valle de yucay

Ethniciry Demography, and Estate Managementin Sixteenth-Century Yucay

R. Alan Covey, Southern Methodist UniuersityChristina M. Elson, American Museum of Natural History

Abstract. Yucay was a royal estate in the Inca heartland built by provincial laborersfor Huayna Capac, the penultimate ruler. Permanent retainers staffed the estate,maintaining a palace and leisure facilities for the emperor and providing materialsupport for his family following his death. After the Spanish invasion, Yucay andother royal estates changed hands frequendy, and Inca patterns of labor tributegradually gave way to the Spanish colonial tribute system. The tributary redefini-tion of permanent retainers (yanahuna) in the Yucay Valley led to the r57r reset-tlement of over twenty-three hundred individuals into four colonial towns, anundertaking that involved recording the names, ages, and ethnic identities of theseindividuals, household by household. This essay considers how the management ofthe Yucay estate evolved in the early colonial period, then presents an ethnic anddemographic overview of the retainer population identified in the documents.

At the time of the European invasion, eyewitnesses described the area sur-rounding Cuzco, the Inca capital, as being densely populated by the Incanobility and numerous provincial groups (Pizarro ry86 lr57rl: chap. 15;Sancho de La Hoz ry62 [r94lz chap. r7). The Inca identified the areawithin fifty to seventy-five kilometers of Cuzco as their imperial heart-land-a region characterized by a high degree of landscape modificationand the construction of terraces, administrative infrastructure, and royalestates (see Covey zoo5; Farrington ry92). A system of royal palaces andproductive resources is said to have developed beginning with the sixthInca ruler, and by the r53os the descendants of six or seven rulers occupiedmore than a dozen distinct facilities in the caoital's rural hinterland.

Although colonial writers likened some royal Inca holdings to Spanishcountry palaces, such as the one developed by Philip II at Aranjuez (Cobo

Etlmohistory 54:z (Spring zooT) oor ro.rzr5/oor4t8or-zoo6-o64Copyright zooT by American Sociery for Ethnohistory

R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

ry64 ft691: book rz, chap. 16; Garcilaso de la Vega ry65 ft6o91: book 5,chap. zTlr lnca estates were not territorially contiguous like their Euro-pean counterparts, whose owners rented out 6elds to tenant farmers. Incarulers possessed urban palaces in Cuzco, one or more country palaces,and plots of improved land throughout the region where maize, coca, andother crops could be cultivated. Rulers also owned camelid herds, whichrequired pasture lands and corrals in the high grasslands near the capital.In some provincial regions, Inca rulers built architectural complexes anddesignated native retainers for their personal service.

In essence, the estate system as it existed at the time of the Spanishinvasion was a collection of widely scattered lands and native laborresources, managed by the descendants of Inca rulers for their maintenanceand enjoyment. Many Inca estates have been identified based on modernplace names and the preservation of architectural complexes (Bauer andCovey zooz; Niles 1988, 1991; Rowe r997), although this approach resultsin the underidentification of named terraces, fields, and corrals, therebybiasing our conceptualization of the estate system toward the residentialand monumental. Such a focus also tends to follow a fairly literal interpre-tation of Inca ideology, viewing the estate as the property of a dead rulerrather than as a conglomeration of resources held individually or corpo-rately by members of the ruler's descent group.l A view of Inca estates asexisting solely for the support of an imperial mummy cult fails to capturetheir dynamic nature; some were occupied for more than a century andwere refurbished or expanded after the death of the founding ruler.2

The Transformation of Yucay, the Estateof Huayna Capac

Thanks to previous archaeological research and architectural studies bySusan Niles and others, the estate of Huayna Capac at Yucay stands outas one of the best-known royal facilities in the Inca heartland (fig. r; Niles1999; see Farrington r98 4, r99 5; Gibaja Oviedo t98z; andYalencia Zegarra

ry82).3 The remains of palatial architecture and agricultural terraces arestill present around modern Yucay, and the area is described in detail inpublished chronicles, as well as in an impressive corpus of documentshoused in the Archivo Departamental del Cusco (ADC) and the ArchivoGeneral de Indias (Seville). Some of the documents pertaining to colonialYucay have been published, but the full potential of this archival recordhas not been realized. This essay supplements the published record withinformation and data from a nine-hundred-page selection of documentsfrom the Betancur Collection in the ADC.a We will first use sixteenth-

Estate Management in Yucay 105

I Santlagodeorcpee (Yucay)2. San 8crurdo de Urub.mba3. San B€nito de Alcanor6 (Hsyllabamba)4. San F6miro de Ma6s5. San F6mls de Urco3 (Urqullbs)

r. The area surrounding Cuzco, showing towns named in the present

century witness testimony regarding estate management to discuss earlycolonial land tenure and labor tribute practices. Having considered thechanges occurring in the decades following the European invasion, we willthen turn to a demographic analysis of over eight hundred retainer house-holds living in the Yucay Valley in r57r.

The Yucay Estate in Inca Times

Around AD r5oo, the Inca emperor Huayna Capac ordered the transfor-mation of the Yucay Valley to provide himself and his family with facilitiesfor relaxation and pleasure (ADC, Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 165,t74v,4241. He commissioned a half-brother, Sinchi Roca, to design build-ings for him in a location said previously to have been undeveloped andsparsely populated. Tens of thousands of laborers were called from all partsof the Inca empire for the construction project (Betanzos r999 ft55r-571tpart r, chap. 43; Murfa ry87 [r59o-r5rr]: book r, chap. 3o; Sarmientode Gamboa ry65 ft57zlz chap. 58; Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. 165).They canalized the Urubamba River to straighten its course and modifiedthe valley floor by constructing stone-faced terraces and by bringing inearth fill. After reconfiguring the landscape, the provincial laborers built

Figurestudy.

3c6 R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

Table r. Important dates for the Yucay estate

c a . 1 5 0 0

ca. 1525

ca.1530-32

ca. 1539

t54l

1548

1558

r57 l

1572

Huayna Capac orders the construction of the estate. Fol-lowing its construction, it is staffed permanendy by localsand 2,000 yanakuna.

Huayna Capac dies in Quito, and his body is brought toYucay with a group of retainers.

During the Inca civil war, generals of Huascar and Atawallpabring new yanakuna to the valley.

Following the uprising of Manco Inca, Francisco Pizarrotakes Yucay as his encomienda.

Francisco Pizarro is murdered in Lima. His estate is ulti-mately managed by his brother Gonzalo. The Yucay enco-mienda supports Francisco's son, also named Gonzalo.

After the elder Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion against the Crownis defeated, Pedro de La Gasca takes the Yucay Valley asa Crown holding. Its income is used to supporr FranciscoPizarro's surviving children.

Sayri Topa, a grandson of Huayna Capac, leaves his exile inVilcabamba and gives loyalty to the Crown. He receives thetributary population of the Yucay Valley and encomiendasformerly belonging to Herndndez Gir6n.

Pedro Guti6rrez Flores visits the Yucay Valley as part of theToledan uisiu general.

Dofra Beatriz Clara Coya, daughter and heir of Sayri Topa,is betrothed to Captain Martin Garcia de Loyola, the manwho captured Topa Amaru, the last independent Inca rulerin Vilcabamba. The couple begins to file legal claims to havecertain yanakuna in the valley assigned to them as tributaries.

houses, gardens, fountains, storage, and other recreation facilities for theroyal family. Huayna Capac allotted land in the valley to the cult of theSun, to Inca nobles, and to the families of other dead rulers (Betanzos l999[r55r-57]: part r, chap. 41;Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. rz3v,rz9,165,r74v, 4;-4; see Niles 1999).

