understanding partition
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Understanding Partition - Politics, Memories, Experiences
We know that the joy of our countrys independence from colonial rule in 1947 was tarnished by the violence brutality of Partition. he Partition of !ritish "ndia into the soverei#n states of "ndia and Pakistan $with its wes
and eastern win#s% led to many sudden developments. housands of lives were snuffed out& many otherschan#ed dramatically& cities chan#ed& "ndia chan#ed& a new country was born& and there was unprecedented
#enocidal violence and mi#ration. his chapter will e'amine the history of Partition( why and how it happenedwell as the harrowin# e'periences of ordinary people durin# the period 194)*+, and beyond. "t will also discu
how the history of these e'periences can be reconstructed by talkin# to people and interviewin# them& that isthrou#h the use of oral history. -t the same time& it will point out the stren#ths and limitations of oral history
"nterviews can tell us about certain aspects of a societys past of which we may know very little or nothin# fro
other types of sources. !ut they may not reveal very much about many matters whose history we would thenneed to build from other materials. We will return to this issue towards the end of the chapter.
Why and How Did Partition Happen?
Culminating point o a long history?
ome historians& both "ndian and Pakistani& su##est that /ohammad -li 0innahs theory that the indus and
/uslims in colonial "ndia constituted two separate nations can be projected back into medieval history. heyemphasise that the events of 1947 were intimately connected to the lon# history of indu*/uslim conflict
throu#hout medieval and modern times. uch an ar#ument does not reco#nise that the history of conflict
between communities has coe'isted with a lon# history of sharin#& and of mutual cultural e'chan#e. "t also do
not take into account the chan#in# circumstances that shape peoples thinkin#.
ome scholars see Partition as a culmination of a communal politics that started developin# in the openin#
decades of the twentieth century. hey su##est that separate electorates for /uslims& created by the colonial#overnment in 19,9 and e'panded in 1919& crucially shaped the nature of communal politics. eparate
electorates meant that /uslims could now elect their own representatives in desi#nated constituencies. hiscreated a temptation for politicians workin# within this system to use sectarian slo#ans and #ather a followin#
distributin# favours to their own reli#ious #roups. 2eli#ious identities thus ac3uired a functional use within amodern political system and the lo#ic of electoral politics deepened and hardened these identities. 5ommunit
identities no lon#er indicated simple difference in faith and belief they came to mean active opposition andhostility between communities. owever& while separate electorates did have a profound impact on "ndian pol
we should be careful not to over*emphasise their si#nificance or to see Partition as a lo#ical outcome of theirworkin#. 5ommunal identities were consolidated by a host of other developments in the early twentieth centu
6urin# the 19,s and early 198,s tension #rew around a number of issues. /uslims were an#ered by musicbefore*mos3ue:& by the cow protection movement& and by the efforts of the -rya amaj to brin# back to the
indu fold $shuddhi % those who had recently converted to "slam. indus were an#ered by the rapid spread oftabli#h $propa#anda% and tan;im $or#anisation% after 198. -s middle class publicists and communal activists
sou#ht to build #reater solidarity within their communities& mobilisin# people a#ainst the other community& riospread in different parts of the country. arm awa& a film on Partition& puts it& 5ommunal discord happened even before 1947 but it
never led to the uprootin# of millions from their homes: Partition was a 3ualitatively different phenomenon fro
earlier communal politics& and to understand it we need to look carefully at the events of the last decade of!ritish rule.
he provincial elections of 1987 and the 5on#ress ministries
"n 1987& elections to the provincial le#islatures were held for the first time. ?nly about 1, to 1 per cent of th
population enjoyed the ri#ht to vote. he 5on#ress did well in the elections& winnin# an absolute majority in fout of eleven provinces and formin# #overnments in seven of them. "t did badly in the constituencies reserve
/uslims& but the /uslim @ea#ue also fared poorly& pollin# only 4.4 per cent of the total /uslim vote cast in thelection. he @ea#ue failed to win a sin#le seat in the Aorth West Brontier Province $AWBP% and could capture
only two out of C4 reserved constituencies in the Punjab and three out of 88 in ind.
"n the Dnited Provinces& the /uslim @ea#ue wanted to form a joint #overnment with the 5on#ress. he 5on#rhad won an absolute majority in the province& so it rejected the offer. ome scholars ar#ue that this rejection
convinced the @ea#ue that if "ndia remained united& then /uslims would find it difficult to #ain political power
because they would remain a minority. he @ea#ue assumed& of course& that only a /uslim party could repres
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/uslim interests& and that the 5on#ress was essentially a indu party. !ut 0innahs insistence that the @ea#uereco#nised as the sole spokesman: of /uslims could convince few at the time. hou#h popular in the Dnited
Provinces& !ombay and /adras& social support for the @ea#ue was still fairly weak in three of the provinces frowhich Pakistan was to be carved out just ten years later E !en#al& the AWBP and the Punjab.
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majority. >iven the e'istin# political situation& the @ea#ues first demand was 3uite e'traordinary& for a lar#esection of the nationalist /uslims supported the 5on#ress $its dele#ation for these discussions was headed by
/aulana -;ad%& and in West Punjab members of the Dnionist Party were lar#ely /uslims. he !ritish had nointention of annoyin# the Dnionists who still controlled the Punjab #overnment and had been consistently loya
the !ritish.
Provincial elections were a#ain held in 194). he 5on#ress swept the #eneral constituencies& capturin# 91.8 pcent of the non*/uslim vote. he @ea#ues success in the seats reserved for /uslims was e3ually spectacular(
won all 8, reserved constituencies in the 5entre with C).) per cent of the /uslim vote and 44 out of +,9 seain the provinces. ?nly as late as 194)& therefore& did the @ea#ue establish itself as the dominant party amon#
/uslim voters& seekin# to vindicate its claim to be the sole spokesman: of "ndias /uslims. =ou will& however
recall that the franchise was e'tremely limited. -bout 1, to 1 per cent of the population enjoyed the ri#ht tovote in the provincial elections and a mere one per cent in the elections for the 5entral -ssembly.
& possi'le alternati(e to Partition
"n /arch 194) the !ritish 5abinet sent a three member mission to 6elhi to e'amine the @ea#ues demand andsu##est a suitable political framework for a free "ndia. he 5abinet /ission toured the country for three mont
and recommended a loose three*tier confederation. "ndia was to remain united. "t was to have a weak centra
#overnment controllin# only forei#n affairs& defence and communications with the e'istin# provincial assemblbein# #rouped into three sections while electin# the constituent assembly( ection - for the indumajority
provinces& and ections ! and 5 for the /uslim*majority provinces of the north*west and the north*east
$includin# -ssam% respectively. he sections or #roups of provinces would comprise various re#ional units. h
would have the power to set up intermediate*level e'ecutives and le#islatures of their own.
"nitially all the major parties accepted this plan. !ut the a#reement was short*lived because it was based on
mutually opposed interpretations of the plan. he @ea#ue wanted the #roupin# to be compulsory& with ectionand 5 developin# into stron# entities with the ri#ht to secede from the Dnion in the future. he 5on#ress wan
that provinces be #iven the ri#ht to join a #roup. "t was not satisfied with the /issions clarification that #roupwould be compulsory at first& but provinces would have the ri#ht to opt out after the constitution had been
finalised and new elections held in accordance with it. Dltimately& therefore& neither the @ea#ue nor the 5on#ra#reed to the 5abinet /issions proposal. his was a most crucial juncture& because after this partition becam
more or less inevitable& with most of the 5on#ress leaders a#reein# to it& seein# it as tra#ic but unavoidable. /ahatma >andhi and Fhan -bdul >haffar Fhan of the AWBP continued to firmly oppose the idea of partition.
!owards Partition
-fter withdrawin# its support to the 5abinet /ission plan& the /uslim @ea#ue decided on 6irect -ction: for
winnin# its Pakistan demand. "t announced 1) -u#ust 194) as 6irect -ction 6ay:. ?n this day& riots broke ou5alcutta& lastin# several days and leavin# several thousand people dead. !y /arch 1947 violence spread to m
parts of northern "ndia. "t was in /arch 1947 that the 5on#ress hi#h command voted for dividin# the Punjab two halves& one with /uslim majority and the other with induIikh majority and it asked for the application
a similar principle to !en#al. !y this time& #iven the numbers #ame& many ikh leaders and 5on#ressmen in tPunjab were convinced that Partition was a necessary evil& otherwise they would be swamped by /uslim
majorities and /uslim leaders would dictate terms. "n !en#al too a section of bhadralok !en#ali indus& whowanted political power to remain with them& be#an to fear the permanent tutela#e of /uslims: $as one of the
leaders put it%. ince they were in a numerical minority& they felt that only a division of the province could ens
their political dominance.
!he Withdrawal o )aw and *rder
he bloodbath continued for about a year from /arch 1947 onwards. ?ne main reason for this was the collap
the institutions of #overnance. Penderel /oon& an administrator servin# in !ahawalpur $in present*day Pakistaat the time& noted how the police failed to fire even a sin#le shot when arson and killin#s were takin# place in
-mritsar in /arch 1947.
