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Between promise and practiceExploring the politics of urban food strategies in European citiesCretella, A.
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Summary
Cities and city‐regions around the world are under mounting pressure to deal with
food issues: the growing urbanization in one hand, and the industrial food production
and distribution with its associated health, environmental and social costs on the other,
are widely recognized as matters to be urgently addressed. In a joint effort,
policymakers, scholars and activists around the world are calling to reframe
conventional practices for the feeding of cities, by proposing more sustainable — often
called alternative — paths.
This thesis focuses on one of these possible alternative paths —that of the emerging
experiences developed in European cities under the name of urban food strategies
(UFSs). As a preliminary definition, UFSs can be identified as a broad category of
efforts by municipalities to improve food quality, access and distribution in order to
pursue sustainability as well as the general wellbeing of the population.
UFSs constitute promising actions for their help to institutionalize the willingness to
address the social and environmental problems generated by the conventional,
industrial, food system. Yet, their precise nature, promotors, participants,
geographical distribution and normative orientation have remained relatively under‐
researched. More importantly, there is not, to date, any research designed to explore
to which extent, if at all, UFSs actually constituted one of this possible alternative paths
for the feeding of today’s cities.
In this book, I seek to fill these research gaps by developing a definition of UFSs,
mapping UFSs distribution in Europe and exploring their content and promotors in
selected cases. This inquiry is specifically guided by the aim to understand to what
extent and precisely in view to what standing policies and practices UFSs might
actually constitute an alternative. In spite of the lack of empirical backing on UFSs, they
have been widely and implicitly recognized on many fronts, ranging from academic
166
to institutional and even social, as one such “alternative” path. In this thesis, I discuss
this discrepancy between level of attention and lack of empirical work. I seek to
explore the classification of UFSs as ‘alternative’ in selected cases, in order to provide
an empirical basis to advance the theoretical, policy and societal debate around these
innovative urban efforts.
UFSs as a new urban policy trend
In order to shed a light on what precisely could be identified as an UFS, chapter 2
discusses various theoretical perspectives on UFSs, on the basis of which I propose a
working definition of the concept for this thesis. I identify UFSs mainly as urban
policies, given that the institutional dimension concerning food issues is particularly
emphasized by scholars and policymakers as one of their innovative aspects.
Furthermore, I present empirical data on the historical development and geographical
distribution of UFSs in Europe. The empirical material points at the growing number
of UFSs, between 2004 and 2014 among different European municipalities. I identify
this particular pattern as the ‘food policy trend’, which is affecting European cities
since London launched its first (internationally well known) food policy in 2006. To
explain this phenomenon I then discuss some of the possible motives that might be
guiding the UFSs model’s diffusion, including among others their supposed
‘alternativeness’, policy learning due to geographical or cultural proximity to already
existing UFSs initiatives, and the role of social movements and researchers respectively
in the creation of advocacy networks. This discussion raises questions on the
emergence of UFSs in European cities, and allows me to more specifically explore, in
the following chapters, the specific agendas that trigger their development.
The ‘alternative’ vs neoliberal food governance
The analysis of the narratives used by policy makers when arguing in favour of
designing and implementing UFSs, that is presented in chapter 2, suggested that UFSs’
supposed ‘alternativeness’ may contribute to their increasing popularity and spread.
In chapter 3, I explore this hypothesis by discussing the case of the London Food
Strategy. I offer first a delineation of two labels, ‘alternative’ and ‘neoliberal’ used in
UFS‐related publications and I subsequently compare these with the London UFS’s
policy content. The empirical focus enables me to include in the analysis the broader
context in which a UFS is developed. Interestingly, the London case shows that its
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specific food policy was designed in a context characterized by urban developments
and policy arrangements, which are, arguably, ideologically divergent from the UFS’s
declared objectives. An explanation is sought in the pertinence of advocacy networks
of food and planning scholars that tend to frame UFSs as a desirable ‘alternative’ to
existing food practices. The analysis presented begs the question how a concrete set of
urban agendas influences the development of an UFS in a specific context.
