Alexander III - (1855 - 1894)

 Alexander III

Horrified by the assassination of his father, Alexander III was determined to wage war against all political opponents. He was helped by the fact that most ordinary Russians shared his feelings and turned against revolutionary groups. Alexander III was an imposing figure, about 190 centimetres tall and immensely strong. He relished power and believed that the old Nicholas System was the best way to rule Russia. He was said to be honest, unimaginative and sincere but not very bright.

To maintain control, Alexander:

reduced access to education so that enrolment in high schools fell. appointed 'land captains' in rural areas in 1889 with the power to whip

and persecute the peasants for minor offences. This earned him bitter resentment from the peasants who felt that they were again being treated like serfs.

reduced the powers of the zemstva in 1890 in favour of increased landowner control over local government.

exiled, hanged or imprisoned members of revolutionary groups. This weakened them for about ten years.

used the new secret police, the Okhrana, to spy on any group opposed to the Tsar.

Ironically, it was under this repressive regime that industrialisation really began to take off in Russia. Under his Finance minister Sergei Witte the Russian economy grew by 8% in the 1890s.

AssessmentAlexander III preserved the peace in his empire during his reign and his bleak period of repression seemed to bring stability to Russia during a period of industrial growth. He died suddenly in 1894 at the age of 49 leaving his son Nicholas II to take over the throne.

Cloze exercise

 Jews    Russification    assassination    censored    encouraged    persecuted   programs    reduced    repression    secret police    zemstva 

Alexander III became Tsar after the   of his father Alexander II

in 1881. Because of this he introduced an era of increased   to crush any political opposition. He   the press,   acces to education, and restricted the activities of the  and the law courts.

Revolutionary groups were broken up by the  . Minority nationalities were 

, as he feared opposition from these groups. Alexander intensified the policy of " " where he demanded that minority groups adopted the Russian language and culture.

Alexander III's policy towards the   was one of open persecution. Under his rule violent attacks on Jews, called " " took place where officials   mobs to attack Jewish people and property.

Industrialisation

One of the main reasons for the reforms introduced by Alexander II was the need to turn Russia into a modern industrial state. In Western Europe industrialisation had been financed by wealthy middle-class investors but in Russia industrialisation did not result from small private investment. By the 1890s it was obvious that Russian industrial growth would have to be funded by government intervention and foreign investors and would need foreign expertise. British capitalists established textile factories in Moscow and iron works in the Donetz region. Sweden's Nobel brothers began an oil industry in Baku and by 1913 Russia was the world's second biggest oil producer.

However, in 1861 Russia was still overwhelmingly a rural country with craft-type, cottage-based industry. The total urban population was around 2 million with most of these people living in St Petersburg or Moscow, only nine other towns had populations of more than 30,000 people. The emancipation of the serfs facilitated economic growth. To meet their redemption payments peasants had to sell their grain. Railways were needed to carry this grain to the major population centres and to the ports for export. There was a shift of population from the countryside to the cities, whose population doubled in between 1863 and 1897.

By the 1890s Russia was making steady but slow industrial progress. In the 1890s Russia rapidly built up its industries. The driving force behind this change was the Minister for Finance, Sergei Witte. Witte's policy was based on:

high tariffs to protect the young Russian industries and help them to grow

foreign loans - Russia was attractive to investors because it had a stable currency and the government guaranteed to pay back the loans. The main foreign lenders were France, Britain and Germany.

increased grain exports to earn the reserves of gold and foreign currencies needed to fund industrialisation. Even in times of low harvests and famines the export of grain and foodstuffs continued.

the building of a network of railways to improve the movement of grain from rural areas to the ports. Between 1891 and 1901 the total length of Russian railways rose from 30,000 kilometres to over 56,000 kilometres. The trans-Siberian railway which linked Moscow to Vladivlostok, a distance of 7040 kilometres, was completed in 1904.

Witte also developed trade and industry on a large scale. The main focus of industrialisation was on the development of heavy industry; coal, iron-ore, steel, pig iron and oil. Other industries that grew were textiles and food-processing. Huge factories were built in or near the two largest cities, St Petersburg and Moscow. In 1913, one in four industrial workers worked in factories which employed over one thousand workers.

Under government direction, Russia in this period had a rate of economic growth higher than that of any other major European power. But the main focus concentrated on heavy industry and did little to modernise agriculture which remained backward.