Once the principal terraces and buildings at Yucay estate were com-pleted, the provincial labor force departed and the local population of thevalley was joined by two thousand retainers assigned permanently ro the


service of the estate-one thousand from the quarter (suyul of Chinchay-suyu and one thousand from the quarter of Qollasuyu (Betancur Collec-tion, vol. 7, fols. r39, r45, r49v, 165, r74v). The typical commoner residentof the estate at this time was not considered to belong to the provinces(suyuruna), but was assigned the title of knmayuq or yana to signify that heor she was a production specialist or permanent retainer.s Workers settledin a series of small villages in the valley, and they maintained the buildingsat the estate; grew maize, chile pepper, and other foods; and provided addi-tional service for the emperor's family (Betanzos r999 [r55r-577; part r,chap. 43;Villanueva Urteaga r97r. 37,39; Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols.rz3v, r54v) r6ov, 165).6 Huayna Capac personally held the estate at Yucayduring his lifetime, and the chronicles specifically describe the valley as aplace where the emperor would go for recreation and relaxation.

After lands and laborers had been established in Yucay, Huayna Capactraveled north to campaign in what is today Ecuador, dying in Quito sixto ten years before the Spaniards entered the Andean highlands (Cieza deLe6n 1985 [ca. r55o]: chap. 58, p. rg4tPizarro ry78ft57r}. chap. ro, p. 48;Toledo r94o [r57rla: 68, 8r, 85, 9r, 95; Toledo ry4o ft57r)b: rrz; Toledo

ry4o ft57r]c: r58). The emperor's body was carried in a litter to Cuzco bya procession that included noble Inca men and women and a contingent ofEcuadorian natives-local elites conquered by Huayna Capac who wereto serve the emperor's mummy as permanent retainers (Betanzos t999

[r55r-57]: part 2, chap. r; Betancur Collection, vol.7, fols. roo, z75v).Following the requisite mortuary ceremonies, the mummy was movedfrom Huayna Capac's urban palace to the Yucay Valley, where a specialfaciliry called Quispeguanca had been constructed for it (Betancur Col-lection, vol.7, fols. z83v-84). Female ritual specialists (mamakunal wereassigned to the mummy, and a special contingent of retainers and maleritual specialists presented the mummy with food and drink and carried itin a liner to important festivals in Cuzco (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol.roo).7 According to witness testimony, many of the retainers assigned tothe estate continued to serve there even after the conquest.

Estate Tenure and Labor Tribute in Colonial Yucay

The documentary record makes little explicit mention of how the YucayValley was affected by the turmoil of the r53os-the Inca civil war, theEuropean invasion, and the Inca uprising under Manco Inca. FollowingInca succession practices, the Yucay estate should have been held corpo-rately by Huayna Capac's descent groupr which should have excluded sonsserving as emperor.s By tS39, Francisco Pizarro and his brothers and allies

lo8 R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

had begun to map themselves onto royal Inca lands and retainer popu-lations, and Pizarro assigned himself an encomienda in the Yucay Valley.Pizarro also claimed the Casana, Huayna Capac's urban palace, as wellas coca and maize lands formerly belonging to that ruler (Rivera Sernary65 fty4l: 33;Yar6n Gabai ry97).e Pizarro and his brothers claimed Incaretainers and lands throughout the Cuzco region, including parts of theestates of Huayna Capac, Huascar, Pachacutic Inca Yupanqui, and IncaViracocha (Julien zoorl Rowe r99o;Yar6n Gabai ry97, 1998).

Francisco Pizarro would have had little direct involvemenr in theadministration of Yucay, although documents signed in the valley showthat he spent time there while in the Cuzco region berween 1538 and 1539(Betanzos 1999 ft55r-5712 part z, chap.3z; Lohmann Villena 1986; t28,rz9, r3o, r1,z, 353,369 ). Within about fwo or rhree years of granting himselfthe encomiend,a, Pizarro placed all natives in the Yucay Valley under theauthorify of don Francisco Chilche, a Caflari from the northern reaches ofthe empire (in what is today Ecuador) who had proven himself loyal to theSpaniards (Heffernan ry95;Yar6n Gabai ry97; Betancur Collection, vol. 7,fols. 9o, r56v-57, r7w-721. Chilche replaced Gualpa Topa, the previousadministrator, and managed affairs in the valley, reporting to Diego deGumiel, Francisco Pizarro's steward in Cuzco (Espinal ry59 ftg9l: 364;Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. r7r-7w, r75v). In its early years, theYucay encomienda functioned much like the Inca estate had-yanakunaworked agricultural lands and maintained terraces and estate architecture,also providing personal services that were not legal in the encomiendasystem.

After Pizarro's assassination in r54r, his estate continued to be man-aged on behalf of the four children he had fathered by two Inca princesses.The Yucay encomienda appears to have been inherited by his son Gonzalo,but the royal treasurer Garcfa de Melo testified that after Gonzalo's death(in 1546 at age 9),his half-brother Francisco lived offits income (Hemmingr97o: z7o; Var6n Gabai ry97: 9o-ro7; Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols.z7w-72). Following the defeat of the Pizarrist rebell ion in 1548, Pedro dela Gasca exiled the children of the Pizarro brothers to Spain, supporringthem using income from Yucay, lands in Abancay, and lowland coca plots(Calvete de Estrella ry64 [t565-67]: book 4, chap. 8, p. j6; Guti6rrezde Santa Clara ry67-65 [ca. 16oo]: book 5, chap. 47; Hemming r97o:284). The Yucay encomienda became a Crown trust managed by royalofficials in Cuzco, while the Pizarro children received a fixed income fortheir maintenance in Spain (Var6n Gabai ry97: zz3).1o

Under royal administration, the Yucay Valley was slowly reorganizedfrom an essentially Inca-style system of labor service, in which members of


naive ayllus and administrative units went to work maize and coca fields,gather firewood and herbs, and provide personal services, food, and drink(Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. r3o, z7zl. Approximately three to fiveyears after the Pizarro children were exiled, Spanish officials levied a newsystem of tribute in kind on the communities of the Yucay Valley (BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. rr8v-r9, rj1- j1v, r jov, r55v- 5 6, r6r- 6rv, 17 Svl.rrA coca tasa was imposed around 1555, but it was not until later that somepersonal services and labor in the coca fields were replaced by a paymentof silver (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. r55v-56; see fols. tt6, rzl-zz,and rzTv-28).

The assumption of Crown control in Yucay was disruptive, in partbecause royal officials focused on maintaining the income from coca pro-duction while neglecting to administer other kinds of labor service directly(Betancur Collection, vol.7, fols. 89v-9ov). This is because of the com-mercial value of coca leaf-particularly in mining regions-as well as poli-cies that tended to leave agricultural lands in native hands while treatingcoca plots as royal Inca holdings most appropriately transferred to Crownauthoriry. A lack of administrative control in the Yucay Valley led Incas,Cafraris, and Spaniards to occupy lands and allocate to themselves tributarylabor that had belonged to the estate. Inca elites, particularly the descen-dants of Huayna Capac, succeeded in having labor tribute assigned tothem, while also anracting extralegal retainer service from natives wishingto escape tasa requirements (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 9o-9w).Spaniards from Cuzco sought ferdle farmland rather than labor, and theCuzco cabildo redistributed "vacant" lands in the Yucay Valley, allowingSpaniards to move their existing tributary laborers or retainers into thevalley to work them. Cafrari elites, who had used the absenteeism of thePizarro family to their own advantage, fought Inca and Spanish encroach-ment through legal means while also allegedly hiding laborers from officialvisitors (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 9o-9zl.1z

Inca Estates and Spanish Loyalty

Despite expropriations of land and labor, most of the Yucay Valleyremained part of the Crown's growing holdings. Rebellions in the r54osand early r5jos gave royal officials the opportunity to undermine the inde-pendence of encomenderos, many of whom had been given sizable long-termgrants of native labor. The confiscation of rebels' encomiendas allowed theCrown to assign new ones, but long-term processes of consolidation wereadvanced by managing confiscated encomiendas and paying out incomesto loyalists.