Food as an emerging issue area for economic and cultural competition in cities
The discussion of the London case highlighted how various urban developments (in
this case, particularly the 2012 London Olympics) and specific policy arrangements
can influence the content and agenda of UFS‐related policy efforts. Such cross‐
fertilization may account for discrepancies between promises and practices in UFSs,
and this calls for a closer investigation. In line with this intention, in chapter 4, I discuss
the second case study, of the Rotterdam food strategy. In search of both ‘alternative’
and neoliberal (which are designated as ‘economic’) dynamics, I offer an analysis of
the content of two food‐related policy documents produced by the municipality: the
Sustainability Program and the strategic agenda Food and the City. The analysis lays
bare how a broader urban agenda influences the implementation of the food strategy.
Particularly, Rotterdam’s city branding and ‘creative’ ambitions influence its UFS,
which lead me to conclude that the adoption of a food strategy is a form of creative
city politics. I conclude that each UFS seeks different objectives and is subjective to all
kinds of context‐related influences. Such differentiation, I argue in the final chapter of
this thesis, is ultimately not compatible with the generic labelling of ‘alternative’.
Towards the institutionalization of food: the roles of academics, policymakers
and food movements
Chapters 2 and 3 discussed the assumptions underneath the labelling of UFSs as
‘alternative’ development policies. I challenged this assumption by presenting
empirical evidence of how ‘neoliberal’ agendas present themselves in London and
Rotterdam’s policy documents and in their broader governance guidance. In chapter
5, I offer empirical grounding for answering the third question: Who is contributing to
the diffusion and promotion of food strategies? I focus on city of Pisa, Italy, and its
UFS, to formulate an empirically grounded answer to this question.
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The case exposes the role played by different individuals in the development of a food
policy for the city, and highlights how the general assumption of UFSs as ‘alternatives’
directly contributes to the Pisa UFS’ initial inception. The case study shows how a
city’s administrative context and particularly its food scene prove of great relevance
for understanding the dynamics at play in urban food policies. By analysing various
individuals’ perspectives around the making of a food policy for the city, the case of
the Pisa Food Plan shows how policymakers, researchers and representatives of food
movements all hold and aspire different agendas. In particular, the weight of local
food movements in the policy process, completely peripheral in practice but central in
terms of content, led me to conclude that the formulation of an UFS in this case was a
process of selective appropriation by the province of food movements’ demands.
The case further reinforces the conclusion about incompatibility of UFSs with the
labelling of ‘alternative’ since there is no alignment of agendas between food
movements and institutional food efforts. These findings are contrasted to
contributions to the urban food policy literature.
Conclusions
In chapter 6, I reflect on the main findings of this thesis by reflecting on the coherence
between the research questions posed in chapter 1 and their various answers provided
in the separate chapters. The first finding discussed in section 6.1 concerns the
development of a definition for UFSs and the existence of a transnational ‘food
governance trend’ taking place among different European municipalities. In the
following section, I delve deeper into the motivations behind the growing diffusion of
UFSs by exploring their supposed ‘alternativeness’ in light of my case studies and
relevant literature. My second finding is that although UFSs might be predominantly
labeled “alternative” in their content and ambitions, in practice they also comprise, in
different ways and to different degrees, neoliberal principles. This means that food
strategies are not inherently and only “alternative”. I conclude that my empirical
findings are in conflict with the ‘scholarly understanding’ that labeled UFSs as
“alternatives” to standing “neoliberal” policies and practices. In section 6.3, I discuss
the last finding of this dissertation. My empirical material exposes how the
dissemination of UFSs has been largely carried out by academics that were confident
that they were simply ‘progressive best practices’. This intention, moreover, connects
with the willingness to translate ‘activist’ political content inspired by food social
movements into institutional trajectories.
169
In light of these three main findings, I further discuss the discrepancies that might arise
between promises and practices in the policymaking process. On the whole, I argue
that the translation of (some) activist content into institutional frameworks is therefore
not enough to render food strategies to be “alternative” practices of urban governance.
Given this argument, I advise against exporting ‘best practices’ and their associated
positive bias, and recommend that UFSs – and other kinds of governance experiences
alike – should be assessed exclusively within their specific local contexts.
171
Samenvatting
Steden en stadsregioʹs over de gehele wereld staan onder toenemende druk om
voedselproblemen aan te pakken: de groeiende verstedelijking enerzijds en de
industriële voedselproductie en ‐distributie anderzijds, met de bijbehorende
gezondheids‐, milieu‐ en sociale kosten, worden algemeen erkend als zaken die
dringend aandacht behoeven. Beleidsmakers, academici en activisten roepen
eendrachtig om de bestaande praktijken van voedselvoorziening in steden tegen het
licht te houden, en doen voorstellen voor duurzamere manieren van werken, vaak
onder het label ‘alternatieve’ voedselvoorzieningspraktijken.