-mritsar district became the scene of bloodshed later in the year when there was a complete breakdown ofauthority in the city. !ritish officials did not know how to handle the situation( they were unwillin# to take
decisions& and hesitant to intervene. When panic*stricken people appealed for help& !ritish officials asked themcontact /ahatma >andhi& 0awaharlal Aehru& Hallabh !hai Patel or /.-. 0innah. Aobody knew who could e'erc
authority and power. he top leadership of the "ndian parties& barrin# /ahatma >andhi& were involved in
ne#otiations re#ardin# independence while many "ndian civil servants in the affected provinces feared for the
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own lives and property. he !ritish were busy preparin# to 3uit "ndia. Problems were compounded because"ndian soldiers and policemen came to act as indus& /uslims or ikhs. -s communal tension mounted& the
professional commitment of those in uniform could not be relied upon. "n many places not only did policemenhelp their co*reli#ionists but they also attacked members of other communities.
he one*man army
-midst all this turmoil& one mans valiant efforts at restorin# communal harmony bore fruit. he 77*year*old>andhiji decided to stake his all in a bid to vindicate his lifelon# principle of non*violence& and his conviction t
peoples hearts could be chan#ed. e moved from the villa#es of Aoakhali in
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"n !en#al the mi#ration was even more protracted& with people movin# across a porous border. his also meathat the !en#ali division produced a process of sufferin# that may have been less concentrated but was as
a#onisin#. Burthermore& unlike the Punjab& the e'chan#e of population in !en#al was not near*total. /any!en#ali indus remained in
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=et& many historians still remain sceptical of oral history. hey dismiss it because oral data seem to lack
concreteness and the chronolo#y they yield may be imprecise. istorians ar#ue that the uni3ueness of persone'perience makes #eneralisation difficult( a lar#e picture cannot be built from such micro*evidence& and one
witness is no witness. hey also think oral accounts are concerned with tan#ential issues& and that the smallindividual e'periences which remain in memory are irrelevant to the unfoldin# of lar#er processes of history.
owever& with re#ard to events such as the Partition in "ndia and the olocaust in >ermany& there is no dearttestimony about the different forms of distress that numerous people faced. o& there is ample evidence to fi#
out trends& to point out e'ceptions. !y comparin# statements& oral or written& by corroboratin# what they yiewith findin#s from other sources& and by bein# vi#ilant about internal contradictions& historians can wei#h the
reliability of a #iven piece of evidence. Burthermore& if history has to accord presence to the ordinary and
powerless& then the oral history of Partition is not concerned with tan#ential matters. he e'periences it relateare central to the story& so much so that oral sources should be used to check other sources and vice versa.6ifferent types of sources have to be tapped for answerin# different types of 3uestions. >overnment reports&
instance& will tell us of the number of recovered: women e'chan#ed by the "ndian and Pakistani states but itthe women who will tell us about their sufferin#.
!imeline
198, * he Drdu poet /ohammad "3bal speaks of the need for a Aorth*West "ndian /uslim state: as anautonomous unit within a sin#le& loose "ndian federation
1988 * he name Pakistan or Pak*stan is coined by a Punjabi /uslim student at 5ambrid#e& 5houdhry 2ehma
1987*89 * 5on#ress ministries come to power in seven out of 11 provinces of !ritish "ndia
194, * he /uslim @ea#ue moves a resolution at @ahore demandin# a measure of autonomy for the /uslim*majority areas
194) * andhi tours Aoakhali in an#adhar ila/aharashtra& !ipin 5handra Pal of !en#al& and @ala @ajpat 2ai of Punjab. he three were known as @al& !al
Pal:& the alliteration conveyin# the all*"ndia character of their stru##le& since their native provinces were ve
distant from one another. Where these leaders advocated militant opposition to colonial rule& there was a #rou/oderates: who preferred a more #radual and persuasive approach. -mon# these /oderates was >andhij
acknowled#ed political mentor& >opal Frishna >okhale& as well as /ohammad -li 0innah& who& like >andhiji& w
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lawyer of >ujarati e'traction trained in @ondon. ?n >okhales advice& >andhiji spent a year travellin# aroun!ritish "ndia& #ettin# to know the land and its peoples. is first major public appearance was at the openin#
the !anaras indu Dniversity $!D% in Bebruary 191). -mon# the invitees to this event were the princes anphilanthropists whose donations had contributed to the foundin# of the !D. -lso present were important lea
of the 5on#ress& such as -nnie !esant. 5ompared to these di#nitaries& >andhiji was relatively unknown. e been invited on account of his work in outh -frica& rather than his status within "ndia.
When his turn came to speak& >andhiji char#ed the "ndian elite with a lack of concern for the labourin# poor.
openin# of the !D& he said& was certainly a most #or#eous show:. !ut he worried about the contrast betwthe richly bedecked noblemen: present and millions of the poor: "ndians who were absent. >andhiji told t
privile#ed invitees that there is no salvation for "ndia unless you strip yourself of this jewellery and hold it
trust for your countrymen in "ndia:. here can be no spirit of self#overnment about us&: he went on& if we taway or allow others to take away from the peasants almost the whole of the results of their labour. ?ur salva
can only come throu#h the farmer. Aeither the lawyers& nor the doctors& nor the rich landlords are #oin# t
secure it.:
he openin# of the !D was an occasion for celebration& markin# as it did the openin# of a nationalist universustained by "ndian money and "ndian initiative. !ut rather than adopt a tone of self*con#ratulation& >andh
chose instead to remind those present of the peasants and workers who constituted a majority of the "ndia
population& yet were unrepresented in the audience.
>andhijis speech at !anaras in Bebruary 191) was& at one level& merely a statement of fact E namely& that "n
nationalism was an elite phenomenon& a creation of lawyers and doctors and landlords. !ut& at another leve
was also a statement of intent E the first public announcement of >andhijis own desire to make "ndiannationalism more properly representative of the "ndian people as a whole. "n the last month of that year& >anwas presented with an opportunity to put his precepts into practice. -t the annual 5on#ress& held in @ucknow
6ecember 191)& he was approached by a peasant from 5hamparan in !ihar& who told him about the harshtreatment of peasants by !ritish indi#o planters.
!he Ma#ing and Unma#ing o on-cooperation
/ahatma >andhi was to spend much of 1917 in 5hamparan& seekin# to obtain for the peasants security of te
as well as the freedom to cultivate the crops of their choice. he followin# year& 191C& >andhiji was involvedtwo campai#ns in his home state of >ujarat. Birst& he intervened in a labour dispute in -hmedabad& demand
better workin# conditions for the te'tile mill workers. hen he joined peasants in Fheda in askin# the state the remission of ta'es followin# the failure of their harvest.
hese initiatives in 5hamparan& -hmedabad and Fheda marked >andhiji out as a nationalist with a deep
sympathy for the poor. -t the same time& these were all localised stru##les. hen& in 1919& the colonial ruledelivered into >andhijis lap an issue from which he could construct a much wider movement. 6urin# the >r
War of 1914*1C& the !ritish had instituted censorship of the press and permitted detention without trial. Aowthe recommendation of a committee chaired by ir idney 2owlatt& these tou#h measures were continued.
response& >andhiji called for a countrywide campai#n a#ainst the 2owlatt -ct:. "n towns across Aorth and W"ndia& life came to a standstill& as shops shut down and schools closed in response to the bandh call. he prot
were particularly intense in the Punjab& where many men had served on the !ritish side in the War E e'pectinbe rewarded for their service. "nstead they were #iven the 2owlatt -ct. >andhiji was detained while proceedin
the Punjab& even as prominent local 5on#ressmen were arrested. he situation in the province #rew pro#ress
more tense& reachin# a bloody clima' in -mritsar in -pril 1919& when a !ritish !ri#adier ordered his troops open fire on a nationalist meetin#. /ore than four hundred people were killed in what is known as the 0allian
!a#h massacre. "t was the 2owlatt satya#raha that made >andhiji a truly national leader. andhiji called for a campai#n of non*cooperation: with !ritish rule. "ndians who wished colonialismend were asked to stop attendin# schools& colle#es and law courts& and not pay ta'es. "n sum& they were as
to adhere to a renunciation of $all% voluntary association with the $!ritish% >overnment:. "f noncooperation effectively carried out& said >andhiji& "ndia would win swaraj within a year. o further broaden the stru##le he
joined hands with the Fhilafat /ovement that sou#ht to restore the 5aliphate& a symbol of Pan*"slamism whhad recently been abolished by the urkish ruler Femal -ttaturk.
