marketplaces and neighborhoods - "hu-lugan"

12. paluwa,gan13. Tama na iyan, saka na lang bu-

mili ng bago 'pag may pera. Ineverything else, p'asuerte-su.erte

lang.

Patanne carried his analysis furtherby suggesting a close relationship be-tween the attitudes of the poor and thetraditional patterns of behavior in thePhilppines. "To a certain extent," Pa-tanne suggested, "the culture of po-verty may be defined, in our case cer-tainly, in terms of the norms whichstraddle the entire society - from therich to pòor." Seven years later in hercolumn in the Sund,ay Tim,elS Magazine,

-Solidarit11

Carmen Guerrero..N akpil made thesame point. Reasserting the kinship be-tween the rich and . the poor in thePhilppines, she wrote:

For the w1ays of the rich in orurcOlUntrr 1(11"6 unc(1nnily like the

w1ays of the POO'i'. They have thesiame S'tyle, or if you p're/er, the

same pro!lig(1cy of spirit. The poorman is poor because he blew hislast cwribao or quit his la,S't job fora fiesta. Only t~e very rich shmlldbe (1ble to afford siwh dissipation,and they do and it only 1n.akesthem richerr. Biit the. po'or do it, too,and my only point is tmat they do i.just as beiartifully 'aoid with thesrame generosity.5

Both E.P.Patanne and CarmenGuerrero-N akpil were on the track ofthe essential relationship which pover-ty has to culture. For many years, po-verty has beeiiJookedupon as disor-ganized behavior..in urban society. Theearliest efforts of journalists, clergy-men, sociologists were aimed at reform-ing t~e poor and bringing them intoorganited society. Most of the reflec-tions u\pon pnverty asasub'~normal con-dition in modern society have beendrawn from studies carried out in theWestern, worlq.. The A:rerican experi-ence , with, its. istrongsocial., conscienceand its mission. to achieyea, unified so-ciety , exerted. a.stronginfluence on themodern views.. of the Brbai1 poor. Thosewho studied,.spoke,aiid.'\I'ote aboutthe urbanpoor,'Vie;W~dsociety fromwithin the conte:xtpftpeir.middle classvalues. Theysa;wthe 'Wide range ofethnic and. rac.ia.lgr.oupsil'' the. UnitedStates .asfo.reignbo?ies.'\hich neededto be refor:rediia.nd.ji:icorporated intothe,. maiii...body.o~.Ai.eriea. · Since theimmigrantgr8M:isil'.the......U.S. in the19th centur:r beK~i:i~ttpe.bottom of theeconomic ..1adder,........:i()y~'ltJTWas ass 0-cia ted. witlif8.reigners,t-.:ridwas seen asan a bn()ri.al\~ta.t~/jlli\t-..J)a.sically richsociety.

5"Rich and Poor," The Sunday Times Mag-azine, July 27, 1969.

Life Style of the Urb,an Poor

Studies of the urban poor in other'countries have had a similar bias. Theurban poor have been viewed as a peo-ple outside the mainstream of society.The initial concern has been to bringthem into the main body. Even OscarLewis' work, for all its 'insights intothe cultural characteristics of poverty,

has studied poor familes at arm'slength from the society as a whole.Poverty; to Lewis, stil carried the ca-

riacature of separateness.

Culture - A Stronger ForceThan Poverty

Recent studies of squatter communi-ties, particularly in Latin America"have pointed to the integrative elements

iof poverty in relation to culture. Apoor man cannot be separated from hisnatu:ml environment and from the cui;.ture into which he was born. The dailybehavior of a person and the social re~lationships he develops are rooted i'nthe cultural patterns of his society.This web of inter-personal relation-ships cuts across all groups of peoplein his culture. It provides a holistic re-'lationship between rich and poor andthe reactions each have to the issues oflife. In the introduction to Peiasants inCitie:s, Wiliam Mangin makes thepoint that the pOQr in any country havemore in common with the rest of theircountry in terms of family and kinship

patterns, aspirations, values, culturalworld views, body movements and lan-guage habits, than they do with thepoor of other countries. Thus, Manginsuggests:

The poor of Mexico and PuertoRico (San Ju,an and New York va-rieties) decrcribed by Lewis havemore in common culturally withthe general popuZa,tion of Mexic.rlisand Puerto Ricans than they dowith the pom' of Fmnce and Pa.kis-tan: Poor Negroes inthei UnitedSta,tes are more like middle classblackwnd white Americans, eve:ngranting the black power rhetoric,

41

thar thøy are like the poor of Gha-na, Egypt, or Mexico.6

What does this say to us as we tryto relate to the issue of poverty.in thePhilpP'ines? First, it tells us that wemust take seriously the role which cul-tural patterns, provide for change. Wehave often looked at culture as restric..tive in regard to social change., In an

age of rapid social change, we: havelumped together all the attitudes andattributes inherited from the past.

But no, society is completely static.There is a continuous interplay of re-gional and international forces; as wellas internaL l!ressures, which keep a so-ciety on the: move. What is importantis how a society uses the cultural pat-terns openi to it in accommodating toand in bringing change. Close-knit aSesociationali patterBs among the Peru-vian Indian migrants into the city pro-vided them the organizational abilityto carry 0ut planned squatter invationsof vacant government land. Faced withwell-planned and determined squatteroccupations, the Peruvian governmentultimately legttimized th.e holdings ofthe squatter organizations.

Social Orgari'zation in Philippine Cities

The same patterns exist within thePhilippine setting. Strong associational

ties to one's region is the basis formuch community life in the city - par.ticularly among the poor. Regional tiesare used to gain political patronage,for mutual aid, or to find a j oh in thecity. Among the urban poor, peoplefrom the same, region settle near oneanother for social contact and for pro-tection. The community, derived fromregional associations, helps the newurban dweUer survive in the city aswell as provides him a base from whichto gain urban experience. On the basis. of the community, individual familesare able to rise and achieve social mo-

bilty within the city. Social mobility as

a factor for change is open to a limited

6Wiliam Mangin (ed.), Peasants in Cities,(Boston: Houghton Mifflin Co., 1907), p. xvii.

42

number of familes. If the familes whoare upwardly mobile deprive the com-munityof their leadership, the ,commu-nity is the loser.

A second aspect of the issue is thechange brought to a culture by techno-logy. Technology has sped the growthof the cities. It has increased the move-ment of people off the land into the ur-ban centers. Besides producing consu-mer goods, technology has provided themeans of communication and transpor~tation by which the city lives andmoves. Technology has prompted theorganizational system which ties a citytogether. A city functions through thenetwork of its various organizations -he they economic, social or poliicaL.

To live in the city, a person takespart in its organizations. Guy Swanson,an American sociologist, points outthat the casualties of city lifè are those

people who are not tied to it organiza-tionally. He cites studies made in De-troit, San F'rancisco, and Springfield,Massachussets which show that themost forlorn are the aged, the divorced,

the widowed, the unemployed, and theunskiled. The studies indicated thatadvancing age, limited educational at-tainment, and low economic status re-late directly to the degree of alienation

a person feels toward society. Whenthese factors are in combination withsocial isolation - a lack of relationshipto formal organization or few informalcontacts - the alienation intensifies.7

Organization becomes an essentialfactor in the participation of the poor

in urban society. I have already sug-

gested that participation in their social,ethnic, or regional associations begins

to provide the poor a sense of belong-

ing in the city. The urban poor soonlearn that to have leverage in the city,the name of the game is politics. Livingtenuously as they do on governmentland, the urban poor learn to exert

7Cited by Guy Swanson in The Vocationof a Church in Amenca., address given in De-

troit, Michigan to a joint Session of the Gen-eral Convention of the Prqtestant EpiscopalChurch of the U.S.A., June 1961.

Solidarity

pressure on the political system. Theyconvert their social, ethnic, and region-al associations into poliical allances towin favors for votes. The urban politi-cal system provides the urban poorwith the means to hold off eviction andto gain time while some of their num-ber improve their position.