JIO R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

An extensive reassignment of encomiendas followed the defeat ofGonzalo Pizarro in 1548, with grants taken from Pizarrist rebels andreassigned to reward the principal supporters of the royal cause, as well aspowerful individuals whose loyalry was needed to maintain order. The firstgrant-the Xaquixaguana encomienda of Gonzalo Pizarro, which had beenpart of Huayna Capac's estate-was to Francisco Herndndez Gir6n, a manwho had served the Crown loyally, but who later led his own rebellion.l3Following this uprising, Herndndez Gir6n's encomiendas were confiscatedand their income used to reward loyalists, including G6mez Arias Ddvila,a citizen of Le6n de Hudnuco awarded an annual income of rwo thousandpesos.la Shortly after income from Herndndez's encomienda was awardedto the man who captured him, the entire repartimiento was offered to SayriTopa Manco Capac Yupanqui Inca, the grandson of Huayna Capac andheir to the Inca leadership.

Sayri Topa was the son of Manco Inca, a son of Huayna Capac whowas installed by the Spaniards as a puppet ruler in Cuzco until he rebelledin ry36 and established his own kingdom in the jungle of Vilcabamba.Following his father's assassination in 1544, Sayri Topa ruled in Vilca-bamba, from where his supporters were said to launch raids on Spanishsettlements and caravans. In an aftempt to resolve questions surroundingthe legitimacy of Spanish conquests, the Crown offered to pardon SayriTopa and his generals if they would leave Vilcabamba, receive baptism,and swear fealty to the Spanish monarch. One condition for Sayri Topa'scooperation was that he be granted his father's possessions, lands, andservants (Betanzos 1999 ft55r-571: part z, chap. 33i see also Ferndndez

ryQft57rl: part j, chap. 4; Guaman Poma de Ayala r98o [1615]: fols.

439-43; and Titu Cusi Yupanqui r99z [r57o]: 6z-671. After years of nego-tiations, Sayri Topa emerged from Vilcabamba in ry57 and was awardedthe repartimientos of Yucay and Xaquixaguana, as well as other narivesfrom Herndndez's encomienda.

Following Sayri Topa's death in r55o, his infant daughter, BeatrizCoya, inherited his possessions and encomiendas. She was raised in the con-vent of Santa Clara, and her extensive estates were managed for her (Burns1999; 27-3r; Hemming r97o; Rostworowski ry7o: ry-58). Through theinfluence of the viceroy Francisco de Toledo, she was betrothed to MartinGarcia de Loyola, the military captain responsible for the r57z capture ofTopa Amaru, the half-brother of Sayri Topa and leader of the Incas whohad remained in Vilcabamba. The couple did not marry for eighteen years,during which time Garcia de Loyola enjoyed the income of his fianc6e'sencomiendas.

Estate Management in Yucay ,rr

nuAbuche ? GuadT(o

F.doGu.rlTho F.llFS.lrTog.

&atrlr CL6 Coya

Figure z. Descendants of Huayna Capac named as possessing retainers among theyanakuna identified in r57r. Names in bold type are listed in the household sur-veys and witness testimony, but several other descendants of Huayna Capac alsoclaimed labor service in the Yucav Vallev in other archival documents.

Beatriz Coya and the Yucay Household Data

'When Beatriz Coya and Martin Garcia de Loyola were engaged, they

began a lengthy campaign to recoup or extend their base of labor tribute,which had been diminished since the r53os. Their repartimiento includedthe tributary laborers in the Yucay Valley, but Garcia de Loyola andBeatriz Coya petitioned the Crown to have approximately z5o males whowere living in the valley-but categorized as retainers (yanakuna) and thusexempt from paying tribute-assigned to them as well (ADC, BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. r8ov-82v.).r5 The legal basis for such a claim dem-onstrates how much the Yucay estate had changed by this time, and howroyal Inca labor practices had been transformed by Spanish and nativeAndean elites. Beatriz Coya claimed the yanakuna in the Yucay Valley aspart of an encomienda to which she was entitled because she was recog-nized by the Spanish Crown as the sole and legitimate heir of Sayri Topa,the grandson of Huayna Capac.16 Such a claim was not consistent withInca estate practice, as it ignored the corporate nature of the royal estateand the equally legitimate claims of other descendants of Huayna Capac(fig. z). In some cases, Beatriz Coya would have dispossessed her own rela-tives of some of their yanakuna, using the Spanish legal system to trumproyal Inca labor practices.

Despite repeated references to herdescent and legitimacy, Beatriz Coyadid not claim yanakuna because they had served her great-grandfather,

)rz R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

but rather because they were tributary laborers who properly belongedto the Spanish repartimiento granted to Sayri Topa. The insistence thatthese had been inappropriately assigned to (or illegally expropriated by)other masters was grounded more consistently in the Spanish legal systemthan in Inca estate practices. The reassessment of yanakuna to tributarystatus would result in their assignment to Beatriz Coya's repartimiento,but the legal proceeding did not include all yanakuna living in the YucayValley (e.g., Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 4z3v-24). Retainer servicecontinued to be practiced by Spanish and Andean masters after r57r, butthe lands and labor system most identifiable with Huayna Capac's estateshad arguably been transformed into a Spanish estate, the Marquisate ofOropesa.

Household Data on the Yucay Yanakuna in r57r

The dispute over labor service in the Yucay Valley resulted in the collectionof a remarkable database on native retainer populadons at that time.l7 In1569, Diego Escudero, the local priest, had recorded the names of tributaryand nontributary natives living in the valley.'When Pedro Guti6rrez Florescame to the valley in ry7r as part of the Toledan reducciones, he used Escu-dero's books of tributaries and yanakuna, resettling all the yanakuna intowns with the tributaries (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 9r-9rv).18 Thelists of yanakuna were presented as evidence in the legal actions regardingthe Marquisate of Oropesa, even though less than a quarter of householdswere affected by the dispute.

In his visit, Guti6rrez Flores produced household-level tables recordingthe names and ages of male householders, their wives, and their children,as well as their labor service and payment of tribute. The household sur-veys provide data from over eight hundred households that were reducedinto four communities: Santiago de Oropesa (fols. 3r9v-52), San Bernardo(fols. 35zv-87), San Benito de Alcantard (fols. 387v-4o5), and San Fran-cisco de Maras (fols. 4o6v-9v). All told, Guti6rrez Flores recorded infor-mation on z]34 individuals.le Although most of these households werenot involved in the legal disputes over labor service in the Marquisate ofOropesa, the data in the household surveys provide an unparalleled depthand breadth for discussing aspects of ethnicity and household organizationin the early colonial period.

Estate Management in Yucay

Ethnic Identities of Male Householdersamong the Yucay Yanakuna

Analysis of male householder names reveals that more than forty ethnicgroups were represented in the retainer population in Yucay in r57r$9. ll.'o These included indigenous groups of the Cuzco region (e.g.,Acos, Chillque, Cuyo, Masca, Mohina, Pinagua), as well as provincialgroups ranging from northern Ecuador (Pasto and Cayambe) to centralBolivia (Chuy). This diversity is remarkable, as is the absence of othergroups. No groups from Chile or northwest Argentina are identified, andthere are only a few cases of individuals from the Pacific coast (Pisco, Ica,Nazca). Even though testimony states that one thousand yanakuna fromQollasuyu-the southeastern quarter of the Inca realm-served in Yucanfew individuals from that region were present in r57r, indicating that largenumbers must have returned to their native lands, either in the aftermath ofthe European invasion or following Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion in 1548.