Consequences of industrialisationAs the populists had feared industrialisation brought misery to the poor:

Conditions of work in factories and mines were appalling; accidents were common. There were few laws to regulate factory employment and those which did exist were not enforced.

Unions were banned and strikes were illegal.

Industries outside the major cities housed workers in overcrowded barracks.

Housing conditions in the cities were not much better. Overcrowded boarding houses, little or no sanitation and some workers had to sleep on their workbenches.

Peasants faced deteriorating living standards because the size of their land holdings declines and their payment of indirect taxes rose. Underfed, poorly paid and over taxed, growing numbers of peasants were forced to seek employment in the towns and cities adding to the overcrowding there. They

joined, and swelled, the numbers of the urban poor to form a new and numerically growing working class in the large towns. The average wage was barely sufficient for the worker to support himself. In spite of the fact that trade unions were banned, strikes increased and the government called out the army to suppress them.

After 1900, the number of illegal strikes for better working and living conditions increased dramatically. In the countryside rural riots broke out in province after province. Discontent was made more dangerous for the tsarist regime by urbanisation. Nearly one in six Russians now lived in towns or cities. These workers were the targets of revolutionary groups sewing the seeds of revolution.

Sources on Industrialisation

Peasants and Workers Russia in the early 1900s had made significant advances towards industrialisation. The Industrial Revolution had not started in Russia until the 1880s but by 1900 Russia had the fifth largest economy in the world. It produced more oil than any other nation and some of its factories were the largest in the world. However, in certain respects Russia was still living in the past. Eighty per cent of the population were peasants still living in villages and farming using out of date methods. About 50% of the population were illiterate until 1861; peasants had not even been free. Their conditions had not improved much with Emancipation a rapidly growing population. Low agricultural productivity and the increasing sub-division of their land meant that increasing numbers of peasants could not support themselves. Most taxes were levied on goods not income and this made life even harder for the poor. Many peasants began to move to the cities and towns in search of work.

Life was hard for the workers in the overcrowded slums of the cities. Their wages were so low that few could afford decent housing. Many workers and their families lived in shared accommodation. Many lived in cold, unhealthy, overcrowded barracks provided by the employer. In smaller factories the workers slept by their workbenches. The workers also had to bear the burden of heavy taxation on food and goods. They were not allowed to form trade unions and strikes were not uncommon but these were not successful because there were always workers so poor that they would work under any conditions. Because the government was aware of the growing discontent among the workers and was worried about so many living so close together special police were sent to spy on the workers. 

Source analysis of life for the workers and peasants

Picture of a workers' boarding house in Moscow around 1900

Statistics on EducationUrban Literacy Rates, Moscow

1897 Men: 66.9% Women: 42.3%

1912 Men: 74.6% Women: 52.3%

There was a 77.3% growth in the number of pupils in primary schools between 1905 and 1914.

Russian industrial production 1861 - 1901In David Christian, 1988, Powr and Privilege, Pitman, p 294 

Year Railways, '000kms

Iron, Million Tonnes

Steel, Million Tonnes

Coal, Million Tonnes

Oil, Million Tonnes

1861 2.2 0.3 0.002 0.3 0.004

1871 13.6 0.4 0.007 0.8 0.300

1881 23.1 0.5 0.300 3.5 0.700

1891 30.7 1.0 0.400 6.2 4.600

1896 39.5 1.6 1.000 9.4 7.100

1901 56.4 2.9 2.200 16.5 12.000

Exercise 3.6: Graph Study Use the above tables to answer the following questions:

1. Why would education be important to industrialisation?

2. How many kilometres of railways were there in 1896?

3. In 1891 was there more iron or steel produced?

4. What was the total production of iron and steel in 1901?

5. By how much did coal production increase (in tonnes) from 1861 to 1901?

6. Between 1891 and 1901 the amount of oil produced increased by more than the amount of coal increased. True or false?

7. What was the percentage increase in the production of iron between 1881 and 1891?

Nicholas II (1894 - 1917)

Nicholas II was Russia's last Tsar. His reign was marked by a series of disasters, none of which he dealt with effectively, and ended with revolutions which resulted in his death and that of his family. In 1894 he married German Princess Alexandra of Hesse-Darmstadt. She was a strong-willed, deeply religious woman who became a strong influence over her husband. The marriage was a very happy one and they had four daughters and one son. Nicholas was a devoted family man. 