Dit proefschrift richt zich op één van dergelijke mogelijke alternatieven, namelijk op
de benaderingen die recentelijk in Europese steden worden uitgewerkt onder de naam
stedelijke voedselstrategieën (urban food strategies, in het Engels afgekort als UFS –
deze afkorting wordt hieronder gebruikt). Bij wijze van voorlopige definitie kunnen
UFS worden beschreven als een brede verzameling aan inspanningen die gemeenten
ondernemen om de voedselkwaliteit, en ook de toegang en de distributie van voedsel
te verbeteren vanuit het streven om zowel duurzaamheid als het algemene welzijn van
de bevolking te verbeteren.
UFS bieden een veelbelovend perspectief vanwege hun vermogen om institutioneel
vorm te geven aan de bereidheid van uiteenlopende actoren om de sociale problemen
en milieuproblemen die zijn verbonden met het conventionele, industriële
voedselsysteem, te adresseren. Desondanks is hun precieze aard relatief onderbelicht
gebleven, evenals de vraag wie voorstanders zijn en wie de deelnemers aan UFS, wat
hun geografische spreiding is, en vanuit welke normatieve oriëntaties ze worden
uitgewerkt. Bovendien is er tot nu toe geen onderzoek opgezet naar de vraag in
hoeverre UFS daadwerkelijk een alternatief bieden voor hedendaagse
voedselpraktijken in stedelijk gebied.
172
In dit boek probeer ik in deze leemte te voorzien door een definitie van UFS te
ontwikkelen, door hun spreiding in Europa in kaart te brengen, en door in een aantal
geselecteerde cases hun specifieke uitwerking te onderzoeken, evenals hun
vaandeldragers. Dit onderzoek is erop gericht te begrijpen in welke mate UFS een
alternatief vormen, en ten opzichte van welk bestaand beleid en bestaande praktijken
dat precies het geval is. Opvallend is dat ondanks het gebrek aan empirisch bewijs er
op vele fronten (zowel in de academisch wereld als in overheidskringen en ook
maatschappelijk) bijval is voor de claim dat UFS een ʺalternatiefʺ bieden voor het
bestaande. In dit proefschrift bespreek ik de discrepantie tussen de hoeveelheid
aandacht die UFS krijgen, en het gebrek aan empirisch gegrond onderzoek op dit vlak.
Ik onderzoek in geselecteerde cases de classificatie van UFS als zijnde ʹalternatiefʹ
zodat ik een empirische basis kan bieden om het theoretische, politieke en
maatschappelijke debat rond deze innovatieve stedelijke inspanningen te bevorderen.
UFS als nieuwe trend in stedelijke beleidsvoering
Om een licht te werpen op wat precies als een UFS kan worden aangemerkt bespreek
ik in hoofdstuk 2 verschillende theoretische perspectieven op het fenomeen. Op basis
daarvan formuleer ik een werkdefinitie van het concept ten behoeve van dit
proefschrift. Ik identificeer UFS als specifieke vormen van stedelijk beleid met
betrekking tot voedselvraagstukken, aangezien zowel beleidsactoren als academici
met name de institutionele dimensie ervan als iets innovatiefs zien. Daarnaast laat ik
op basis van empirische gegevens de historische ontwikkeling en geografische
spreiding van UFS in Europa zien. Het empirische materiaal wijst uit dat het aantal
UFS groeit tussen 2004 en 2014 in verschillende Europese gemeenten. Ik duid dit
specifieke patroon aan als een ‘trend in beleidsvoering gericht op voedsel’; een trend
die Europese steden beroert sinds Londen in 2006 het eerste (internationaal erkende)
‘stedelijke voedselbeleid’ lanceerde. Om deze ontwikkeling te verklaren bespreek ik
vervolgens enkele mogelijke overwegingen die hieraan ten grondslag zouden kunnen
liggen. De diffusie van het UFS‐model laat zich mogelijk verklaren vanuit hun
veronderstelde ́ alternatieve perspectiefʹ, uit beleidsleren dat in gang gezet wordt gezet
door hun geografische of culturele nabijheid ten opzichte van andere, elders
ontwikkelde UFS en de rol van sociale bewegingen, en van onderzoekers
respectievelijk, bij het creëren van zogenaamde Advocacy Coalitions. Deze discussie
roept vragen op over de opkomst van UFS in specifieke Europese steden, en vormt een
aanleiding om in de volgende hoofdstukken meer specifiek de agendaʹs te
173
onderzoeken die aan de basis liggen van de ontwikkeling van UFS als nieuwe trend in
stedelijke beleidsvoering.