Fnittin# a popular movement
>andhiji hoped that by couplin# non*cooperation with Fhilafat& "ndias two major reli#ious communities& inand /uslims& could collectively brin# an end to colonial rule. hese movements certainly unleashed a sur#e
popular action that was alto#ether unprecedented in colonial "ndia. tudents stopped #oin# to schools and
colle#es run by the #overnment. @awyers refused to attend court. he workin# class went on strike in man
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towns and cities( accordin# to official fi#ures& there were 89) strikes in 191& involvin# ),,&,,, workers anloss of seven million workdays. he countryside was seethin# with discontent too. ill tribes in northern -nd
violated the forest laws. Barmers in -wadh did not pay ta'es. Peasants in Fumaun refused to carry loads focolonial officials. hese protest movements were sometimes carried out in defiance of the local nationalist
leadership. Peasants& workers& and others interpreted and acted upon the call to non*cooperate: with colonrule in ways that best suited their interests& rather than conform to the dictates laid down from above. Ao
cooperation&: wrote /ahatma >andhis -merican bio#rapher @ouis Bischer& became the name of an epoch in life of "ndia and of >andhiji. Aon*cooperation was ne#ative enou#h to be peaceful but positive enou#h to b
effective. "t entailed denial& renunciation& and self*discipline. "t was trainin# for self*rule.: -s a conse3uencethe Aon*5ooperation /ovement the !ritish 2aj was shaken to its foundations for the first time since the 2evo
1C+7. hen& in Bebruary 19& a #roup of peasants attacked and torched a police station in the hamlet of 5h
5haura& in the Dnited Provinces $now& Dttar Pradesh and Dttaranchal%. everal constables perished in theconfla#ration. his act of violence prompted >andhiji to call off the movement alto#ether. Ao provocation&:
insisted& can possibly justify $the% brutal murder of men who had been rendered defenceless and who ha
virtually thrown themselves on the mercy of the mob.:
6urin# the Aon*5ooperation /ovement thousands of "ndians were put in jail. >andhiji himself was arrested/arch 19& and char#ed with sedition. he jud#e who presided over his trial& 0ustice 5.A. !roomfield& mad
remarkable speech while pronouncin# his sentence. "t would be impossible to i#nore the fact&: remarked t
jud#e& that you are in a different cate#ory from any person " have ever tried or am likely to try. "t would bimpossible to i#nore the fact that& in the eyes of millions of your countrymen& you are a #reat patriot and
leader. andhiji had violated the law it was obli#atory for the !ench to sentence him to si' years imprisonme
but& said 0ud#e !roomfield& "f the course of events in "ndia should make it possible for the >overnment treduce the period and release you& no one will be better pleased than ":.
& people.s leader
!y 19& >andhiji had transformed "ndian nationalism& thereby redeemin# the promise he made in his !speech of Bebruary 191). "t was no lon#er a movement of professionals and intellectuals now& hundreds o
thousands of peasants& workers and artisans also participated in it. /any of them venerated >andhiji& referrinhim as their /ahatma:. hey appreciated the fact that he dressed like them& lived like them& and spoke the
lan#ua#e. Dnlike other leaders he did not stand apart from the common folk& but empathised and even identwith them.
his identification was strikin#ly reflected in his dress( while other nationalist leaders dressed formally& weari
Western suit or an "ndian band#ala& >andhiji went amon# the people in a simple dhoti or loincloth. /eanwhilespent part of each day workin# on the charkha $spinnin# wheel%& and encoura#ed other nationalists to do
likewise. he act of spinnin# allowed >andhiji to break the boundaries that prevailed within the traditional casystem& between mental labour and manual labour. "n a fascinatin# study& the historian hahid -min has tra
the ima#e of /ahatma >andhi amon# the peasants of eastern Dttar Pradesh& as conveyed by reports andrumours in the local press. When he travelled throu#h the re#ion in Bebruary 191& >andhiji was received
adorin# crowds everywhere.
Wherever >andhiji went& rumours spread of his miraculous powers. "n some places it was said that he had bsent by the Fin# to redress the #rievances of the farmers& and that he had the power to overrule all local offic
"n other places it was claimed that >andhijis power was superior to that of the andhiji found their houses mysteriously fa
apart or their crops failin#. Fnown variously as >andhi baba:& >andhi /aharaj:& or simply as /ahatma:
>andhiji appeared to the "ndian peasant as a saviour& who would rescue them from hi#h ta'es and oppressofficials and restore di#nity and autonomy to their lives. >andhijis appeal amon# the poor& and peasants i
particular& was enhanced by his ascetic lifestyle& and by his shrewd use of symbols such as the dhoti and thcharkha. /ahatma >andhi was by caste a merchant& and by profession a lawyer but his simple lifestyle and
of workin# with his hands allowed him to empathise more fully with the labourin# poor and for them& in turnempathise with him. Where most other politicians talked down to them& >andhiji appeared not just to look l
them& but to understand them and relate to their lives.
While /ahatma >andhis mass appeal was undoubtedly #enuine E and in the conte't of "ndian politics& withoprecedent E it must also be stressed that his success in broadenin# the basis of nationalism was based on ca
or#anisation. Aew branches of the 5on#ress were set up in various parts of "ndia. - series of Praja /anda
were established to promote the nationalist creed in the princely states. >andhiji encoura#ed the communica
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of the nationalist messa#e in the mother ton#ue& rather than in the lan#ua#e of the rulers&
!irla& supported the national movement openly others did so tacitly. hus& amon# >andhijis admirers were poor peasants and rich industrialists& althou#h the reasons why peasants followed >andhiji were somewha
different from& and perhaps opposed to& the reasons of the industrialists.While /ahatma >andhis own role was vital& the #rowth of what we mi#ht call >andhian nationalism: also
depended to a very substantial e'tent on his followers. !etween 1917 and 19& a #roup of hi#hly talente
"ndians attached themselves to >andhiji. hey included /ahadev 6esai& Hallabh !hai Patel& 0.!. Fripalani& u5handra !ose& -bul Falam -;ad& 0awaharlal Aehru& arojini Aaidu& >ovind !allabh Pant and 5. 2aja#opalachAotably& these close associates of >andhiji came from different re#ions as well as different reli#ious traditions
turn& they inspired countless other "ndians to join the 5on#ress and work for it.
/ahatma >andhi was released from prison in Bebruary 194& and now chose to devote his attention to thepromotion of home*spun cloth $khadi%& and the abolition of untouchability. Bor& >andhiji was as much a soc
reformer as he was a politician. e believed that in order to be worthy of freedom& "ndians had to #et rid of s
evils such as child marria#e and untouchability. "ndians of one faith had also to cultivate a #enuine tolerance"ndians of another E hence his emphasis on indu*/uslim harmony. /eanwhile& on the economic front "ndia
had to learn to become self*reliant E hence his stress on the si#nificance of wearin# khadi rather than mill*m
cloth imported from overseas.
!he /alt /atyagraha
Bor several years after the Aon*cooperation /ovement ended& /ahatma >andhi focused on his social reforwork. "n 19C& however& he be#an to think of re*enterin# politics. hat year there was an all*"ndia campai#n
opposition to the all*White imon 5ommission& sent from andhiji did not himself participate in this movement& althou#h he #ave it his blessin#s& as he also did to
peasant satya#raha in !ardoli in the same year. "n the end of 6ecember 199& the 5on#ress held its annuasession in the city of @ahore. he meetin# was si#nificant for two thin#s( the election of 0awaharlal Aehru a
President& si#nifyin# the passin# of the baton of leadership to the youn#er #eneration and the proclamationcommitment to Purna waraj:& or complete independence. Aow the pace of politics picked up once more. ?n
0anuary 198,& "ndependence 6ay: was observed& with the national fla# bein# hoisted in different venues& apatriotic son#s bein# sun#. >andhiji himself issued precise instructions as to how the day should be observed
would be #ood&: he said& if the declaration Kof "ndependenceL is made by whole villa#es& whole cities even .would be well if all the meetin#s were held at the identical minute in all the places.:
>andhiji su##ested that the time of the meetin# be advertised in the traditional way& by the beatin# of drum
he celebrations would be#in with the hoistin# of the national fla#. he rest of the day would be spent in dosome constructive work& whether it is spinnin#& or service of Muntouchables& or reunion of indus and
/ussalmans& or prohibition work& or even all these J to#ether& which is not impossible:. Participants would takpled#e affirmin# that it was the inalienable ri#ht of the "ndian people& as of any other people& to have freed
and to enjoy the fruits of their toil:& and that if any #overnment deprives a people of these ri#hts and oppresthem& the people have a further ri#ht to alter it or abolish it:.
Dandi
oon after the observance of this "ndependence 6ay:& /ahatma >andhi announced that he would lead a ma
to break one of the most widely disliked laws in !ritish "ndia& which #ave the state a monopoly in themanufacture and sale of salt. is pickin# on the salt monopoly was another illustration of >andhijis tactica
wisdom. Bor in every "ndian household& salt was indispensable yet people were forbidden from makin# salt efor domestic use& compellin# them to buy it from shops at a hi#h price. he state monopoly over salt was dee
unpopular by makin# it his tar#et& >andhiji hoped to mobilise a wider discontent a#ainst !ritish rule.
Where most "ndians understood the si#nificance of >andhijis challen#e& the !ritish 2aj apparently did not-lthou#h >andhiji had #iven advance notice of his alt /arch: to the Hiceroy @ord "rwin& "rwin failed to #rasp
si#nificance of the action. ?n 1 /arch 198,& >andhiji be#an walkin# from his ashram at abarmati towardsocean. e reached his destination three weeks later& makin# a fistful of salt as he did and thereby makin# him
a criminal in the eyes of the law. /eanwhile& parallel salt marches were bein# conducted in other parts of th
country.