The most common ethnic designations were Caffari, Quechua,Huaylas, \0(anka, Yunga, Yauyo, and Qolla. lVhile some groups appear tohave migrated to the valley in Inca times-there is no mention of nonlocalbirthplaces for the I7anka, Qolla, Collagua, and Yauyo-others arrivedafter the conquest. For example, none of the seven Soras identified in r57rhad been born in the Yucay Valley. While members of some ethnic groupsmigrated to the Cuzco region after 1532, many provincial groups returnedto their native lands, and the demographic composition of the YucayValley was greatly influenced by these migratory pafterns. Making senseof migration and ethnic diversity in Yucay requires that we accounr for thefact that many of the households present in r57r were senr to the valley towork lands owned by their masters.

Andean and Spanish Masters in YucayThe Yucay yanakuna served more than sixry different masters (amosl inr57r. This diverse group of Andeans and Spaniards was served by betweenone and eighty households, with the majority served by fewer than twentyhouseholds. Several Inca elites had tributary laborers in the Yucay Valley,including Jer6nimo Quispecapi (25 households), Gualpa Roca (r5),Hernando Yllatopa (r5), and Alonso Topa Cusi Gualpa (rz).21 YucayValley yanakuna served at least twelve descendants of Huayna Capac,including Alonso Titu Atauche, whose service included over eighty house-holds (fig. z1 see Hemming ry7o; Rostworowski ry62; and Sarmiento deGamboa ry65 ft572): chap.6z).22

Cafrari elites also benefited from yana service. Francisco Chilche. his

T1

ECUADOR

lL'lr" ̂ t.--/-

BoLtvtA - - )28 ,'

Yanakuna Living in Yucay in 1571

1. pasto 23. Qana2. Cayambe 24. Kanchi3. Cahari 25. Qolla4. Bracamoro 26 CollaguaS. Conchuco 27. Cavana6. Huaylas 28 ChuY7. Huenuco8. Chupaychu Not Numberedg. Caiatambo Lare10. Aiavilo Chillque11.Tatma Masca12. Xauxa Yanahuara13. Wanka Quechua14. yauvo Chicha15. pisco Pariguana16. lca Acos17.Naz@ Huaro1g. Lucana Mohina19. Sora Pinagua20.Aymara CuYo

21. Chanka22. Chumbivilca

Figure 3. Places of origin for ethnic groups identified among the Yucayyanakuna.


wife In6z, and his sons Hernando Guartanaula and Juan Bautista wereserved by a total of r55 households. Alonso Ucusicha had twenty-ninehouseholds, while Pedro Cochachi (z), Pedro Miguel (z), and FranciscoPacanaula (r) had fewer yanakuna. The retainers of Chilche and Ucusichawere ethnically diverse: while Chilche and his wife were served by yana-kuna who identified themselves as Cafrari, Chanka, Collagua, Pasto, andCana, Ucusicha's yanakuna included Huaylas, Atavillos, and Cafraris.

More than twenty Spaniards had yanakuna working lands for them inthe Yucay Valley. Spaniards tended to have more modest pools of retainerlabor (typically 5-zo households), although Diego de Trujillo had morethan thirty, including six from nearby Lares. Trujillo held an encomiendain the Lares Valley and appears to have moved retainers to Yucay to workhis lands there (AGN, Derecho Indigena, file 3r, book 6ry [1575]).23 OtherSpaniards mentioned in r57r included municipal officials in Cuzco: regi-dores or alcaldes of the ciry's cabildo (e.g., Ger6nimo Costilla, Diego deTrujillo, Juan de Berrio, Juan de Salas, Martfn de Meneses), as well asGarcia de Melo, the treasurer of the Crown's Cuzco holdings. Witnessestestified in 1578 that many Spaniards living in Cuzco established orchardsor gardens (huertas) in the Yucay Valley, primarily in the quebrada ofUrquillos (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. 4r5v).2a One Spanish witnesstestified that a great deal of migration occurred after the conquest, withSpaniards bringing Chumbivilcas, Aymaras, "Quitos," Yungas, Incas, andCaflaris to the valley to work their lands (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol.

416).

Cafrari Migration to the Yucay Valley

Cafrari migration to Cuzco is especially well documented and demonstratesthe complexity of yana identities in Yucay in r57r. Cafraris arrived in sev-eral waves, some initiated by the Inca elite, others possibly self-motivatedto exploit the privileges of the Cafrari diaspora community in early colo-nial Cuzco. The first Cafraris arrived in Cuzco during the reign of TopaInca Yupanqui, Huayna Capac's father (Toledo r94o [r57r]a: 8r-85; cf.Betanzos 1999 ft55r-571: part r, chap. z6; Sarmiento de Gamboa ry65ft5721: chap. 441, while others were probably sent to Yucay by HuaynaCapac during his lifetime. In r57r, the oldest Cafrari said to have been bornin the Yucay Valley was sixry evidence that Caflaris were living in the valleyduring Huayna Capac's reign. Cafrari witnesses testified to traveling withthe retinue that brought the emperor's body back to his estate (BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. roo, z75v).

During the Inca civil war, the Caflaris supported Huascar against his

315

T6 R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

brother Atahuallpa, whose victory led to widespread slaughter of Cafrarison the battlefield and in the Cuzco region. Generals loyal to both brothersbrought Cafraris to the Cuzco region at this time.2s When Francisco Pizarroarrived in Cuzco in 1533, there were probably several thousand Cafrarisliving in and around the Inca capital, some of them having resided there forforry years or more. Cafrari leaders like Francisco Chilche pledged earlysupport to the Spaniards, served them with distinction during the Incauprising, and participated in military operations against the Incas in Vil-cabamba.26 Chilche was appointed to manage Francisco Pizarro's Yucayencomienda, and he and other Cafrari elites used their positions to claimyanakuna in the valley.27

The household surveys demonstrate that Caflaris continued to migrateto the Yucay Valley after the conquest. Almost 20 percent of yana house-holders who stated ethnicity identified themselves as Cafrari (5zlz78), andanother twenty-rwo individuals declared that they had come from Tome-bamba or Quito. Of these seventy-four individuals, twenry-three were bornoutside of the Yucay Valley, seven of them in rSSz or later. Only rwo ofthese young Cafrari males served Cafrari elites, while the others servedSpaniards and an Inca.

The Cafrari were just one of many ethnic groups settling in Yucayafter 472. Seventy-eight men aged forry or younger stated that they hadnot been born in the Yucay Valley, a group representing nearly twenrydifferent ethnic groups. Some of these men had resettled from areas in theInca heartland with close ties to the Yucay Valley (e.g., Cuzco, Xaquixa-guana, Maras). While the immigration of many yanakuna was arranged bytheir masters, some retainers probably moved to the valley on their owninitiative, seeking to evade tributary requirements by attaching themselvesto the service of powerful individuals who could allow them to work pro-ductive farmland.

Ethniciry, Household, and Culture in Yucay

The Cafrari population in Yucay provides a point of departure for evalu-ating to what extent diverse personal ethnic identities reflect heterogeneiryof cultural practices in the Inca heartland. It appears that adult Cafrarimales spoke Quechua (at least in official interactions with Incas and Span-iards), and although they preferred to marry Cafrari women, there wasa significant amount of ethnic intermarriage. The use of Quechua as anadministrative language is implied by the use of the same set of interpretersto take witness testimony in the Betancur Collection documents. The prin-cipal interpreter was Hernando de Morales, the official translator for thecity of Cuzco (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. z85v). Morales was accom-


panied by Inca interpreters (Felipe Saire and Martfn Quispe bp"), as wellas Martfn Palacios, described as someone "knowledgeable in the nativelanguage" (fol. z85v: entendido en la lengua de los naturales). Cafrari andHuaylas witnesses testified in the document using the same interpreters asInca witnesses, and there is no mention of other languages or problemswith communication.