Nicholas did not resemble his father physically. He was small, diffident, charming and rather shy by nature and preferred the comfort of family life to the anxiety of government. When his father died suddenly he admitted that he did not want to be Tsar and that he was not prepared for the task. Despite this, he shared his father's views on autocracy and said that he was determined to uphold the system. He believed that this was his God given duty. Reluctantly, he allowed Sergei Witte to continue to expand Russia's industry in the 1890s, but seemed unaware of the social and economic distress in the countryside and the new cities. He rejected the moderate requests of the members of the zemstva to express their views on his government.

However, the stability of his father's reign did not continue during the reign of Nicholas II. The zemstva began to demand more say in government, students protested against government control of education and industrial strikes increased in the overcrowded cities. Famines ravaged the countryside in the 1890s and early 20th century and many peasants faced starvation. Revolutionary groups emerged once more to try to take advantage of the growing unrest. In a desperate attempt to demonstrate Russia's military strength, and therefore the strength of his regime, Nicholas declared war on Japan over control of parts of Korea. This led to a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1906 and further damaged his standing as a successful autocratic ruler. 

In 1905 a protest by workers in St Petersburg turned into a bloody massacre. As a result, a spontaneous wave of revolution swept across Russia and for a time it looked as though Nicholas would be toppled. However, through the loyalty of the army and promises of political reform in the October Manifesto,

order was eventually restored. The leaders of the revolution were either killed or exiled and the moderate revolutionaries were elected to the new Russian Parliament, the Duma. This weakened the revolutionary groups who had to operate outside of Russia until 1917. 

Like all of the Tsars before him, Nicholas was reluctant to share power with his people. In 1906 when the first Duma, elected on a fairly wide franchise, began to demand immediate reforms to autocracy, Nicholas, now firmly back in power, dissolved the parliament and demanded new elections. The franchise for each of the next three elections became narrower and soon only the wealthy and educated had the right to vote in elections. This gave Nicholas, by 1907, a Duma which would mostly do what he wanted it to do. 

Despite the reforms introduced by Prime Minister Peter Stolypin between 1906 and 1911, and huge industrial growth, Russia was still plagued by high levels of debt. Russia was still a largely agricultural nation and agriculture was still using primitive methods of production. Many Russians were illiterate and industrial unrest continued in the industrial towns and cities of the empire. Russia's participation in World War I placed so much strain on the economic, social and military structures of the country that they broke down. The Army was without ammunition and food, the cities were starving and the food produced in the countryside rotted in depots because of poor road and railways systems. By February 1917, the Tsar was unable to hold back the tide of revolution any longer. 

Assessment Nicholas II was determined to rule as an autocrat in the manner of his father, Alexander III and his great grandfather Nicholas I. He believed that Russia needed strong, autocratic rule to hold the empire together. However, he lacked the strength of character and decisive nature of the true autocrat. The details of government bored him and he preferred to leave these to his advisers. He disliked unpleasant facts about the state of his country and his people so he chose to listen only to those advisers who would cover up the true state of affairs. Nicholas buried himself in the life of his family and neglected affairs of state.

When the disastrous war with Japan (1904 - 1906) ended in defeat and widespread revolution in 1905 almost cost him his throne, Nicholas was forced to introduce reforms. He promised Russia a Duma, an elected parliament. Although he remained firmly in charge, he promised to allow the parliament some say in the government of the country. This was enough to placate the liberals and some of the moderate revolutionaries. But this was a chance lost. Nicholas had no intentions of sharing power with his people and made this plain in 1906 when he introduced the "Fundamental Laws" giving him complete power over the Duma.

While his government was in the hands of the strong, conservative Prime Minister, Peter Stolypin, things seemed to be going well for the regime. However, after the death of Stolypin, Nicholas became more reliant on the advice of his loving, but not wise, wife and her adviser Rasputin.

World War I briefly united the country behind the Tsar, but the war placed intolerable strain on the economy, transport and communications which left the cities starving and the army poorly supplied. A revolution fuelled by hunger and despair broke out in St Petersburg in March 1917. This time the army did not support the Tsar. Nicholas was forced to leave the throne

and a Provisional Government was set up to rule Russia until democratic elections could be held. Nicholas and his family were killed by the Bolsheviks during the civil war in 1918.