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-s with Aon*cooperation& apart from the officially sanctioned nationalist campai#n& there were numerous ot
streams of protest. -cross lar#e parts of "ndia& peasants breached the hated colonial forest laws that kept thand their cattle out of the woods in which they had once roamed freely. "n some towns& factory workers wen
strike while lawyers boycotted !ritish courts and students refused to attend #overnment*run educationalinstitutions. -s in 19,*& now too >andhijis call had encoura#ed "ndians of all classes to make manifest th
own discontent with colonial rule. he rulers responded by detainin# the dissenters. "n the wake of the a/arch& nearly ),&,,, "ndians were arrested& amon# them& of course& >andhiji himself.
he pro#ress of >andhijis march to the seashore can be traced from the secret reports filed by the police offi
deputed to monitor his movements. hese reproduce the speeches he #ave at the villa#es en route& in which
called upon local officials to renounce #overnment employment and join the freedom stru##le. "n one villa#Wasna& >andhiji told the upper castes that if you are out for waraj you must serve untouchables. =ou wontwaraj merely by the repeal of the salt ta'es or other ta'es. Bor waraj you must make amends for the wro
which you did to the untouchables. Bor waraj& indus& /uslims& Parsis and ikhs will have to unite. hese athe steps towards waraj.: he police spies reported that >andhijis meetin#s were very well attended& by
villa#ers of all castes& and by women as well as men. hey observed that thousands of volunteers were flockto the nationalist cause. -mon# them were many officials& who had resi#ned from their posts with the colon
#overnment. Writin# to the #overnment& the 6istrict uperintendent of Police remarked& /r >andhi appear
calm and collected. e is #atherin# more stren#th as he proceeds.: he pro#ress of the alt /arch can also traced from another source( the -merican newsma#a;ine& ime. his& to be#in with& scorned at >andhijis lo
writin# with disdain of his spindly frame: and his spidery loins:. hus in its first report on the march& ime
deeply sceptical of the alt /arch reachin# its destination. "t claimed that >andhiji sank to the #round: at t
end of the second days walkin# the ma#a;ine did not believe that the emaciated saint would be physically to #o much further:. !ut within a week it had chan#ed its mind. he massive popular followin# that the marhad #arnered& wrote ime& had made the !ritish rulers desperately an'ious:. >andhiji himself they now salu
as a aint: and tatesman:& who was usin# 5hristian acts as a weapon a#ainst men with 5hristian beliefsDialogues
he alt /arch was notable for at least three reasons. Birst& it was this event that first brou#ht /ahatma >an
to world attention. he march was widely covered by the andhiji not to restrict the protests to men alone. Famaladevi was herself onnumerous women who courted arrest by breakin# the salt or li3uor laws. hird& and perhaps most si#nifican
was the alt /arch which forced upon the !ritish the realisation that their 2aj would not last forever& and ththey would have to devolve some power to the "ndians.
o that end& the !ritish #overnment convened a series of 2ound able 5onferences: in @ondon. he first mee
was held in Aovember 198,& but without the pre*eminent political leader in "ndia& thus renderin# it an e'ercisfutility. >andhiji was released from jail in 0anuary 1981 and the followin# month had several lon# meetin#s w
the Hiceroy. hese culminated in what was called the >andhi*"rwin Pact& by the terms of which civil disobediwould be called off& all prisoners released& and salt manufacture allowed alon# the coast. he pact was critici
by radical nationalists& for >andhiji was unable to obtain from the Hiceroy a commitment to political independfor "ndians he could obtain merely an assurance of talks towards that possible end. - second 2ound able
5onference was held in @ondon in the latter part of 1981. ere& >andhiji represented the 5on#ress. oweverclaims that his party represented all of "ndia came under challen#e from three parties( from the /uslim @ea#
which claimed to stand for the interests of the /uslim minority from the Princes& who claimed that the 5on#
had no stake in their territories and from the brilliant lawyer and thinker !.2. -mbedkar& who ar#ued tha>andhiji and the 5on#ress did not really represent the lowest castes.
he 5onference in @ondon was inconclusive& so >andhiji returned to "ndia and resumed civil disobedience. new Hiceroy& @ord Willin#don& was deeply unsympathetic to the "ndian leader. "n a private letter to his siste
Willin#don wrote( "ts a beautiful world if it wasnt for >andhi ... -t the bottom of every move he makes whicalways says is inspired by >od& one discovers the political manouevre. " see the -merican Press is sayin# wh
wonderful man he is ... !ut the fact is that we live in the midst of very unpractical& mystical& and superstitiofolk who look upon >andhi as somethin# holy& ...:
"n 198+& however& a new >overnment of "ndia -ct promised some form of representative #overnment. wo y
later& in an election held on the basis of a restricted franchise& the 5on#ress won a comprehensive victory. Aei#ht out of 11 provinces had a 5on#ress Prime /inister:& workin# under the supervision of a !ritish >overn
"n eptember 1989& two years after the 5on#ress ministries assumed office& the econd World War broke o
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/ahatma >andhi and 0awaharlal Aehru had both been stron#ly critical of itler and the Aa;is. -ccordin#ly& tpromised 5on#ress support to the war effort if the !ritish& in return& promised to #rant "ndia independence o
hostilities ended. he offer was refused. "n protest& the 5on#ress ministries resi#ned in ?ctober 1989. hrou194, and 1941& the 5on#ress or#anised a series of individual satya#rahas to pressure the rulers to promis
freedom once the war had ended.
/eanwhile& in /arch 194,& the /uslim @ea#ue passed a resolution committin# itself to the creation of a sepanation called Pakistan:. he political landscape was now complicated( it was no lon#er "ndians versus the !ri
rather& it had become a three*way stru##le between the 5on#ress& the /uslim @ea#ue& and the !ritish. -t thtime !ritain had an all*party #overnment& whose @abour members were sympathetic to "ndian aspirations& b
whose 5onservative Prime /inister& Winston 5hurchill& was a diehard imperialist who insisted that he had n
been appointed the Fin#s Birst /inister in order to preside over the li3uidation of the !ritish andhiji and the 5on#ress. alks broke down& however& after the 5on#ress insisted that if it
to help the !ritish defend "ndia from the -'is powers& then the Hiceroy had first to appoint an "ndian as th6efence /ember of his andhiji was released from prison. @ater that year he held a series of meetin#s with 0innah& seekin# to brid#e#ap between the 5on#ress and the @ea#ue. "n 194+& a @abour #overnment came to power in !ritain and
committed itself to #rantin# independence to "ndia. /eanwhile& back in "ndia& the Hiceroy& @ord Wavell& brouthe 5on#ress and the @ea#ue to#ether for a series of talks. eneral: cate#ory& but in the seats specifically reserved fo/uslims the @ea#ue won an overwhelmin# majority. he political polarisation was complete. - 5abinet /iss
sent in the summer of 194) failed to #et the 5on#ress and the @ea#ue to a#ree on a federal system that wokeep "ndia to#ether while allowin# the provinces a de#ree of autonomy. -fter the talks broke down& 0innah ca
for a 6irect -ction 6ay: to press the @ea#ues demand for Pakistan. ?n the desi#nated day& 1) -u#ust 194bloody riots broke out in 5alcutta. he violence spread to rural !en#al& then to !ihar& and then across the cou
to the Dnited Provinces and the Punjab. "n some places& /uslims were the main sufferers& in other placesindus. "n Bebruary 1947& Wavell was replaced as Hiceroy by @ord /ountbatten. /ountbatten called onelas
round of talks& but when these too proved inconclusive he announced that !ritish "ndia would be freed& but adivided. he formal transfer of power was fi'ed for 1+ -u#ust. When that day came& it was celebrated with #
in different parts of "ndia. "n 6elhi& there was prolon#ed applause: when the President of the 5onstituen-ssembly be#an the meetin# by invokin# the Bather of the Aation E /ohandas Faramchand >andhi. ?utside
-ssembly& the crowds shouted /ahatma >andhi ki jai:.
!he )ast Heroic Days
-s it happened& /ahatma >andhi was not present at the festivities in the capital on 1+ -u#ust 1947. e was5alcutta& but he did not attend any function or hoist a fla# there either. >andhiji marked the day with a 4*h
fast. he freedom he had stru##led so lon# for had come at an unacceptable price& with a nation divided anindus and /uslims at each others throats. hrou#h eptember and ?ctober& writes his bio#rapher 6.>.
endulkar& >andhiji went round hospitals and refu#ee camps #ivin# consolation to distressed people:. eappealed to the ikhs& the indus and the /uslims to for#et the past and not to dwell on their sufferin#s bu
e'tend the ri#ht hand of fellowship to each other& and to determine to live in peace ...:
-t the initiative of >andhiji and Aehru& the 5on#ress now passed a resolution on the ri#hts of minorities:. party had never accepted the two*nation theory:( forced a#ainst its will to accept Partition& it still believed t
"ndia is a land of many reli#ions and many races& and must remain so:. Whatever be the situation in Pakist
"ndia would be a democratic secular tate where all citi;ens enjoy full ri#hts and are e3ually entitled to th
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protection of the tate& irrespective of the reli#ion to which they belon#:. he 5on#ress wished to assure tminorities in "ndia that it will continue to protect& to the best of its ability& their citi;en ri#hts a#ainst a##ress
/any scholars have written of the months after "ndependence as bein# >andhijis finest hour:. -fter workin
brin# peace to !en#al& >andhiji now shifted to 6elhi& from where he hoped to move on to the riottorn districtPunjab. While in the capital& his meetin#s were disrupted by refu#ees who objected to readin#s from the For
or shouted slo#ans askin# why he did not speak of the sufferin#s of those indus and ikhs still livin# in Pakis"n fact& as 6.>. endulkar writes& >andhiji was e3ually concerned with the sufferin#s of the minority commu
in Pakistan. e would have liked to be able to #o to their succour. !ut with what face could he now #o therwhen he could not #uarantee full redress to the /uslims in 6elhiJ: here was an attempt on >andhijis life on
0anuary 194C& but he carried on undaunted. ?n ) 0anuary& he spoke at his prayer meetin# of how that day
been celebrated in the past as "ndependence 6ay. Aow freedom had come& but its first few months had beedeeply disillusionin#. owever& he trusted that the worst is over:& that "ndians would henceforth work collectfor the e3uality of all classes and creeds& never the domination and superiority of the major community ove
minor& however insi#nificant it may be in numbers or influence:. e also permitted himself the hope that tho#eo#raphically and politically "ndia is divided into two& at heart we shall ever be friends and brothers helpin#
respectin# one another and be one for the outside world:. >andhiji had fou#ht a lifelon# battle for a free anunited "ndia and yet& when the country was divided& he ur#ed that the two parts respect and befriend on
another.