In terms of marriage pafterns, interethnic marriage is difficult to studybecause ethnicity was not commonly recorded for women, even when theyserved as heads of household. Ethnicity is inferred by isolating groups offemale names most commonly linked to spouses of the same ethnicity. Themost obvious patterns are for the Cafrari population. Of the rwelve womennamed Caba/Caua for whom spousal ethniciry was stated, ten were mar-ried to Cafraris, one to an Inca, and one to a Conchuco. Of the thirteenwomen whose names end in "chuc" (e.g., Zuchuc,Zubuichuc, Camaichuc)and for whom spousal ethnicity was known, ten were married to Caflaris,one to a Poques, one to a Chillque, and one to a Yunga. Caflari women inYucay appear to have preferred to marry within their own ethnic group,although some married men of Inca ethnic status (Poques and Chillque areboth honorary Inca groups from the Cuzco region).

By contrast, other women's names, particularly those of Quechuaderivation, show a much more diverse ethnic pairing. I(/omen with thename Chimbo were married to men from sixreen different ethniciries; thehusbands of women named Chumbi represent ten groups; while thosenamed Ocllo had spouses in seven ethnic groups. This probably representsQuechua-speaking groups using rhe same name, rhe adoption of Quechuanames by groups under Inca and Spanish dominance, as well as the occa-sional interethnic marriage.

One important point should be made regarding naming and ethnicity.Male children tend to be given names that are consistent with their father'sethniciry while female children often have names similar ro rheir mothers'.This is not universally true, however, as illustrated by the case of AlonsoMarca Gualpa, a Chillque, and his wife Maria Zuchuc, possibly a Caflari(Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. 36w1. Their children's names show amixing of the two ethnic groups: Francisca Toro Gualpa, Francisco Chil-quechuc, and Gonzalo Marca. The use of Gualpa in the daughter's name isnot common-it is the only case in the household surveys where a womanused this name-while the older son's name includes his father's ethnicgroup with an ending common to female Cafrari names (but one not usedby any Cafrari male householders). The fluidiry of naming patterns in thecolonial period makes it difficult to discuss ethnic interaction and accul-turation, but such processes may sometimes be identified.

,r7

3r8 R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

Yana Demography in r57r

In addition to information about yana ethnicify, Guti6rrez Flores recordedseveral kinds of demographic information. For the purpose of this study,we transferred the name, age, and sex of each individual to a database andthen designated the status of that individual in the household. This yielded883 households comprising married couples with dependents (z = 3o4),couples without dependents (n = r84), widows with dependents (z = 116),widowers with dependents (z = 3r), and older or widowed individuals withno dependents (zrz women, 76 men). The thirry-three children listed asorphans were not given head of household status because although it is notclear with whom they lived, it is unlikely that they lived independently. Inall, information on 4266 females and rro58 males was recorded.

Demographic Structure and Mortality

Of the total population, 54 percent of individuals were female and 46percent were male (undecipherable entries constitute less than r percent).Fifty-five females and fifty-three males were a year old or younger, andages ranged to eighty years old (five females and two males). Overall, themedian age of women in the surveys is twenty-eight, while for men it istwenty, a substantially lower figure.

The age data provide a synchronic profile of yana households, butif analyzed as being diachronically representative, they suggest patternsregarding lifespan and mortaliry. A graph of the percentage of individuals(by sex) who were a given age or older can be taken as a proxy for a mor-tality curve (fig. +).This shows a gap between male and female survivor-ship widening around the time that tributary service would have begun. Infact, males are more numerous than females in the sample of preadolescentchildren, the only age category for which this is the case. Sixty percentof the males in the household surveys were twelve or older, about the agewhen males appear to have begun their service.28 By contrast, 70 percentof women were this age or older.

This gap widens and persists throughout the principal tribute-servingyears, so that the percentage of women in their late forties or older isroughly rwice that of men.2e ufhile women over fifry represented ro.z per-cent of the total population, men of the same age constituted just 4.5percent. It is likely that the gap berween male and female survivorshipis due in part to the rigors of services being performed, particularly formen working coca lands. Three men (aged zo,.z8, and 3z) are listed ashaving died in coca lands, while other men are listed as too sick for labordue to the harsh conditions associated with coca cultivation. Although


'muchochos' 'mozos' 'ttibutotios y mujer6'

3r9

l l 0 2 0 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0

A9e

Figure 4. A proxy mortality curve (by sex) for the Yucay yanakuna.

the Betancur Collection documents make no explicit mention of mortalityduring the civil wars and uprisings occurring benrveen r53o and r57o, pub-lished chronicles make it clear that Andean males served in militarv cam-paigns and suffered heavy casualties, which may also account for thi smallproportion of over-fifty men in the yana population (see, e.g., Las CasasGrieve zoq [t547]1.

Age Categories and Tributary ServiceAlthough the household surveys in rhe Betancur Collection represent yanahouseholds, summaries of the reducciones are organized on the basis ofthe same age categories that were used in the Toledan tasa (table z). As wementioned above, the service of yanakuna appears nor to have followedthese categories, so it is interesting to note the relationship benveen agecategories, marriage status, and tributary service.

In the census, preadolescents under the age of nvelve (muchachos) arelisted either as dependents or as orphans. The second caregory, youthstwelve to seventeen (mozosl, would be legally roo young to pay tribute inthe tasa, but z8 percent of males in this category already served as the head

Males -

Females -- --- ---

PrincipalTributeYears sffi

DeclmalAges i._;

320 R. Alan Couey and Christina M. Elson

Table z. Percentage of males and females in each tasa age category by town andby total population

Category

Santiago San Sande Oropesa Bernardo Benito

A g e % % %

SanFranciscode Maras Total

o/ o//o /o

MuchachoMozoTributarioVieyoMuchachaMozaMujerVieja

<12 16 .85t2-17 3.76t8-49 20.39>50 3 .86<12 15.2472 -17 3 .8618-49 25.64>50 10.09

r0.9r 1.7.643 . 6 4 3 . 1 1

27.27 20.195.45 4.50

12.73 t5.870.00 3.20

23.64 25.2916.36 10.20

16 .922.45

19.954.43

16 .343 .50

25.55r0 .85

21.t92.97

19.285.72

16 .531 .59

24 .158.47

of a household, including Diego Yapo Sanos, a fifteen-year-old who wasresponsible for his eight-year-old brother and four-year-old sister. At thesame time, more than seventy men and women aged eighteen or older arelisted as dependents. !(/hile some of these individuals fall into Spanish cate-gories of "disabled" and thus were exempted from tasa requirements,3oothers appear to be unmarried or widowed. In more than forty cases, olderdependents lived with widowed parents, indicating that the support ofexisting households kept some individuals from marrying and establishingtheir own households.

In Toledo's tasa, individuals over the age of frfty were referred to asuieios and uieias and were not subject to the tasa. It is clear that many ofthe Yucay yanakuna who would have fallen into this category were stillproviding labor service. For example, Catalina Coca Anco is listed as aseventy-year-old who still served in agricultural labor, while the sixty-nine-year-old Martin Vilca had worked for Diego de Truiillo in the fields forthe previous fifteen years (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 33ov, 3z9vl.More than r5o heads of household aged fifty or older have tributary ser-vice listed. The household surveys employ the term uieja for older women,typically widows, and this is the only adult age group that does not tendto have service requirements.

The Yucay household sruveys show that yanakuna service beganearlier and lasted longer than contemporaneous tasa requirements. Youthsappear to have begun serving their masters on reaching maturity (byAndean standards) and often continued into their old age. It would seem


Table 3. Number of married and unmarried females aged ry-ry

12r

Age Married Unmarried

7 7t 61 5l 41 3

38840

l 16

t45I

that yanakunaie was a more personalized system than the tasa, one thatcould be more beneficial or more onerous to those in service, dependingon how their masters managed service and cared for them.