 

Exercise 4.1: Timeline Match the events to the dates in this timeline

1868

1894

1894

1904

1905

1906

1914

1917

Outbreak of World War I

Massacre in St Petersburg

Born

Married Alexandra

Became Tsar

First Dumas

Declared war on Japan

End of the Romanovs

Nicholas and Alexandra

 Nicholas II (reproduced with permission)

Nicholas was born in 1868 during the reign of his grandfather, Alexander II. In 1881 Alexander was assassinated by a revolutionary group. His legs were blown off by the bomb thrown at his carriage as he returned from a military parade. Alexander was carried to the Winter Palace where he died surrounded by his family. Nicholas was 13 years old when he watched his grandfather bleed to death.

Nicholas was brought up by his father to believe that strong, autocratic rule was the only way to rule a huge multi-national empire. His father was a such a ruler but he died suddenly aged in 1894 aged 49. Nicholas then aged 26, had not expected to rule so soon.

Nicholas was a handsome but not very clever man who truly believed that he had been chosen by God to rule Russia.

Nicholas the Tsar From the start of his reign, Nicholas decided to rule as an autocrat and not to make changes to the political or social system. As you have read earlier even strong autocrats cannot rule by themselves. Like his predecessors Nicholas ruled with the support of two powerful groups; the army and the Orthodox Church. He also had a system of secret police used to spy on any possible unrest. So the autocratic system at the end of the 19th Century still relied on force to survive.

Nicholas and AlexandraIn 1889 Nicholas married his cousin, Alexandra. The marriage was a very happy one and they had five children, four daughters and last a son, Alexis. Alexis suffered from haemophilia, a disease of the blood which at that time was untreatable. The family went to great lengths to hide his illness from the Russian people. The family was a very close; Nicholas and Alexandra were more at home on their country estates with their children than they were in the Russian court or on public occasions.

 Nicholas and family (reproduced with permission)

The Characters of Nicholas and Alexandra The characters of the Tsar and the Tsarina had an important effect on Russia in the years before 1917. Most historians agree that the couple were devoted to each other and to their family but that the were totally unsuited to ruling a rapidly changing empire.

Use the following selection of historical sources to form your own opinion on Nicholas. Make your assessmnet based on:

what he said about himself what others said about him at the time what he did what historians say about him now

Historians look for information in historical sources to enable them to piece together a reliable, or truthful, version of the past. They examine a wide range of material and as they do they analyse it to test its reliability. They look at the point of view (perspective_ of each source an dlook for sources, from different perspectives, which support each other. Use the guidelines for source analysis to help you with your interpretation of each of the following sources on Nicholas.

Source A An extract from Nicholas' diary written in 1894:

"What is going to happen to me, to all Russia? I am not prepared to be the Tsar. I never wanted to become one. I know nothing of the business of ruling. I have no idea of even how to talk to minister'.Published in 'Russia, War and Revolution', Josh Brooman 

Source B A comment by Count Sergei Witte, Prime Minister of Russia in 1906:

"We talked for two solid hours. He shook my hand, he wished me all the luck in the world. I went home beside myself with happiness and found a written order for my dismissal [as Prime Minister] on my desk."

Published in Brooman, Russia in War and Revolution 

Source CWritten by Alexander Kerensky, a member of the Russian parliament before the revolution in 1917 in his memoirs.

"The Daily work of a ruler he found terribly boring. He could not stand listening long or seriously to minister's reports, or reading reports. He liked those ministers as could tell an amusing story and did not weary his attention with too much business". 

Source D: An Historians opinion of Nicholas

". . . unlike his father Nicholas was weak in character and intellect, and politically naïve. . . He did not trust his ministers and preferred to rely on advisers of dubious ability and reputation. His dislike of government business prevented him from understanding the complexity of problems and his poor knowledge and understanding of affairs of state encouraged intrigue (scheming) within the bureaucracy".Philip Cummins, Russia 1800 - 1914, published Sydney 1996 

Source E: An Historian's opinion

Historians seeking to say something good about Nicholas sometimes point out that he was a good husband. This he was, but family happiness has never yet saved a dynasty".J.N. Westwood, Endurance and Endeavour: Russian History 1812-1971 