?ther "ndians were less for#ivin#. -t his daily prayer meetin# on the evenin# of 8, 0anuary& >andhiji was sh
dead by a youn# man. he assassin& who surrendered afterwards& was a !rahmin from Pune named Aathur
>odse& the editor of an e'tremist indu newspaper who had denounced >andhiji as an appeaser of /uslim
>andhijis death led to an e'traordinary outpourin# of #rief& with rich tributes bein# paid to him from across political spectrum in "ndia& and movin# appreciations comin# from such international fi#ures as >eor#e ?rwand -lbert andhijis physical si;e and seemin#ly non*ratio
ideas& now compared his martyrdom to that of -braham @incoln( it was a bi#oted -merican who had killed @infor believin# that human bein#s were e3ual re#ardless of their race or skin colour and it was a bi#oted in
who had killed >andhiji for believin# that friendship was possible& indeed necessary& between "ndians of diffefaiths. "n this respect& as ime wrote& he world knew that it had& in a sense too deep& too simple for the w
to understand& connived at his $>andhijis% death as it had connived at @incolns.:2nowing +andhi
here are many different kinds of sources from which we can reconstruct the political career of >andhiji and t
history of the nationalist movement.
Public voice and private scripts
?ne important source is the writin#s and speeches of /ahatma >andhi and his contemporaries& includin# bothassociates and his political adversaries. Within these writin#s we need to distin#uish between those that were
meant for the public and those that were not. peeches& for instance& allow us to hear the public voice of anindividual& while private letters #ive us a #limpse of his or her private thou#hts. "n letters we see people
e'pressin# their an#er and pain& their dismay and an'iety& their hopes and frustrations in ways in which they not e'press themselves in public statements. !ut we must remember that this private*public distinction often
breaks down. /any letters are written to individuals& and are therefore personal& but they are also meant for public. he lan#ua#e of the letters is often shaped by the awareness that they may one day be published.
5onversely& the fear that a letter may #et into print often prevents people from e'pressin# their opinion freely
personal letters. /ahatma >andhi re#ularly published in his journal& arijan& letters that others wrote to him.Aehru edited a collection of letters written to him durin# the national movement and published - !unch of ?ld
@etters.
Bramin# a picture
-utobio#raphies similarly #ive us an account of the past that is often rich in human detail. !ut here a#ain we
have to be careful of the way we read and interpret autobio#raphies. We need to remember that they areretrospective accounts written very often from memory. hey tell us what the author could recollect& what he
she saw as important& or was keen on recountin#& or how a person wanted his or her life to be viewed by otheWritin# an autobio#raphy is a way of framin# a picture of yourself. o in readin# these accounts we have to tr
and see what the author does not tell us we need to understand the reasons for that silence E those wilful orunwittin# acts of for#ettin#.
hrou#h police eyes
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-nother vital source is #overnment records& for the colonial rulers kept close tabs on those they re#arded as
critical of the #overnment. he letters and reports written by policemen and other officials were secret at thetime but now can be accessed in archives. @et us look at one such source( the fortni#htly reports that were
prepared by the ome 6epartment from the early twentieth century. hese reports were based on policeinformation from the localities& but often e'pressed what the hi#her officials saw& or wanted to believe. While
noticin# the possibility of sedition and rebellion& they liked to assure themselves that these fears wereunwarranted. "f you see the Bortni#htly 2eports for the period of the alt /arch you will notice that the ome
6epartment was unwillin# to accept that /ahatma >andhis actions had evoked any enthusiastic response frothe masses. he march was seen as a drama& an antic& a desperate effort to mobilise people who were unwill
to rise a#ainst the !ritish and were busy with their daily schedules& happy under the 2aj.
Brom newspapers
?ne more important source is contemporary newspapers& published in overnment of "ndia -ct promises some form of representative #overnment
1989 * 5on#ress ministries resi#n194 * Guit "ndia /ovement be#ins $-u#ust%
194) * /ahatma >andhi visits Aoakhali and other riot*torn areas to stop communal violence
!he Myth o the &ryan 1n(asion o 1ndia
?ne of the main ideas used to interpret and #enerally devalue the ancient history of "ndia is the theory of the
-ryan invasion. -ccordin# to this account& "ndia was invaded and con3uered by nomadic li#ht*skinned "ndo*
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in depth in my book N>ods& a#es and Fin#s( Hedic ecrets of -ncient 5ivili;ationN& for those interested in fure'amination of the subject.
he "ndus valley culture was pronounced pre*-ryans for several reasons that were lar#ely part of the cultural
milieu of nineteenth century
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Hedas actually say about their own cities.
Burther e'cavation revealed that the "ndus Halley culture was not des* troyed by outside invasion& but accordto internal causes and& most likely& floods. /ost recently a new set of cities has been found in "ndia $like the
6waraka and !et 6waraka sites by .2. 2ao and the Aational "nstitute of ?ceano#raphy in "ndia% which areintermidiate between those of the "ndus culture and later ancient "ndia as visited by the >reeks. his may
eliminate the so*called dark a#e followin# the presumed -ryan invasion and shows a continuous urban occupain "ndia back to the be#innin# of the "ndus culture.
he interpretation of the reli#ion of the "ndus Halley culture *made incidentlly by scholars such as Wheeler wh
were not reli#ious scholars much less students of induism was that its reli#ion was different than the Hedic a
more likely the later haivite reli#ion. owever& further e'cavations both in "ndus Halley site in >ujarat& like@othal& and those in 2ajsthan& like Faliban#an show lar#e number of fire altars like those used in the Hedicreli#ion& alon# with bones of o'en& potsherds& shell jewelry and other items used in the rituals described in th
OHedic !rahmanasO. ence the "ndus Halley culture evidences many Hedic practices that can not be merelycoincidental. hat some of its practices appeared non*Hedic to its e'cavators may also be attributed to their
misunderstandin# or lack of knowled#e of Hedic and indu culture #enerally& wherein Hedism and haivism arthe same basic tradition.
We must remember that ruins do not necessarily have one interpretation. Aor does the ability to discover ruinnecessarily #ives the ability to interpret them correctly.
he Hedic people were thou#ht to have been a fair*skinned race like the an#es& whose courses we
much different than they are today. owever& the araswati river went dry at the end of the "ndus Halley cultuand before the so*called -ryan invasion or before 1+,, !5. "n fact this may have caused the endin# of the "nd
culture. ow could the Hedic -ryans know of this river and establish their culture on its banks if it dried up bethey arrivedJ "ndeed the araswati as described in the O2i# HedaO appears to more accurately show it as it wa
prior to the "ndus Halley culture as in the "ndus era it was already in decline.Hedic and late Hedic te'ts also contain interestin# astronomical lore. he Hedic calender was based upon
astronomical si#htin#s of the e3uino'es and solstices. uch te'ts as OHedan#a 0yotishO speak of a time when tvernal e3uino' was in the middle of the Aakshtra -slesha $or about 8 de#rees , minutes 5ancer%. his #ive
date of 18,, !5. he O=ajur HedaO and O-tharva HedaO speak of the vernal e3uino' in the Frittikas $Pleiades eaaurus% and the summer solstice $ayana% in /a#ha $early @eo%. his #ives a date about 4,, !5. =et earlier e
are mentioned but these two have numerous references to substantiate them. hey prove that the Hedic cultu
e'isted at these periods and already had a sophisticated system of astronomy. uch references were merely
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i#nored or pronounced unintelli#ible by Western scholars because they yielded too early a date for the OHedasthan what they presumed& not because such references did not e'ist.
Hedic te'ts like Ohatapatha !rahmanaO and O-itereya !rahmanaO that mention these astronomical references l
#roup of 11 Hedic Fin#s& includin# a number of fi#ures of the O2i# HedaO& said to have con3uered the re#ion of"ndia from Osea to seaO. @ands of the -ryans are mentioned in them from >andhara $-f#anistan% in the west to
Hideha $Aepal% in the east& and south to Hidarbha $/aharashtra%. ence the Hedic people were in these re#ionby the Frittika e3uino' or before 4,, !5. hese passa#es were also i#nored by Western scholars and it was
by them that the OHedasO had no evidence of lar#e empires in "ndia in Hedic times. ence a pattern of i#norin#literary evidence or misinterpretin# them to suit the -ryan invasion idea became prevalent& even to the point
chan#in# the meanin# of Hedic words to suit this theory.
-ccordin# to this theory& the Hedic people were nomads in the Punjab& commin# down from 5entral -sia.owever& the O2i# HedaO itself has nearly 1,, references to ocean $samudra%& as well as do;ens of references t
ships& and to rivers flowin# in to the sea. Hedic ancestors like /anu& urvasha& =adu and !hujyu are flood fi#usaved from across the sea. he Hedic >od of the sea& Haruna& is the father of many Hedic seers and seer fami
like Hasishta& -#astya and the !hri#u seers. o preserve the -ryan invasion idea it was assumed that the Hedi$and later sanskrit% term for ocean& samudra& ori#inally did not mean the ocean but any lar#e body of water&
especially the "ndus river in Punjab. ere the clear meanin# of a term in O2i# HedaO and later times verified by
rivers like araswati mentioned by name as flowin# into the sea was altered to make the -ryan invasion theofit. =et if we look at the inde' to translation of the O2i# HedaO by >riffith for e'ample& who held to this idea tha
samudra didnOt really mean the ocean& we find over 7, references to ocean or sea. "f samudra does noe mean
ocean why was it traslated as suchJ "t is therefore without basis to locate Hedic kin#s in 5entral -sia far from
ocean or from the massive araswati river& which form the back#round of their land and the symbolism of thehymns.