Marriage Pafterns and Household Organization

Just as males in the household survey appear to have begun service byabout age fourteen, it was not uncommon for women to marry as earlyas fourteen (table 3). Although it is impossible to determine at what agemost women married, a few comparisons prove useful. None of the Yucayhouseholds included married women younger than fourteen, but four ofthe nine female fourteen-year-olds were already married. More than halfof eighteen-year-old women were married, including Costanza Malqui, ahead of household with no dependents who had already worked for eightyears as a domestic servant (china) to dofra In6z, the wife of don FranciscoChilche (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. 36w1. Over 9o percent of thirty-year-old women were either married or listed as heads of households.

Although many women in Yucay married at a young age, most did nothave dependents until their twenties. For example, while ten of the thirty-six females aged twelve to seventeen in Santiago de Oropesa were married,and all lived with their spouses, only one of these young couples is listedwith a dependent (the husband was eighteen, the wife sixteen, and theyhad a one-year-old child). Couples tended to have their first children intheir early twenties-of rrr couples with a single dependent, 3o percent ormore were rwenty to rwenty-five.3l Household size in the yana populationranged from single individuals (zr4 female, 36 male) to couples with sevenchildren (n = ) (table 4).

Two interesting trends can be identified regarding marriage pamernsand household organization. First, for younger couples, the husband wasalmost always present as head of household; with older women, husbandswere less frequently present, and more women were identified as heads of

J22

Table 4. Household size among Yucay yanakuna

R. Alan Couer and Christina M. Elson

Female w/oDependents Couples spouse

Male w/ospouse Total

0I234J

67

434200l 1 7703 1254J

361 8742000

21477291 1

I400

r841 1 18 155282243

household (table 5). A second, related trend is that younger women tendedto have older husbands, while older women were more commonly olderthan their spouses. Women under eighteen were more than three yearsyounger than their husbands on average, while married women over fiftywere on average two years older than their spouses (table 5). Given the dif-ferences for male and female life expectancy in the proxy mortality curve,one explanation for these trends is that many women were widowed, andthose who remarried often married younger men.32 Information from somehouseholds suggests that in some cases women with dependents may haveremarried but did not bear additional children in the new relationship.For example, one such household was composed of a male aged twenty-four who had a forty-six-year-old wife and two dependents, aged eightand six.

As civil unrest and labor service requirements took a toll on the malepopulation, it appears that the Yucay yanakuna formed new households tomake survival more likely. The household suveys contain many cases sug-gestive of blended families or the organization of extended family house-holds, where young children were being cared for by their grandparentsor other relatives. For example, one household lists Alonso Pana (35) andMagdalena Quispe (3o) with four male dependents aged eighteen, seven-teen, three, and one (Betancur Collection, vol.7, fol. 358v). The first rwodependents were probably either children from a prior marriage or siblingsof the husband or wife. Another household entry lists Costanza Thsa (5o)as the head of household with two male dependents aged twenty-two andtwo, an arrangement that may indicate a three-generation family (BetancurCollection, vol.7, fol. 38rv). In yet another example, a family consists ofMarcos Auqui (8o) and Maria Coca (5o), who are listed with two depen-


Table 5. Proportion of households with and without male heads of household,by female age group

121

Category

Malehead of

householdAge o/o

No malehead of

household%

MozaMujerMuierVieja

12-171 8-3031-50

>50

r00.0092.377 t .5524.58

0.007.63

28.4575.42

Table 5. Comparative spousal age data, by female age group

Moza1 2 - 1 7

Muierr 8-30

Mujer Mujer31-50 over 50

Age range of husbandsAverage age of husbandAverage age difference(women:men)Percentage of women olderthan their husbandsAverage number of yearswomen were olderPercentage of womenyounger than their husbandsAverage number of yearswomen were youngerProportion of spouses ofsame a8e

t4-251 8 . 1 5-3.62

5 %

3.00

73%

4.45

21"/o

15-5826.95- 2 . 1 1

28"/o

4.08

s3%

6 . l l

19%

r6-6s 20-804r .74 38 .81-1.57 2.29

47% 42%

6.93 0.r2

46% 240/"

8 .51 6 .3 r

7% 33"/"

dents aged four and one. It is unlikely that these were Maria's children;possibly they were the couple's grandchildren (Betancur Collection, vol.7,f.ol. 375v).

Age, Gender, and Immersion intothe Spanish Colonial System

It is clear that women played important roles in the functioning of yanahouseholds, but the surveys indicate that they were not as actively engagedwith the Spanish colonial world as men. One obvious example is the iden-


tification of witnesses in early colonial testimony for the Cuzco region.No women served as witnesses in the selection of the Betancur documentsstudied for this article, and women were not among those assembled toprovide information to Francisco de Toledo or evaluate the Inca historytranscribed by Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa. Despite their absence fromwitness testimony, royal Inca women enjoyed a certain prominence in earlycolonial society, claiming labor tribute and lands on the basis of their ownstatus. In a remarkable scene in the Betancur Collection documents, SayriTopa entrusted his aunt Beatriz Manco Capac Inca (also called BeatrizHuayllas Nusta) to act as his legal represeniative, and she presided overthe ceremonies to take possession of the native groups in his repartimiento(Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. z4-25, r89-9o, 44rv-$).'When

Beatriz appeared before Cuzco's corregidor in 1558 to takepossession of her nephew's estate, she spoke through an interpreter, asdid many male witnesses in the Yucay documents and other resrimony. Itshould be noted that most of the Yucay yanakuna (male or female) did notspeak Spanish fluently, and that few of them could read or write. It is onlyin patterns of ages and names that women appear to have had less regularcontact with the Spanish colonial world.

As figure 4 shows, male and female ages cluster on rounded decimalnumbers (2o,3o,4o, etc.), evidence that many individuals either professednot to know their exact ages or rounded them off. Most Andean witnessesin the Betancur Collection documents stated approximate ages, but whenthey declared not to know it, the scribe entered an estimated decimal figure(Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. rj4v).33 In the household surveys, women'sages were much more likely than men's to cluster at decimal numbers, andolder people were less likely to present exact ages than the young. Twenty-six percent of men aged fourteen to forry-nine declared their age to betwenty, thirty, or forty, while 35 percent of women of the same age rangehad those ages recorded. Nearly 75 percent of women aged fifty or olderhad a decimal age recorded, compared with 55 percent of older men.

Another indirect measure of contact with the Spanish world is inChristian names given for men and women. Men's names are much morediverse than women's. For the male population, fifty-one names wererecorded; however, more than 48 percent of the males were named Juanft5.9ooh), Pedro (rz.ro7o), Alonso (u.9oo/"), or Martfn (8.95%). Forfemales, only twenty-three names were recorded and 54 percent of thefemales were named ln6z ft6.o2%o), Isabel ft4.5r"/"), Catalina Gr.gZT"l,or Marfa ( r r .5o%).


Conclusions from the Household Surveys

The detailed data from the Yucay household surveys permit several impor-

tant observations to be made regarding the yana community at the time

of the Toledan reducciones. First, the Cuzco region was characterized by

a high degree of ethnic diversity before the Spanish conquest' and a com-

pleipattern of migration into and out of the regions occurred throughout

ihe middle decades of the sixteenth century. Andean and Spanish elites

exploited the incongruence between the Inca and Spanish systems to their

advantage, and the transition to landowning in the Cuzco region permirted

immigration by new yanakuna, who also played both systems against each

other.Although yanakuna enioyed certain privileges' it appears that their

tribute requirements began at a younger age and lasted longer than what

was decreid in the Toledan uisita general. Service took its toll on the male

population, especially in cases where highlanders were sent to work low-

land coca plots. Men appear to have died at a disproportionate rate during

their tribute-serving years, leaving their wives and children in service to

their masters. It appears that the yanakuna met with this stress by creating

households that were unconventional based on the standards of the tasa.