Source FLeon Trotsky a revolutionary leader in the 1917 October Revolution

"He felt at east only among completely mediocre and brainless people. . . His ancestors did not bequeath [pass on to} him one quality which would have made him capable of governing an empire".L Trotsky: The History of the Russian Revolution, published 1932

Exercise 4.2a: Character study from sourcesWhich of the sources could you use to support the following statements about Nicholas.

a. Nicholas did not want to be Tsarb. Nicholas was not a suitable person to

be Tsarc. Nicholas did not like dealing with his

ministersd. Nicholas has a happy family life

Exercise 4.2b: Character study from sources

a. Name three sources which agree about the character of Nicholas. What does each one say and why would they be reliable? Remember to look at the perspective.

b. Form your own opinion on Nicholas. How do all of the sources above suggest that Nicholas was not a suitable person to rule over Russia?

Life for the peasantsLife for peasants and workers in Russia in the early 1900s was miserable, brutal and often short. The Industrial Revolution had not started in Russia until the 1880s but by 1900 Russia had the fifth largest economy in the world. It produced more oil than any other nation and some of its factories were the largest in the world. However, in certain respects Russia was still living in the past. Eighty per cent of the population were peasants still living in villages and farming using out of date methods such as wooden ploughs. About fifty per cent of the population were illiterate. Until 1861 peasants had not even been free. Their conditions had not improved much with Emancipation. A rapidly growing population meant that their plots of land had to be divided among more people as families grew. Low agricultural productivity and the increasing sub-division of their land meant that increasing numbers of peasants could not support their families on the land. When crops failed they faced starvation. Most peasants were in debt to their landlords to pay for their farms. Taxes were levied on goods not income and this made life even harder for the poor. Many peasants began to move to the cities and towns in search of work.

Source analysis of life for the workers and peasantsForming opinions based upon evidence

Outcomes:

P5.1 selects and organises relevant historical information from a variety of sources. 

P4.2 evaluates sources for their usefulness and reliability.

Life in the countryside

Source 1:

Picture of a Russian Village: Text People and Power, David Armstrong, Page 6

Source 2: A police report written in 1905

'Very often the peasants do not have enough allotment land and cannot during the year feed themselves, clothe themselves, heat their homes, keep their tools and livestock, secure [keep] seed for sowing and, lastly pay all their taxes and debts.'

Published in L. Kochan, Russia in Revolution, 1966

Source 3:

Peasant working

Source 4: An English visitor to Russia at the end of the 19th Century described the inside of a peasant's hut as follows: 

'A small hut about twelve feet (3.6m) square - with a door through which a medium-sized man can only go by stooping - the floor made of earth, the ceiling so low that a tall man cannot stand upright, tiny windows letting in little light . . . the whole building made of thin wood . . . the entire family lives in this room, sleeping on benches and on the floor all together, men, women, children and cattle.'

Published in 'People and Power', David Armstrong

Exercise 4.3: Source study on PeasantsBefore you answer read the sources and their labels carefully.

a. Use Sources 2 and 3: List six problems facing peasants in Russia in 1905.

b. Use Sources 1 and 4: List 4 features of the living conditions of peasants and the end of the 19th Century.

c. Using your own knowledge and all of the sources write a description of peasant life in Russia in the 19th Century.

Guidelines:Your answer should include information from the sources and:

agricultural method throughout the century. Did they change?

Emancipation of the serfs Results of the emancipation of the

serfs.

Life in the cities for workersWorkers in the overcrowded slums of the cities earned wages so low that few could afford decent housing. Many workers and their families lived in shared accommodation or in cold, unhealthy, overcrowded barracks provided by their employers. In smaller factories the workers slept by their workbenches.

They, like the peasants, had to bear the burden of heavy taxation on food and goods. There was no system of social welfare and, as they were not allowed to form trade unions, no one to deal with their problems. Strikes were not uncommon but these were unsuccessful because there were always workers so poor that they would work under any conditions. The government, which owned the largest factories, was aware of the growing discontent among the workers and was worried about so many living so close together as socialist agitators began to spread ideas of revolution among the poor. Special police were sent by the government to spy on the workers.

Life in the CitiesThe following sources provide some evidence of living and working conditions in Russia at the end of the 19th Century. 