Philippine Political Org1anization

In his study of urban politics, Dr.Aprodicio Laquian has pointed to thedevelopment of local political machinesas one basis for integrating the poorinto urban life. The local poliical ma-chines, built upon the vote of the urbanpoor, force the national parties to re-cognize the needs of the poor commu-nities - thus allowing for wider poli-tical participation of the poor. Laquianconcludes. "Hopefully, as economic andsocial conditions in the slums improve,there wil be a shift in the role of ma-chine from selfishly particularistic pres-sure to more general welfare-orientedlobbies."8

The development of political 8avoir. fwire among the urban poor has thusprovided a lever for wider communitychange. But even here experience hastaught that often political machineshave not delivered the goods they pro~mised. The people become over-depen-dent upon the liders who dominate theorganization. Many times the liderspick a losing candidate or they fall outwith the administration. In any case,the lider's short-circuit any real parti-cipation on the part of the people incommunity change.

Participiatimi of the Poorin Decisiorn-Making

This raises the need for another al~ternative. Recognizing the importancewhich organization plays in bringingchange, the people's participation inorganization needs to be broadened sothat they become shapers of their so-

8The 'Rurba.n' Slum, As 'Zone of' Transi-tion,' paper given on February 3, 1969 at In-stitute 0.£ Advanced Projects, East-West Cen-ter, Hawaii, p. 16.

Life Style of the Urba.n Poor 43

ciety instead of its victims. The needto involve more people in discussionswhich concern their livelihoDd, their en-vironment, their future is the processwhich community organizers seek tostrengthen. Wiliam Mangin cites theimportance that direct involvement andparticipation of the poor in changingtheir immediate situation has uponthem as citizens.

The La.tin Americarri urban sqii.at-tm's who take i"nitia;tive, defy thepolice, risk and often lose theirproperty and ocoasiori,aUy the livesof relatives and friønds, and whoererite their own communities andbuild their own houses in the faiceof societrLl oP1,ositimi, often se-iem to

gain a confidence and s.trengthfrom the

activity thai e11ables them

to become ,a functioning PClt of the

same S'ociety thait opposed them.9

It is this ahilty to build organiza-tions, to make decisions, to act uponthose decisions which is the very pro-

cess of democratic involvement. It is aconfrontation of the power of wealthand influence hy the power of the peo-ple organized for justice. This is partof the process of democracy whichkeeps it vital and the only alternativeto political systems controlled by thefew. Even Oscar LeWis recognizes theeffect of organization upon the cultureof poverty.

When the poor bøcome cZass-con-scious amd a.clive memben of trcideunion organizcif:ons, or when thøy

9Wiliam Mangin, op. cit;, p. xxxiii.

A naûon's treasure. .. scholars.

adop'tan internationcilist outlook on, the world, they are no longer partof the culture of povetrty, aLthough

they may be stiZl despØ'aitely PO'0'.Any moiverent, be it ireligioi!s,pacifist, or revo.zutiO'læry, which or-ganizes and gives hope to the poora,nd effectively promotes solida,ritywnd a sense of identifica,tion withZarger groups, destroys the psycho-logic1al and social core of the cul-ture of poverty.10

The criticism of the poor voiced byEdward Banfield in the opening quota-tion suggests little hope for change.The poor wil always need things donefor them. But when the poor organ'izeon their own behalf, it is the beginningof the end of a welfare psychology.Participation in organizatión breaksthe continual cycle of poverty-cons-ciousness by focusing upon what theycan do for themselves through theirnumbers. It is the beginning of a peo-ple who. have recognized th~ir right toparticipate in their society - economi-GaIly, socially, and poliically.

The goal of a democracy is to assurethe participation of all segments of asociety in the making of a nation.Ex-clusion of any group from representa-tion in the affairs of the larger

societyweakens that society and leaves it opento discontent. It is the task of thosewho believe in democratic processes toassure that the channels for expressionare kept open and the machinery forthe redress of inj ustice is kept func-tioning.

lOOscar Lewis, op. cit., p. xlviii.

Don't VJaste good iron for nails. .. good men for soldiers.

Bitter words are good medicine... sweet words carry in-

fection.

From the Chinese