Women often headed their own households or remarried to substantially

younger men.

Conclusions

The documents of the Betancur Collection Present a complex Portrait of

legitimation.In the Yucay Valley, Andean and Spanish elites used changing values

of labor service and landholding to develop personal resources in one of

Peru's most productive valleys. This would not have been possible without

the cooperaiion of the native population. Many yanakuna living.in the

Yucay V"lley at the time of the conquest chose to return home. Of those


that stayed, hundreds chose to circumvent tasas that were levied from ther54os onward, either hiding from official visirors or manipulating rhe insri-tution of yanakunaje to attach themselves to elite patrons.

Like the tributary population in the Yucay Valley, the colonial yana-kuna had difficult lives, but the life of a retainer was still preferable to thedemands of the tasa, a system that assumed conditions of demographicstability not prevailing in the Andes at that time. Even if they were inservice for life, yanakuna could appeal to their masters for support thatwas not available for other natives. The household evidence from the r57rreducci6n shows that if the yana life was difficult, it was preferable to tasaservlce.

Notes

This research would not have been possible without the efforrs and generous sup-port of Sabine MacCormack, who acquired a copy of the Betancur Collecriondocuments and secured funding for its tlanscriprion'and publication. Brian Bauerand Joyce Marcus read and commented on an earlier draft, and the comments ofanonymous reviewers proved useful in revising the text.

they said the same, because thus the dead had the custom of going to visit eachother, and to hold great dances and drunkenness." (La mayor parte de la xente

mismo, porque asi lo tenian de costumbre yrse a uisitar los muertos unos aotros, y hazian grandes bayles y borracheras.)

Inca imperial period, see Rowe 1982.3 To be consistent with colonial spellings, we have chosen to employ a Spanish

orthography for,personal names (e.g., Maria Cusi Guarcay, notkusi Wirkay).A Cuzco Quechua orthography-based on Antonio Cusihuam6n's dicrio-


nary-is used for native terminology (e.g., yanakuna, not yanaconal, and sitenames follow spellings used in previous publications.

4 This essay presents information contained in the first 45o folios of volume 7 ofrhe Betancur collection, housed in the ADC. Sabine MacCormack initiated thestudy of this collection of documents in ry99. Folios 83-r8z have been partiallypublished by Horacio Villanueva Orteaga G97rl, and Maria Rosrworowski(r97o) has published a related document on Yucay. The Betancur Collectionwas assembled in the late eighteenth century to support claims being maderegarding the holdings of the Marquisate of Oropesa. The aurhenticiry of somedocuments in the collection has been questioned. Based on manuscript hand-writing the folios studied in this essay appear to comprise original documentsor notarized copies from the late sixteenth cenrury.

5 See Rowe r98z for a discussion of these categories. In the colonial period,retainers of Spaniards-often non-lncas who sought Spanish patronage-werefrequently referred to as yanakuna, even though they had no connection to theInca system of retainer labor.

6 Witnesses in Yucay declared themselves (or their forebears) to be agricul-tural specialists (Toledo ry4o ft57tlb: ro8-rz), masons (Toledo ry4o lr5Trlc:rz6-371, salt producers (Toledo ry4o ft57rlb: ro8-r2), soldiers (Toledo r94oIr57r]b: ro8-rz, rrz-r81 ry4o [r57rlc:. ry8-671, and overseers of local laborers(Toledo ry4o ft57tlb: ro8-rz).

7 Mamakuna were still living in Yucay in r55r (Villanueva Urteaga r97r). Thesewomen had learned to weave fancy cloth and passed through an initiation inthe Qorikancha temple in Cuzco. As Susan Niles (rggf) notes, mamakunaperformed songs to reenact the achievements of Huayna Capac in his lifetime.Mamakuna and yanakuna were often appointed by a ruler to serve the mum-mies of his ancestors (e.g., Betanzos 1999 [r55r-57]). Testimony in the BetancurCollection documents (fols. rr4v, rrtv, rzr, rz6v-27, rJz, rt7v, r48, r57v-58)notes that 3o-5o male retainers served the mummy, performing "ancient rites."In the r55os, these servants made up rwo groups (parcialidadesl, called Tome-bamba and apuyanakuna.

8 Manco Inca, the father of Sayri Topa, claimed to have inherited HuaynaCapac's palace at Quispeguanca following his death and to have led his lineage(Tomebamba Ayllu) until the death of Huascar (Rosrworowski ry7o: 2541.Manco Inca is said to have burned the palace at Quispeguanca during hisuprising (ibid.: 257), suggesting that the Yucay estate was under Inca controlunti l rr5.

9 When Francisco Pizarro took over Yucay, he also claimed the coca lands ofTono, Canauire, Paucarbamba, and Yanatai, as well as maize lands in the CuzcoValley called Tiobamba (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. 89v). This is reiteratedin the witness testimony that follows (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. ro7v,rr2v, rr8, rz4, rz9v, rJ4v, r4o, r45v, r5o, r55, 16r, t66, t751, and severalwitnesses also state that Pizarro took over the estate precisely because it hadbelonged to the Inca ruler (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. 97, rozv, n8).

ro l$(/hen Sayri Topa's aunt appeared in Cuzco in 1558 to take possession of theYucay repartimiento, Francisco P6tez, a representative of the junior FranciscoPizarro, contested the right of the Crown to make such a grant (BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. z6v-27v, z9v, z68v-69, z7ol, even though the youthappears to have died in 1557 (Hemming ry7o: 2871.


Martin Yana stated (fol. rz4v) that "due to the absence and death of donGonzalo Pizarro [sic], son of the said Marquis don Francisco Pizarro, theIndians of the Yucay Valley remained under the Crown and for the first threeor four years they paid the tribute to the royal officials, just as they had paidit to the said marquis and don Gonzalo Pizarro his son. And afterward therecame to them a tasa made by President Gasca of the things they had to give astribute, and thus from that time forward they paid tribute following the saidtasa in the same things as before-which was the mainrenance of coca andmaize that was in the Yucay Valley-and they no longer gave personal serviceor camarico [prestations of food and drink]." [por ausengia e muerte de don

cossas / que antes que ffue el benef[ici]o de coca f e de mayz que avia en el vallede I yucay y no dauan el serui[ci]o personal / ni camarico.lFor a treatment of the different status and interactions with Spaniards thatCafraris who remained in their native homeland enjoyed during the sixteenthcentury, see Salomon 1987.

13 Several authors refer to this reallocation (e.g., Fern6ndez ry67 fr57tfl. part 4book z, chap. 95; L6pez de G6mara ryzz ft5521: chaps. 187-88; Zfuate ry95[1555]: book 7, chap. 9). Gonzalo Pizarro had led a rebellion against the NewLaws, which curtailed the privileges of encomenderos, and his defeat presenredboth opportuniry and difficulry for Crown officials. Opposition to reform wasstrong, and there were more would-be encomenderos than grants to award,and dissatisfaction with Gasca's new awards ultimately led to Hern6ndez'srebellion.