Een ‘alternatief’ voor neoliberale voedsel governance
De analyse van de argumentatie die beleidsmakers aandragen ten faveure van het
ontwerpen en implementeren van UFS (gepresenteerd in hoofdstuk 2) suggereerde dat
de veronderstelde ́ alternativiteitʹ van UFS zou kunnen bijdragen aan hun toenemende
populariteit en verspreiding. In hoofdstuk 3 onderzoek ik deze hypothese aan de hand
van de casus van de London Food Strategy. Ik begin met het afbakenen van twee
beschrijvende begrippen die worden gebruikt in UFS‐gerelateerde publicaties, te
weten ʹalternatiefʹ en ʹneoliberaal.ʹ Vervolgens vergelijk ik deze met de inhoud van het
onderhavige voedselbeleid van Londen. Deze empirische focus stelt mij in staat om in
de analyse de bredere context mee te nemen waarin de UFS is ontwikkeld. Interessant
aan de Londense casus is dat het bestudeerde voedselbeleid is ontworpen in een
context die wordt gekenmerkt door stedelijke ontwikkelingen en
beleidsarrangementen, die ideologisch gezien schijnbaar haaks staan op de
doelstellingen van de UFS. Een verklaring daarvoor lijkt te vinden in de rol van een
advocacy coalition van voedseldeskundigen en planningswetenschappers die UFS als
een wenselijk ʹalternatiefʹ presenteren voor bestaande voedselpraktijken. De
gepresenteerde analyse roept de vraag op hoe een samenstel aan stedelijke plannen en
eisen de ontwikkeling van een UFS in een specifieke context beïnvloedt.
Voedsel als een nieuwe arena voor economische en culturele competitie tussen
steden
Uit de analyse van de Londense case werd duidelijk hoe verschillende stedelijke
ontwikkelingen (in dit geval, met name de Olympische Spelen van 2012 in Londen) en
specifieke beleidsarrangementen de inhoud en agenda van UFS‐gerelateerde
beleidsontwikkeling kunnen beïnvloeden. Een dergelijke beïnvloeding over en weer
kan het verschil tussen de beloften van een UFS, en de uitwerking ervan in de praktijk
verklaren. Dit vraagt om nader onderzoek. Daarom bespreek ik in hoofdstuk 4 de
tweede case study, namelijk het Rotterdamse voedselbeleid. Op zoek naar zowel
ʹalternatieveʹ als neoliberale duiding (begrepen als ʹeconomischeʹ dynamiek), bied ik
een analyse van de inhoud van twee gemeentelijke beleidsdocumenten die elk een
focus hebben op voedselbeleid: het Duurzaamheidsprogramma en de strategische
agenda ‘Food & the City’. De analyse legt bloot hoe een brede stedelijke agenda de
uitwerking van de voedselstrategie beïnvloedt. Met name de Rotterdamse City
branding en gerelateerde ʹcreatieveʹ ambities beïnvloeden de UFS. Dit brengt me ertoe
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te concluderen dat het aannemen van een voedselstrategie een vorm van creatieve city
politics is. Ik concludeer dat elke UFS weer andere doelen nastreeft en een speelbal is
voor allerhande context‐specifieke invloeden. De resulterende diversificatie, betoog ik
in het laatste hoofdstuk van dit proefschrift, is niet verenigbaar met de generieke
typering van dergelijk voedselbeleid als zijnde ʹalternatief.ʹ
De rol van academici, beleidsmakers en de Food‐beweging bij het
institutionaliseren van de beleidsaandacht voor voedsel
Hoofdstuk 2 en 3 bespraken de assumpties die ten grondslag liggen aan het typeren
van UFS als ́ alternatiefʹ beleid voor stedelijke ontwikkeling. Ik plaatste vraagtekens bij
deze assumpties door empirisch aan te tonen hoe ʹneoliberaleʹ agenda’s tot
uitdrukking komen in het beleid in de Londense en Rotterdamse cases, en in hun
bredere inbedding in governance logica. Hoofdstuk 5 biedt vervolgens een empirische
basis voor het beantwoorden van de derde vraag: wie draagt bij aan de verspreiding
en promotie van voedselbeleid? Voor de beantwoording van deze vraag kijk ik naar
de UFS van Pisa, Italië.