Source 1:

Picture of a workers' boarding house in Moscow around 1900

Source 2: Report on workers' living conditions from the records of Moscow Municipal Council, 1902'The apartment has a terrible appearance, the plaster is crumbling, there are holes in the walls, stopped up with rags. It is dirty. The stove has collapsed. There are legions of coachroaches and bugs . . . No double window frames and so it is piercingly cold. The lavatory is so dilapidated [old and damaged] that it is dangerous to enter and children are not allowed in. All apartments in the house are similar.

Published in Joan Hasler, 'The Making of Russia'

Source 3: 'The Life of the Cotton Workers'. From the biography of a priest who led a Workers demonstation in St Petersburg in 1905'The normal working day is eleven and a half hours of work . . . But . . . manufacturers [the factory owners] have received [government] permission to allow overtime so that the average day is fourteen or fifteen hours. I have often watched the crowds of poorly clad and emaciated [very thin] figures of men and girls returning from the mills . . . Their grey faces seem dead, . . . Why do they agree to work overtime? They have to do so because they are paid by the piece and the rate is very low. Returning home . . . the workman sees the sad faces of his wife and hungry children in their squalid corner where they are packed like herrings. 

For fifteen to twenty years of such a life, even if they have not succumbed to accident or illness men and women lose their vitality and capacity for strenuous labour. Then they lose their places at the mill. Crowds of such

unemployed are to be seen at the factory gates in the early morning . . . Badly clad [dressed] and underfed, waiting in the terrible frosty mornings of the St Petersburg winter, they present a sight that makes one shudder.'

George Gapon, 'The Story of My Life', 1906

Source 4: An Historian's account of workers living conditions'Living conditions were among the worst in the new extracting industries [mining]. At Baku . . .almost all the workers lived in barracks built by the oil firms. . . the buildings . . . lacked light, had no ventilation and were crammed with plank beds. Heating came from oil stoves which produced smoke, dirt and soot and easily caused fires. Some firms, in the interests of economy, built barracks for only half their workers: they were occupied in shifts. Beckendorff, head of one of the oil-producing firms, said . . .that it was impossible to pass 'without horror and trembling' a workers barracks. 'the workers, all in greasy, soot-covered rags, swarm like bees in the extremely dirty and congested quarters. A repulsive smell hits you as soon as you try to approach a window.'

Lionel Kochan: Russia in Revolution

Source 5: Union organiser, Josef Stalin wrote in 1901 "Wages are being reduced and bonuses are being taken away. Hours of work are being extended. Workers who make trouble are blacklisted [their names would be listed as unsuitable employees]. The system of fines and beating up is in full swing". 

NB: Stalin was a member of the Marxist Social Democratic Party at this time.

Exercise 4.4: Source study on Workers

a. Use Source 1: What information can you find about workers' living conditions from this source?

b. Do any of the other sources support your information? Say which source and how it supports Source 1.

c. Use Sources 3 & 5: Describe the main problems facing workers mentioned in these sources.

d. Analyse each source using the guidelines given earlier. How reliable would each of these sources be to historians studying how workers lived in Russia at the beginning of the 19th Century? In your

answer consider the perspective of each source and say how this might affect its reliability.

Outbreak of RevolutionBy the end of 1904 the situation in Russia was very tense indeed. A series of bad harvests brought famine to the peasants and high prices and food shortages to the cities. A slow down in industrial growth caused high unemployment for workers. There were strikes and peasant riots across the country.

A senior adviser to the Tsar suggested that a short victorious war would unite the people and dampen revolutionary feelings. Russia and Japan were in dispute over territory and trade in Korea. The Tsar believed that the Russian military could easily defeat an Asian nation. In February 1904 war broke out with Japan. To his humiliation Japan inflicted one crushing military defeat after another. The Russian fleet was sunk off Tsushima. The government sank even further in the eyes of the people.

Source A

We, working men of St Petersburg, our wives and our children and our helpless old parents, come to You, Sire, to seek truth, justice and protection. We have become beggars, we are oppressed, we are near to death ... The moment has come for us when death would be better than the continuation of our intolerable sufferings.

We have stopped work and have told our masters that we shall not start again until they meet our demands ...

We ask but little, to reduce our working day to eight hours, to provide a minimum wage of one rouble per day and to abolish overtime.