?ne of the latest archeolo#ical ideas is that the Hedic culture is evidenced by Painted >rey Ware pottery in no"ndia& which apears to date around 1,,, !5 and comes from the same re#ion between the >an#es and =amu
as later Hedic culture is related to. "t is thou#ht to be an inferior #rade of pottery and to be associated with thuse of iron that the OHedasO are thou#ht to mention. owever it is associated with a pi# and rice culture& not th
cow and barley culture of the OHedasO. /oreover it is now found to be an or#anic development of inde#enouspottery& not an introduction of invaders.
Painted >rey Ware culture represents an indi#enous cultural development and does not reflect any cultural
intrusion from the West i.e. an "ndo*-ryan invasion. herefore& there is no archeolo#ical evidence corroboratinthe fact of an "ndo*-ryan invasion.
"n addition& the -ryans in the /iddle
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period. @in#uistic data were used to validate the concept that in turn was used to interpret archeolo#ical andanthropolo#ical data.
"n other words& Hedic literature was interpreted on the assumption that there was an -ryan invasion. hen
archeolo#ical evidence was interpreted by the same assumption. -nd both interpretations were then used tojustify each other. "t is nothin# but a tautolo#y& an e'ercise in circular thinkin# that only proves that if assumi
somethin# is true& it is found to be trueQ-nother modern Western scholar& 5olin 2enfrew& places the "ndoreece as early as ),,, !5. e
also su##ests such a possible early date for their entry into "ndia.
-s far as " can see there is nothin# in the ymns of the O2i# HedaO which demonstrates that the Hedic*speakin
population was intrusive to the area( this comes rather from a historical assumption of the Ocommin# of the "nreek basis& as any Hedic basis was lar#ely dis3ualifiedthe primitive nature of the Hedic culture.
his discredited not only the OHedasO but the #enealo#ies of the OPuranasO and their lon# list of the kin#s before!uddha or Frishna were left without any historical basis. he O/ahabharataO& instead of a civil war in which all
main kin#s of "ndia participated as it is described& became a local skirmish amon# petty princes that was latee'a##erated by poets. "n short& it discredited the most of the indu tradition and almost all its ancient literatu
"t turned its scriptures and sa#es into fantacies and e'a##erations.
his served a social& political and economical purpose of domination& provin# the superiority of Western culturand reli#ion. "t made the indus feel that their culture was not the #reat thin# that their sa#es and ancestors
said it was. "t made indus feel ashamed of their culture that its basis was neither historical nor scientific. "t
made them feel that the main line of civili;ation was developed first in the /iddle
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that the culture of "ndia was peripheral and secondary to the real development of world culture.
uch a view is not #ood scholarship or archeolo#y but merely cultural imperialism. he Western Hedic scholarin the intellectual spehere what the !ritish army did in the political realm discredit& divide and con3uer the
indus. "n short& the compellin# reasons for the -ryan invasion theory were neither literary nor archeolo#ical political and reli#ious that is to say& not scholarship but prejudice. uch prejudice may not have been intentio
but deep*seated political and reli#ious views easily cloud and blur our thinkin#.
"t is unfortunate that this this approach has not been 3uestioned more& particularly by indus.
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no #ranaries& and used no writin#. "nstead they were a warlike people that or#ani;ed themselves in individutribal& kinship units& the jana. he jana was ruled over by a war*chief. hese tribes spread 3uickly over north
"ndia and the 6eccan. "n a process that we do not understand& the basic social unit of -ryan culture& the janslowly developed from an or#ani;ation based on kinship to one based on #eo#raphy. he jana became a
janapada& or nation and the jana*rajya & or tribal kin#dom& became the jana*rajyapada& or national kin#dompowerfully in#rained into "ndian culture is the jana*pada & that "ndians still define themselves mainly by the
territorial ori#ins. -ll the major territories of modern "ndia& with their separate cultures and separate lan#ua#can be dated back to the early jana*padas of Hedic "ndia.
he earliest history of the -ryans in "ndia is called the 2i#vedic Period $17,,*1,,, !5% after the reli#ious prapoems that are the oldest pieces of literature in "ndia. hese poems& the 2i# Heda& are believed to represent
most primitive layer of "ndo*an#es. hey maintained -ryan tribal structure& with a raja rulin# over the tribal #roup in tandem with a council.
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Bor the overwhelmin# majority of human history& this early culture was truly a lost civili;ation. he mounds wstood where #reat cities once thrived e'cited interest in observers& but no one in their wildest dreams could h
ima#ined that beneath those lar#e mounds lay cities that had been lost to human memory.
"n the 19,Os& e'cavations be#an on one of these mounds in arappa in Pakistan. While the archaeolo#istse'pected to find somethin#& they did not ima#ine that a city lay beneath the earth. -rchaeolo#ists would later
discover another lar#e city to the recovery of at least ei#hty villa#es and towns related to this newly discoverecivili;ation. hey named it arappan after the first city they discovered& but it is more commonly called the "n
2iver civili;ation. While we have stones and tools and fra#ments and bones& we really have no oneOs voice ore'perience from the bustlin# days of the #reat arappan cities. We donOt know who the people were who built
and lived there. We donOt know& either& when they first built their cities some scholars ar#ue that arappan
civili;ation arises around +, !5& while others ar#ue that it can be dated back to +,, !5 or earlier.
@ike the civili;ations in /esopotamia& reece& arappa #rew on the floodplains of a rich and life*#i
river& the "ndus. he ori#inal cities and many of the towns seemed to have been built ri#ht upon the shores ofriver. he "ndus& however& is destructive and unpredictable in its floods& and the cities were fre3uently levelled
the forces of nature. /ohenjo*6aro in the south& where the floodin# can be fairly brutal& was rebuilt si' timeswe know about arappa in the north was rebuilt five times.
he arappans were an a#ricultural people whose economy was almost entirely dominated by horticulture./assive #ranaries were built at each city& and there most certainly was an elaborate bureaucracy to distribute
wealth of food. he "ndus 2iver valley is relatively dry now& but apparently it was 3uite wet when the arappa
thrived there. We know this because the bricks that they built their cities with were fired bricks since sun*dri
bricks are cheaper and easier to make& we can only assume that over*abundant humidity and precipitationprevented them from takin# the cheaper way out. "n addition& many of the arappan seals have pictures ofanimals that imply a wet and marshy environment& such as rhinoceroses& elephants& and ti#ers. he arappa
also had a wide variety of domesticated animals( camels& cats& do#s& #oats& sheep& and buffalo.
heir cities were carefully planned and laid out they are& in fact& the first people to plan the buildin# of theircities. Whenever they rebuilt their cities& they laid them out precisely in the same way the destroyed city had
been built. he pathways within the city are laid out in a perpendicular criss*cross fashion most of the cityconsisted of residences.
@ife in the arappan cities was apparently 3uite #ood. -lthou#h livin# 3uarters were cramped& which is typica
ancient cities& the residents nevertheless had drains& sewers& and even latrines. here is no 3uestion that theyhad an active trade with cultures to the west. everal arappan seals have been found in e'cavations of
umerian cities& as well as pictures of animals that in no way could have e'isted in /esopotamia& such as ti#ehere is not& however& a wealth of /esopotamian artifacts in arappan cities.
We know nothin# of the reli#ion of the arappans. Dnlike in /esopotamia or
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"ndia. ome believe that the periodic and fre3uently destructive floodin# of the "ndus finally took its toll on theconomic health of the civili;ation. "t is possible that the periodic chan#es of course that the "ndus under#oes
also contributed to its decline. -ll we know is that somewhere between 1C,, and 17,, !5& the arappan citieand towns were abandoned and finally reclaimed by the rich soil they had sprun# from.
!HE C*0UE/! * &)E6&DE%
"n 881 !5& -le'ander the >reat of /acedon be#an one of the #reatest con3uests in human history. -fter
con3uerin# reek and "ndian culture would intermi'. !ut most importantly& the con3uest of -le'ander may have set thesta#e for the first #reat con3ueror of "ndian history& 5handra#upta /aurya $rei#ned 81*97 !5%& who& shortl
after -le'ander left& united all the kin#doms of northern "ndia into a sin#le empire.practices of the arappans& so it is not possible to reconstruct arappan reli#ion throu#h the reli#ion of the H
peoples& that is& the "ndo*andhara& the plain which lies directly west of the "ndus 2iver.-le'ander himself seems to have had literally no effect on "ndian history& for he left as soon as he reached the
"ndus. wo important results& however& arose because of -le'anderOs con3uests( first& from this point onwards
>reek and "ndian culture would intermi'. !ut most importantly& the con3uest of -le'ander may have set the
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5hristianity and !uddhism * sufferin# of man& /ara atan& an#ha /onasteries with !ikshus and /onks& athe use of rosary by !uddhist and 5hristianOs monks.