De casus maakt duidelijk wat de rol is van verschillende betrokkenen bij de
ontwikkeling van stedelijk voedselbeleid, en toont aan dat het typeren van UFS als
‘alternatief’ als zodanig concreet bijdraagt aan het ontwikkelen van een UFS in Pisa.
De case study biedt zicht op hoe de bestuurlijke context van een stad en, in het
bijzonder, de aldaar vigerende eetcultuur van groot belang zijn voor het begrijpen van
de dynamiek in het stedelijk voedselbeleid. Omdat in de analyse de perspectieven
worden betrokken van verschillende actoren die zich bezig hielden met voedselbeleid
voor de stad, laat de casus rond het Pisa Food Plan zien hoe beleidsactoren,
onderzoekers en vertegenwoordigers van de Food‐beweging allemaal verschillende
agendaʹs hebben en uiteenlopende ambities koesteren. Met name de invloed van lokale
food‐bewegingen in het beleidsproces was opvallend. Deze sociale bewegingen
speelden, ondanks hun marginale positie, inhoudelijk een centrale rol. Deze observatie
ligt ten grondslag aan de conclusie dat, in het geval van Pisa, het formuleren van een
UFS neerkwam op het selectief toe‐eigenen door de gemeente van de eisen van
voedselbewegingen.
De casestudy versterkt verder de conclusie dat UFS niet zonder meer geschaard
kunnen worden onder het label ‘alternatief’, omdat de agenda van formele
beleidsinspanningen niet samenvalt met de agenda van de food‐movement. Deze
bevindingen weerleggen claims uit de literatuur over stedelijk voedselbeleid.
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Conclusies
In hoofdstuk 6 bespreek ik de centrale bevindingen uit dit proefschrift in hun
onderlinge samenhang, uitgaande van de onderzoeksvragen in hoofdstuk 1 en de
antwoorden daarop in de afzonderlijke hoofdstukken. De eerste gevolgtrekking, in
paragraaf 6.1, heeft betrekking op de definitie van UFS, en op de transnationale ʹtrend
in food governance’ onder Europese gemeenten. In de volgende paragraaf verdiep ik
me in de redenen voor de toegenomen verspreiding van UFS, door in te zoomen op
hun typering als ‘alternatief’ beleid in het licht van mijn case studies en aangehaalde,
relevante literatuur. Mijn tweede gevolgtrekking is dat hoewel UFS naar hun inhoud
en ambities wellicht als ʹalternatiefʹ kunnen worden bestempeld, ze in de praktijk ook
neoliberale principes omvatten, op verschillende manieren en in verschillende mate.
Dit betekent dat stedelijk voedselbeleid niet inherent en uitsluitend ‘alternatief’ is. Ik
concludeer daaruit dat mijn empirische bevindingen een weerlegging zijn van de
wetenschappelijke consensus die UFS bestempelt als een ʹalternatiefʹ ten opzichte van
het staande ʹneoliberaleʹ beleid en de beleidspraktijk. In paragraaf 6.3 bespreek ik de
laatste gevolgtrekking uit dit proefschrift. Mijn empirisch materiaal laat zien dat de
verspreiding van UFS grotendeels in de hand werd gewerkt door academici die erop
vertrouwden dat het eenvoudigweg ʹvooruitstrevende best practicesʹ waren. Deze
overtuiging houdt bovendien verband met de bereidheid om een ʹactivistischeʹ
politieke agenda, geïnspireerd door de food‐beweging, te vertalen in institutionele
trajecten.