14 A ryy5 provision of the marquis of Cafrete states that "he served particularlyin the punishment of Francisco Hern6ndez Gir6n wirh his arms and horses, asis well known, from the time that [Herndndez] rebelled until he was defeatedand overthrown in the province of Pucara, and afterward in his pursuit unril hewas arrested in the Valley of Xauxa" ["particularmente sirvio en el / castigo defran[cis]co hernandez giron con sus armas e cavallos como es notorio des- / deque se alEo hasta que en la prouincia de pucara fue vencido e desbaratado / ydespues en su seguimiento hast que en el valle de xauxa fue preso"] (BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. 35). The oidores in Cuzco, following a royal mandate,had offered two thousand pesos to anyone who brought back the rebel or hishead. G6mez Arias D6vila was identified as the person most responsible forthe capture, and he was granted the reward out of income derived from a partof Hern6ndez's encomienda (see also Ferndndez ry61 [t57r]: part z, book z,chap. 58).

15 A list of male householders, youths, and male orphans was presented with apetition that they be reclassified as subject to the rasa and thus placed in theencomienda of Beatriz Coya and Loyola. The men listed range in age fromeight to sevenry, with a median age of thirry (the overall sample of yana headsof house had a mean age of thirry-four). They represent more rhan rwenryethnic groups, and while some appear not to have been in service in r57r,

I I

I 2


others were yanakuna of thirty different Inca, Spanish, and Cafrari men andwomen, as well as retainers in the service of the ciry of Cuzco. More than z5omen were declared as being assigned to Loyola's encomienda and are listed ina separate household survey (fols. zoov-12) thar was assembled in r57r usinginformation collected by Diego de Escudero.

16 Doia Beatriz is described as the "legitimate daughter and universal heir of donDiego Sayri Topa and dofra Maria Coya his wife, grandchildren of HuaynaCapac, who was lord of this realm" ["hila legitima y unibersal heredera dedon diego saire topa y de dofra maria coyaf su muger y nieros de guaina capasefror q[uel fue destos rreinos"] (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol. r). The phrase"legitimate daughter and universal heir" recurs at least 14 times in the BetancurCollection documents studied for this essay. In at least 7 separate references,including royal decrees granting his estates (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fol.477),Sayri Topa is described as the son of Manco Inca and grandson of HuaynaCapac.

17 In this article, we use "household" to refer to the units recorded by Guti6rrezFlores in his surveys. One column registers the names and ages of married

18 An earlier reducci6n was conducted in 1558 by Damidn de La Bandera (Villa-nueva Urteaga r97r),but the r57r reducci6n was part of Toledo's uisita general(see Toledo ry24 ft57o-751). Three communiries (Cachi, Yucay, and Urcos)are listed in Bandera's document, of which Cachi and Yucay had 649 tribu-taries and a total population of 3,228. It is unclear how these numbers relate tocensus data in the r57o tasa (ibid.: rJ7, r57l or to those presented by YAzquezde Espinoza (ry69 lca. r6ool).

19 This is the sum of community totals that Guti6rrez Flores provides. Becausesome parts of the manuscript are illegible and some individuals are recordedmore than once, the categories do not add up to 2,1j4.

zo Ethnicidentif icationsweremadeforcertainmalesoftributarya1e(i.e.,r8-5o).In some cases, ethniciry was clearly stated following rhe name. In other cases,ethniciry could be inferred based on place of birth, as with Crist6bal Chara-

cally but as qualitative evidence of ethnic diversiry and the relarionship berweenlabor service and ethniciry.

zr Dofra Maria Cusi Guarcay was Sayri Topa's widow, while don Jer6nimo Quis-pecapi was probably the son of don Garcia Quispecapi, who as rhe descendantof the Inca cacique principal had claimed all 'natives"

lnaturales) in the YucayValley as his own grant (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. z, 9o, 93v, 99v).Gualpa Roca was the head of the communiry of Cachi in the Yucay Valley(Villanueva Urteaga r97r). Don Hernando Yllatopa was the Inca adminis-

110 R. Alan Couan and Christina M. Elson

trator of Calca, an Inca town where the rulers Inca Viracocha and Huascarhad developed estates (ADC, Corregimiento, file r, book 7 [1568], book rr

ftszzll.Sarmiento de Gamboa (t965 ft5721: chap. 491 states that don Alonso TituAtauche was the son of Titu Atauche, a half-brother of Huascar who was saidto have been killed by Atahuallpa, but he identified himself in rtTr as a nephewof Huayna Capac and member of Topa Inca Yupanqui's lineage (Toledo r94o

[r57r]c: 167-711. He managed to claim as personal retainers the yanakuna whohad been the guard of Huayna Capac's mummy (Betancur Collection, vol. 7,fols. 9ov, roo-roov).Two of Trujillo's yanakuna, Pedro Paucar (age 18) and Alonso Malcula (agez8), were born in the valley, and the ages of the four yanakuna born in Lares(5o-6o) would be consistent with migration after the conquest (BetancurCollection, vol. 7, fols. 329v, j7jv, 774vl.The relationship berween Trulillo'sencomienda and the individuals classified as yanakuna in the Yucay Valley isproblematic.Villanueva Urteaga (r97r) has published a map of these plots in Urquillos, with

40 or more Spaniards named as holders of plots. As Niles (t999: rz4, rz6lhas noted, the Urquillos lands were part of the estate of Topa Inca Yupanqui,the father of Huayna Capac, but Sayri Topa claimed inheritance of that Inca'sestates, too (Rosrworowski r97o: 258). Documents from the Cuzco cabildo(Gonz6lez Pujana r98z) indicate that small plots and hamlets (solares, buhioslin the Yucay Valley were occasionally granted by the corregidor.

Juan de Betanzos (1999 ft55t-571: part z, chap. 7) says that Guanca Auqut,Huascar's brother and principal military leader, brought Cafraris, among themone named Ucoxicha. As evidence for Atahuallpa also sending Cafraris toCuzco, Diego Lastumbay and Pedro Chinanzila testified that they had come toYucay at the time that Atahuallpa's generals Quizquiz and Challcuchima cameto capture Huascar (Betancur Collection, vol. 7, fols. rrrv, rTova see fol, 9o;see also Heffernan 1995).The Caffari, like the Inca, appear to have played one side against the otherduring the conflicts of the r54os and r5yos, but their animosiry toward the Incais well demonstrated.In addition to his yanakuna in the Yucay Valley, Chilche possessed an enco-mienda of rr tributary laborers, whose tasa included coca, cotton, and aji fromlands at Sayrechaca in the Masca Valley (Toledo ry75 ft57o-751: zorz).Although males aged r8-5o were considered tributaries under the tasa (Toledo

ry24 [r57o-75]), service began earlier for Yucay yanakuna. There were rrheads of household aged 5-t7,9 of whom testified to having begun service by14, the traditional Inca initiation age (Rowe ry46: 2831.Forty-five women with dependents had no husband listed in the householdsurvey-many of these women must have been widowed or abandoned. Thesewomin's agei ranged from z8 to 6o, with the median age being 46.Toledo (l924 lr57o-751 ryll categorizes "the crippled, the one-armed, theblind, and those prevented from paying tribute" ["tullidos, mancos, ciegos,e impedidos para tributary"l with the elderly in a tasa-exempt category. Thehousehold surveys list several adult dependents as "crippled" (tullidol or*simple-minded" (simple, as well as one person described as bobo y tonto),

L t

24

zt

z6

z8

29

1o

Estate Management in yucay31r

while several children are referred to by these rerms, as wer as by *mure,,lmuao).

3r Thirry-four,per:e.nr $8lm) of women in this group were 20 to z5 years old.Roughly.half of the men ranged from zo to 1.ro.

3z The median age for women i*,ith orre depenjent was 40 years (n= rgr), while

Parents.33 spanish witnesses often do not suppry exacr ages, but rhey appear to do so

more frequently than Andeans 1e.g., f<ils. $4_;). ----l -rr--^ -

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valle de yucay

Documents

inca estates

inca capital

descendants of inca

inca heartland

royal inca holdings

estate system

inca patterns of labor

yucay andother royal