DEC)1E * !HE M&U%3&/he decline of the /aurya 6ynasty was rather rapid after the death of -shokaI-soka. ?ne obvious reason for
was the succession of weak kin#s. -nother immediate cause was the partition of the reek invasions could have been held back #ivin# a chance to the /auryas to re*
establish some de#ree of their previous power.2e#ardin# the decline much has been written. araprasad astri contends that the revolt by Pushyamitra was
result of brahminical reaction a#ainst the pro*!uddhist policies of -shoka and pro*0aina policies of his success!asin# themselves on this thesis& some maintain the view that brahminical reaction was responsible for the
decline because of the followin# reasons.
R $a% Prohibitino of the slau#hter of animals displeased the !rahmins as animal sacrifices were esteemed bythem.R $b% he book 6ivyavadana refers to the persecution of !uddhists by Pushyamitra un#a.
R $c% -sokaOs claim that he e'posed the !udheveas $brahmins% as false #ods shows that -shoka was not welldisposed towards !rahmins.
R $d% he capture of power by Pushyamitra un#a shows the triumph of !rahmins.-ll these four points can be easily refuted. -sokaOs compassion towards animals was not an overni#ht decision
2epulsion of animal sacrifices #rew over a lon# period of time.
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commercial classes to decorate reli#ious buildin#s. he sculpture at !arhut and anchi and the 6eccan caves the contribution of this new bour#eoisie.
till another view re#ardin# of the decline of /auryas was that the coup of Pushyamitra was a peoplesO revolta#ainst /auryans oppression and a rejection of the /aurya adoption of forei#n ideas& as far interest in /aury
-rt.his ar#ument is based on the view that un#a art $culpture at !arhut and anchi% is more earthy and in th
folk tradition that /aruyan art. his is more stretchin# the ar#ument too far. he character of un#a art chanbecause it served a different purpose and its donors belon#ed to different social classes. -lso& un#a art
conformed more to the folk traditions because !uddhism itself had incorporated lar#e elements of popular culand because the donors of this art& many of whom may have been artisans& were culturally more in the
mainstream of folk tradition.
?ne more reasonin# to support the popular revolt theory is based on -sokaOs ban on the samajas. -soka did festive meetin#s and discoura#ed eatin# of meat. hese too mi#ht have enta#onised the population but it isdoubtful whether these prohibitions were strictly enforced. he above ar#ument $peopleOs revolt% also means
-sokaOs policy was continued by his successors also& an assumption not confirmed by historical data. Burthermore& it is unlikely that there was sufficient national consciousness amon# the varied people of the /auryan
empire. "t is also ar#ued by these theorists that -sokan policy in all its details was continued by the later/auryas& which is not a historical fact.
till another ar#ument that is advanced in favour of the idea of revolt a#ainst the /auryas is that the land ta'
under the /auryas was one*3uarter& which was very burden some to the cultivator. !ut historical evidence shosomethin# else. he land ta' varied from re#ion to re#ion accordin# to the fertility of the soil and the availabi
of water. he fi#ure of one 3uarter stated by /a#asthenes probably referred only to the fertile and well*water
re#ions around Pataliputra.
hus the decline of the /auryan empire cannot be satisfactorily e'plained by referrin# to /ilitary inactivity&!rahmin resentment& popular uprisin# or economic pressure. he causes of the decline were more fundamenthe or#ani;ation of administration and the concept of the tate were such that they could be sustained by on
by kin#s of considerably personal ability. -fter the death of -soka there was definitely a weakenin# at the cenparticularly after the division of the empire& which inevitably led to the breakin# of provinces from the /aurya
rule.-lso& it should be borne in mind that all the officials owed their loyalty to the kin# and not to the tate. his
meant that a chan#e of kin# could result in chan#e of officials leadin# to the demorali;ation of the officers./auryas had no system of ensurin# the continuation of well*planned bureaucracy.
he ne't important weakness of the /auryan
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economic and political structures bein# different from re#ion to re#ion. "t is also a fact that even the lan#ua#espoken were varied. he history of a sub*continent and their casual relationships. he causes of the decline o
/auryan empire must& in lar#e part& be attributed to top heavy administration where authority was entirely inhands of a few persons while national consciousness was unknown.
&so#a7s Dhamma
EED * DH&%M&1. here was considered intellectual ferment around ),, !.5. healthy rivalry was apparent amon# the numbe
sects such as the 5harvaks& 0ains and -jivikas& whose doctrines ran#ed from bare materialism to determinishis intellectual liveliness was reflected in the elected interests of the /auryan rulers. "t was claimed by th
0ainas that 5handra#upta was supporter and there is evidence that !indusara favoured the -jivikas.
hus& the
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worse is the fact that in the later a#es& his pillar inscriptions came to be misunderstood as symbols of phalluhe splendour of the O6ark 5enturiesO
he five centuries which passed between the decline of the first #reat "ndian empire of the /auryas and themer#ence of the #reat classical empire of the >uptas has often been described as a dark period in "ndian his
when forei#n dynasties fou#ht each other for short*lived and ephemeral supremacy over Aorthern "ndia. -pfrom FanishkaOs "ndo*5entral -sian empire which could claim to be similar in si;e and importance to has chi
the parthians of Persia and to the contemporary 2oman empire this period did lack the #lamour of lar#e emp!ut this Odark periodO particularly the first two centuries -6 was a period of intensive economic and cultura
contact amon# the various parts of the
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the invention of oil wheel. he inscriptions of the day mention weavers& #oldsmiths& dyers& workers in metal aivory& jewelers& sculptors& fishermen& perfumers and smiths as the donors of caves& pillars& tablets& cisterns et
-mon# the lu'ury items the important ones were ivory and #lass articles and beed cuttin#. -t the be#innin# othe coristian era the knowled#e of #lass*blowin# reached "ndia and attained its peak. 5oin mintin# also reach
hi#h level of e'cellence made out of #old& silver& copper& bron;e& lead and potin. - coint mould of the atavahperiod shows that throu#h it half a do;en coins could be turned out a time.
"n urban handicrafts the pride of place #oes to the beautiful pieces of terracotta produced in profuse 3uantitiehey have been found in most of the sites belon#in# to the Fushan and atavahans periods. "n particular&
terracotta fi#ures of #reat beauty have been found in the Aal#onda district of elen#ana. he terracotta fi#urewere mostly meant for the use of upper classes in towns.
his immense manufacturin# activity was maintained by #uilds. -t least to do;en kinds of #uilds were there. /
of the artisans known from inscriptions hailed from the /athura re#ion and the western 6eccan which lay on ttrade routes leadin# to the ports on the western coast.he #uilds& comin# from the days of the /auryan period& became a more important factor in the urban life bo
bein# instrumental to increase in production and mouldin# public opinion. he primary #uilds of the day werethose of the potters& metal workers and carpenters. ome #uilds or#ani;ed their own distribution system whil
ownin# a lar#e number of boats to transport #oods from various ports on the >an#es.he #uilds of the day fi'ed their own rules of work and the standards of the finished products. hey e'ercised
care re#ardin# price also to safe#uard the interest of both the artisan and the customer. hey controlled the p
of the manufactured articles. e conduct of the #uild members was re#ulated throu#h a #uild court. hecustomary uses of the #uilds had the same force as those of laws.
he e'tensive activity of the #uilds can be known from their seals and emblems. he banners and insi#nia of
#uild were carried in procession of festive occasions. hese prosperous #uilds in addition& donated lar#e sums
money to reli#ious institutions and charitable causes.ince the activity of the #uilds was so buoyant& it appears that they attracted the attention of kin#s too. "t is sthat kin#s had financial interests in #uilds. 2oyalty invested its money in commercial activities. his naturally
to protection bein# provided by tate to the #uilds. 2e#ardin# the activities of #uilds& it appears from inscriptithat they acted asbankers& financiers and trustees althou#h these activities were carried out by a separate cla
of people known as sresthins. Dsury was a part of bankin# and the #eneral rate of interest was around 1+U le'tended to sea*trade carried hi#her interest rate. -n authority of the day states that the rate of interest sho
vary accordin# to the caste of the man to whom money is lent."nterestin#ly& apart from the #uilds& there were workers bodies also. he workers co*operative included artisa
and various crafts associated with a particular enterprise. he classic e'ample of this activity was the co*operative of builders& which has its members drawn from speciali;ed workers such as architects.
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he #rowin# number of stran#ers in the port towns and trade centers led to their absorbin# "ndian habits as tnumbers #rew& social laws of the day became ri#id as to be seen from the law code of /anu. Burther as
conversions to induism was technically impossible the non*"ndian #roups #radually #rew into separate sub*castes. -fter all the conversion of a sin#le individual was a problem but the device of caste made such absorp
easier. /oreover the forei#ners found it easier to become !uddhists instead of -ryans. Baced one theoreticalknowled#e confined to brahmins and the other practical and technical knowled#e which became the preserve
the professionals."t was durin# this period 6harmashastras came to be written. hese hastras made the social structure to be
ri#id. -part from these writin#s poetry and drama were also popular. he outstandin# poem in amil washilappadi#aram. -nother poem in amil was /anime#alai. "n anskrit& -sva#hosa and !hasa were the two #
dramatists. he manuscripts of -sva#hosa were found in a monastry in urdan in 5entral -sia. !oth of his pla
deal with !uddhist themes. !hasa appeared a couple of centuries later. is plays are based on the incident frothe spics or historical romances around the e'ploits of kin# udayan in -vanti."n the field of plastic art. >reat were the achievement of this period like the stupas at anchi and !ar hut the
caves at Farlellora and -janta. -t -mravati the #reat a#e of paintin# be#an. -lso the sculptures at -mravati sa mastery of stone sculpture and with the mathura school of sculpture the "ndian tradition of sculpture be#an
he boomin# trade and commerce of the period was at the base of the urban settlements that came intoe'istence. he important towns of northern "ndia were Haishali& Pataliputra& Haranasi& Fausambi& ravasti&
astinapur& /athura and "ndraprastha. /ost of the towns flourished in the Fushan period as revealed by
e'cavations. he e'cavations at onkh in /athura show as many as seven levels of the Fushan are but only oof the >upta period. -#ain in 0alandhar& @udhiana and 2opar also several sites show #ood Fushan structures.
atayahans kin#down also witnessed thrivin# towns like a#ar& Paithan& 6hanyakataka& -mravati&
Aa#arjunakonda& !roach& opara& -rikamedu and Faveripattanam.