In het licht van deze drie centrale conclusies bespreek ik tot slot de discrepanties die
kunnen ontstaan tussen beloften en praktijken in het beleidsproces. Ik beargumenteer
dat het (deels) vertalen van een activistische agenda in institutionele kaders niet
volstaat om UFS‐voedselbeleid te afficheren als ʺalternatieveʺ praktijken van stedelijk
governance. Op grond van deze redenering wijs ik de gewoonte af om ʹbest practicesʹ
en de bijbehorende positieve bias over te dragen van de ene context en de andere. In
plaats daarvan adviseer ik dat UFS ‐ en andere soorten van governance ‐ uitsluitend
beoordeeld worden binnen hun specifieke lokale context.
177
Acknowledgments
Pursuing doctoral study is a solitary endeavor. Completing this project, however,
would not have been possible without the support and guidance that I received from
many. I could not have done it on my own, and surely, I will fail to acknowledge all
the people that helped me through this long journey.
First and foremost I want to acknowledge my indebtedness to my advisors John Grin
and Anne Loeber. Their insightful comments and encouragement, especially
throughout the hardships of the writing, motivated me to widen my research horizons
from diverse perspectives.
I also want to thank my previous supervisory team of the Rural Sociology group at
Wageningen University: Han Wiskerke, Petra Derzken and Lummina Horlings. I
appreciate all your contributions of time, perspectives and funding which contributed
to shape this Ph.D. in its early stage. Likewise, I want to thank all the colleagues and
team of the Purefood project. Cheron Constance, Els Egger, and Femke Hoekstra in
particular, you have been a tremendous source of professional and personal support
during my time in Wageningen.
A special thanks goes also to the Laboratorio di Studi Rurali Sismondi of the University
of Pisa: in particular to Gianluca Brunori, Silvia Innocenti e Adanella Rossi. Thank you
for hosting me at the Department and for your time and kindness during my
fieldwork. Thanks as well to Leo Dvortsin and Olga Gromasheva for making me feel
so welcome there, and to the interviewees who dedicated their time and insights for
the profit of this research.
I am also deeply grateful to have had the emotional support of my closest friends.
Diana, thank you for always be there for me and for taking me down to earth during
these erratic years. Thank you Luciano, for sustaining me both morally and practically
178
and for proofreading part of this dissertation. Thank you as well for the support and
kindness to my dear friends Geraldine, Jurandí and Corinna.
My time in the Netherlands was made special in large part due to the wonderful
people I met along the way. Thank you for the discussions, insights and laughs
especially to Debra Solomon and Denis Roio, Jacques Abelman and Sara Camacho.
Thank you as well to my friends in Bologna: Esther Sanyé‐Mengual for the support,
critical discussions and spritzs, to Fabio Cucinotta for the delicious home cooking, to
Elisa Messori, Mattia Cavagna, Emanuele Felice, Renato Busarello for their flamboyant
company, to Alessandro Fusella for his precious advice on the Palatino style, and to
Marta Giovannini, Michele Maisto, Daniela Astrid Klein and Lucia Botindari.
There are also special places that contributed to this dissertation. I am particularly
indebted to Biblioteca Sala Borsa in Bologna, where I spent countless of hours writing
– including these very acknowledgments. I am also bound to my hometown Pescara,
which taught me the value of honest food and inadvertently contributed to my
personal analytical approach. Thanks as well to La Lampara, for providing the
entertainment I longed for in‐between the writing.
Lastly, I would like to dedicate this thesis to my large and messy family. First to my
resource for strength and wisdom: my parents Carlo and Raffaella. I am also deeply
grateful to my sister Eugenia for her unconditional love and care and to my brother
Marco: thank you for providing office space during the last summer months of
reclusive writing. Thanks to Luca, Andrea and Teresa. You all have been a source of
strength and inspiration.
Agnese
October 2018
Bologna
179
Cover photo and design idea by Agnese Cretella. The painting is attributed to Golden
Age painter Gerret Willemsz. Heda (1625, Haarlem – 1649, Haarlem) and depicts a still
life Dutch dinner table. From a private collection in Italy.
Copyright © photo Agnese Cretella.
Printed in April 2019 by: ProefschriftMaken || www.proefschriftmaken.nl
Between Prom
ise and Practice: Exploring the politics of urban food strategies in European citiesA
gnese Cretella
Agnese Cretella
Between Promise and Practice Exploring the politics of urban food strategies
in European cities
ISBN: 978-94-6380-328-1
2019