Every worker and peasant is at the mercy of your officials who have brought the country to complete ruin and involved it in a shameful war. We working men have no voice in the way the enormous amounts of money raised from us in taxes are spent. These things, Sire, have brought us to th ewalls of Your palance. Do not refuse to help Your people.

Give orders that an election to a Constituent Assembly be carried out under conditions of universal, equal and secret suffrage.*

*Universal, secret sufffrage means that all adults (in 1990 that meant only males) should have the right to vote and that their vote should be secret.

Exercise 4.5: Source study on the workers' petition

List the grievances of the petitioners. What does the petition attack? Which request do you think the Tsar

would have found unacceptable? Why?

1905 RevolutionEarly on the morning of 22 January 1905, on a cold, damp winter's day a group of workers and their families gathered together in different parts of the working class districts of St Petersburg. They formed five different processions which would meet in the centre of the city in the square in front of the Tsar's Winter Palace.

The processions were peaceful. Whole families joined the crowds of marchers. Many carried religious pictures and pictures of the Tsar and his wife. They sang hymns an the national anthem "God Save the Tsar" as they marched.

Leading the march was a young priest of the Orthodox Church, Father George Gapon. He was no revolutionary but a paid organiser of the union of Russian Factory Workers which had the support of the government and the police. This organisation was meant to prevent revolution rather than incite it.

Although the atmosphere was peaceful, there was a serious purpose to the march. The workers had reached the end of their patience. They could no longer tolerate their living and working conditions. It was hoped that the Tsar would take pity on their plight and use his power to improve their lives.

Nicholas had no desire to meet the workers. The day before the demonstration he and his family had left St Petersburg. He left the business of dealing with the demonstrators to his uncle, Grand Duke Vladimir, and the generals and police chiefs. These Russian officials were deeply afraid of any sort of public protest.

Before the marchers turned up in front of the Winter Palace they were confronted by armed soldiers and police and ordered to return to their homes. It was not possible for those behind the leaders to know what was holding up the march. They continued to press forward. When the crowd failed to obey the orders to disperse the soldiers fired blank shots over their heads. This caused more confusion in the crowd which continued to press forward. Without warning the soldiers fired live ammunition into the crowd.

Some soldiers on horseback rode into the crowd slashing them with their swords. Within a matter of minutes many hundreds lay dead on the streets and another 3000 were wounded, The peaceful demonstration was over. The Tsar's response to their march was brutal.

Sources - Bloody Sunday

Source B: Eyewitness account of the march

Along the Nevsky Prospect from the direction of the working-class districts came row upon row of orderly and solemn faced workers all dressed in their best clothes. Gapon, marching in front of the procession, was carrying a cross, and a number of the workers were holding icons and portraits of the Tsar...

We had already reached the Alexander Garden, on the other side of which lay the Winter Palace Square, when we heard the sound of bugles, the signal for the cavalry to charge. The marchers came to a halt, uncertain as to what the bugles meant and unable to see what was happening.

In front, on the right, was a detachment of police, but since they showed no signs of hostility, the procession began moving again. Just then however, a

detachment of cavalry rode out...The first volley was fired in the air, but the second was aimed at the crowd, and a number of people fell to the ground. Panic-stricken, the crowd turned and began running in every direction. They were now being fired on from behind...I cannot describe the horror I felt at that moment. It was quite clear the authorities had made a terrible mistake, they had totally misunderstood the intentions of the crowd...the workers went to the palace without any evil intent. They sincerely believed that when they got there they would kneel down and the Tsar would come out and meet them or at least appear on the balcony.

A Kerensky, Russia and History's Turning Point reprinted in Orwell, Shaw & Pearce.

Source C: Father Gapon's account of the 1905 marchAt last we reached within two hundred paces of where the troops stood. Files of infantry barred the road, and in front of them a company of cavalry was drawn up, with their swords shining in the sun...A cry of alarm rose as the Cossacks came down upon us...the soldiers drove their horses, striking on both sides. I saw the swords lifted and falling, the men, women and children dropping to the earth like logs of wood, while moans, curses and shouts filled the air. 

At last the firing ceased...I cried to them to 'Stand up!' But they lay still...and I saw the scarlet stain of blood upon the snow...'There is no longer any Tsar for us!' I exclaimed...We had gone unarmed.

G Gapon, The Story of my Life 1905 (reprinted in Bucklow and Russel, Russia Why Revolution?)