H1/!*%3 &D 1MP&C! * 1ndo-+ree#s-fter -le'ander the >reat& the #reed seleukidan dynasty of Persia held on to the trans*"ndus re#ion. -fter
seleukos Aikator was defeated by 5hanra#upta /aurya in 8,8 !.5. the trans*"ndus re#ion was transferred to/auryas. "n mid third century !.5. the seleukidan rule was ended by two peoples. "n "ran the parthiar beca
independent and their sassanians in ) -.6. "n like manner the #reeks of !actria rose in revolt under theleadership of 6iodotus. hese >reeks were later known as "ndo*>reeks when they #ained a foot*hold in th
"ndian sub*continent.!actria situated between the indu Fush and the o'us& was a fertile re#ion and it controlled the trade routes
>andhara to the West. he #reek settlement in !actria be#an in the +th century !.5. when Persian emperosettled the >reek e'iles in that area.
!actria fi#ured in history with the revolt of diodotus a#ainst -ntiochus the seleukidan kin#. his breakaway!actria was recnised by the seleukidans when the #randson of 6iodotus& reeks. he history of the "ndo*>reeks is mainly #athered from their coins.
evidence is very often confusion because many kin#s had identical names.he son of an#es valley but in vain. Probab
he was defeated by the un#as.-fter menander one trato ruled. -t that time !actaria was rule by a different #roup of !actrians. Probabl
/itrhadates * " of Persia anne'ed the re#ion of a'ila durin# the third 3uarter of the second century !.5.- little later& -ntialkidas ruled from a'ila as known from the inscription from besna#ar near !hilsa. his
inscription was incised on the order of eliodoros& who was the envoy of antialkidas in the court of !esna#aeliodoros #ot a monolithic column built in honour of vasudeva. hus be#an the !hakti cult of Hasudeva.
he last known #reek kin#s were hippostratos and ermaeus& the former defeated by mo#a and the latter khadphisus.
"ndo*>reek influence declined from the time !actria itself was attacked by the nomadic tribes from central -the scythians.
he penetration of "ndo*>reeks& as well as of sakas pahlavas and Fushana influenced the #overnment& socie
reli#ion literature and art of ancient "ndia. he very fact that "ndia absorbed influences of these forei#ners sp
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for the then youthful nature of "ndian civili;ation.he e'tent of >reek influence of "ndian 5ivilisation is a most point. Whatever the >reek influence that was fe
"ndia came in the wake of -le'anderOs invasion of the cast and the settlement of >reeks in the !actrian re#i-le'ander himself cannot be re#arded as the standard bearer of the herita#e of ancient >reece. !y the tim
-le'ander and his soldiers marched towards the east the culture of >reece was on the decline hence at the m-le'ander and his men could have spread a debased version of the #reat >eek civili;ation represented by
ocrates& Plato& Phidia& -ristotle& ophocles& Pytha#oras and others. 6espite the fact that -le'ander and his mcould not be the true torch bearers of >reek culture to the east& the traces of >reek influence could be defini
found on "ndia civili;ation.alkin# of social life& a number of >reeks fi#ure as donors in the inscription of the Farle caves. he >reek mod
wearin# hair and the habit of eatin# in a lyin# posture came into vo#ue. -lso when some of the "ndo*>reek
settled in "ndia& they took to trade and they became affluent merchants. reships brin#in# car#oes& and the >reek section of Faveripatnam was very prosperous. -nd some of the amil k
kept >reek body*#uards.
2e#ardin# science& contemporary writers admit the #reatness of the >reek scientists. he >ar#i amhita admthat the >reeks were like #ods in science and they penetrated into "ndia as far as Pataliputra. Harahmihira& du
the >upta a#e was in the know of >reek science and used a number of >reek technical terms in his works& "also ar#ued that 5haraka was influenced by the works of ippocrates& the father of /edicine& but there is n
evidence to confirm this view. hus it is difficult to conjecture the e'tent to which ancient scientists of "ndia w
influenced by the scientific knowled#e of >reeks."n the field of art& first the "ndo*>reeks did contribute to die cuttersO art. hey showed a remarkable skill i
makin# the portraits of rulers. -lso the >reek kin#s adopt some of the indi#enous methods of mintin# the co
-lthou#h "ndians did not fully learn the fine art of die*cuttin#& the coins of "ndian rulers were influenced by t
>reeks. "ndian adopted the art of strikin# coins with two dies& the obverse and the reverse. econdly& the curopen air theatre that came into bein# in this period was directly a >reek le#acy. he term =avanika for curtashows that "ndian drama& at least on one point& was influenced by the >reek model& hridly& the >reek form
sculpture influenced the >andhara art of the Fushan period. he school be#an in the Fabul valley where th>reek influence was the ma'imum. -ccordin#ly tone author& the terracottas of toys and pla3ues were all
influenced by the >reeks."n the reli#ious field too& the >reek influence was felt& as borne out by /illinda*Panho and the !esna#ar
inscription. @e#ions of >reeks were converted into "ndian reli#ions of the day. ?ne >reek officer& heodorus& the relics of the !uddha enshrined in the wat valley. !esides& indu icono#raphy was #reatly chan#ed beca
of the "ndo*>reek influences. "t is difficult to say how many !abylonian and "ranian >ods were incorporatedindu reli#ions. - few deities were taken over by the Parthians and they were adopted by the Fushans. !ut
doubtful to say as to which of the >reek dieities were incorporated in the Pantheon of "ndian #ods.-ll told& the >reek influence was mostly felt in art $the >an#dhara sculptures& which probably influenced the
day /athura sculptures% and in reli#ion $#ave a fillip to /ahayana !uddhism and populari;ed the !hakti aspereli#ion as pioneered by the vasudeva cult%.
/U+&/he un#a rule& e'tendin# a little over a century& is in interlude in the history of "ndia. here is nothin#
e'traordinary about the political events associated with the un#as. he si#nificance of their history& on the ohand& primarily consists in the place they occupy in the social and cultural history of "ndia.
he founder of the dynasty& Pushyamitra un#a& overthrew the /auryas either in 1C7 !.5. or 1C4 !.5. -fter there were nine other rulers. -mon# them& -#nimitra& Hasumitra& !ha#vata and 6evabhumi were the promin
ones. he names of the first two were associated with some events in political history& whereas the latter twwere known for their lon# rule& they bein# 8 and 1, years respectively.
here is some controversy about the identity of Pushyamitra un#a. "t was stated in a utra that he belon#e
a family of teachers. Patanjali claims that he was a brahminor the !hardwaja #otra. "vyavadana stated that un#as were related to the /auryas. - /alavika#nimitram refers to them as brahmins belon#in# to Fashya
#otra.
-fter the overthrow of !rihadrata& Pushyamitra un#a wa#ed a few wars to consolidate his position.
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!harhut stupa and the sculpture relatin# to 0ataka stories around it came into e'istence durin# the same per?ne of the donors of !harhut stupa was 5hampadevi wife of the "disha Fin#& who was a worshipper of Hishn
his fact bears testimony to the hi#h de#ree of tolerance prevailin# durin# the period. $-nd some minor workun#a art are to be found at /athura& Fausambi and arnath%.
"t at all there was anytin# like persecution of !uddhists durin# the days of Pushyamitra un#a& it could be in conte't of /enanderOs invasion. /ay be& the !uddhists of "ndia welcomed the invasion of /enanderO and th
mi#ht have resulted in Pushyamitra un#a wrath fallin# on the !uddhists. ?r& may be withdrawal of royalpatrona#e with the comin# of the un#as apparently enra#ed the !uddhists and thus the !uddhists writer
present an e'a##erated account of their troubles.he importance of the un#as& therefore& was primarily in the conte't of cultural and social development. "n
social field& the emer#ence of induism had a wide impact. he un#as attempted to revive the caste syste
with the social supremacy of the brahmins. his is more than evident in the work of /anu $/anusmriti% whehe reassures the position of the brahmins in the fourfold society. reat =uehi*chi driven out of fertile lend in Western china mi#rated towards the -ral ea. here they encount
the akas near yr 6arya river and evicted them. he >reat =uehi*5hi tribes settled in the valley of ?'us andwith the occupation of the !actrian lands the #reat hordes were divided into five principalities. - century later
Fushan section or sect of =uehi*5hi attained predominance over the otheres. heir leader was Fadphises. hube#an the history of Fushans.
he uni3ue #eo#raphical position of the Fushans empire made it a colossus astride on the spine of -sia unitinthe >reco*2oman civili;ation in the west the 5hinese civili;ation in the ea