Source D: An extract from a letter written by an US diplomat in 1905 The present ruler has lost absolutely the affection of the Russian people, and whatever the future may have in store for the dynasty, the present Tsar will never again be safe in the midst of his people...

Reprinted in Bucklow and Russel, Russia Why Revolution?

Use Sources B, C, D and E. Follow the guidelines in analysing sources.

How useful would each source be to an historian?

How would they be useful?

The Revolution spreads

The news of the Bloody Sunday massacre spread rapidly across Russia. Russians of all classes were horrified by the killings. Industrial workers, peasants, sections of the military and middle-class liberals joined in demonstrations against the Tsar. Throughout 1905 the government came under attack from:

industrial workers in all of the major centres who, by a wave of strikes, brought industry to a standstill

peasants who rioted in across the countryside destroying crops and the attacking the landowners

sailors who mutinied in June on the battle ship Potemkin and this threatened to spread to other units of the military who blamed the Tsar for their defeat in the war against Japan

minority groups seeking independence from Russian rule joined the demonstrations

Liberals, many from the zemstva, who pressured the government to introduce democratic reforms.

So the revolution of 1905 was not just one protest but a number of quite different protests against the government. Each group had its own methods, ideas and aims but they all agreed that they wanted change to the political system and they wanted it soon. 

Revolutionary Groups in 1900By the end of the 19th century the revolutionary movement had split into three main groups. It was the alliance of these three, quite different, groups which almost brought down the monarchy in 1905. The three groups were:

1. The Constitutional Democrats [also called the Kadets or Octobrists] Formed in 1903, this Liberal group was the largest revolutionary group at the end of the nineteenth century. The members were mostly middle-class or nobles, many of whom were active in the zemstva. The Liberals did not want to overthrow the Tsar but wanted him to share power with an elected parliament, like the monarchy in England. This is called a Constitutional Monarchy. To put pressure on the Tsar the Liberals joined the workers and peasants demanding reforms.

2. The Social Revolutionaries (SRs)This party was formed in 1900 from supporters of the Populist movement. There aims were to get rid of the Tsar, redistribute the land to the peasants and rule Russia through a system of communes. A small section of the SRs continued to use violence to achieve their aims.

3. The Social DemocratsFormed in 1898 by the followers of Karl Marx, the Social Democrats believed that a revolution by the working class would overthrow the government. The Social Democrats had the same aims but could not agree on the best ways of achieving them.

These differences split the party at its Second Conference in 1903 and this led to the creation of two opposing factions. These were:

The Mensheviks - this faction was led by George Plekhanov. He believed that the party should be open to all supporters, with all members having a say in the formulation of party policy. Once the monarchy was overthrown, the party should be prepared to co-operate with other political parties to form a government. Leon Trotsky joined this faction of the Socialist parties.

The Bolsheviks - Vladimir Lenin led this faction. He believed that the party must be made up from a small, elite group of dedicated revolutionaries. Membership of the party should be limited to only a select few. This elite group would formulate the policies and make all of the decisions on behalf of the people. Once the Tsar was overthrown this group would establish a dictatorship of the proletariat [working class] with no cooperation at all with the bourgeois [middle class] parties.

Exercise 5.1: Document studyRead the above information carefully. Name the revolutionary group that would be supported by:

The peasants The middle class The workers

Exercise 5.2: Document study Give reasons for your answers.

The First SovietsThe disturbances grew worse when the war ended and Russia faced a humiliating defeat. A new wave of strikes swept the country. A printer's strike in late September quickly turned into a general strike [this is where all workers in all industries stop work]. By October the country was paralysed by the strikes and a total breakdown of communications. At the same time, in St Petersburg, an alternative type of government emerged. Workers in factories and trades began to elect their own councils [soviets] to organise the strike. The soviets took control of essential services, power, hospitals, food distribution, in the cities. This idea began to spread to other major centres and control began to shift from the government to the people. The first and most important soviet was in St Petersburg and was led by Leon Trotsky a Menshevik revolutionary keen to take advantage of the chaotic situation to attack the government. 

The general strike was controlled from St Petersburg but was supported by all opposition groups. This display of unity among the Tsar's opponents at last forced the Tsar to take action to restore government control. 

Exercise on the 1905 RevolutionSource Study: Source A: The Strike in Kharkov in October 1905". . . work stopped everywhere, on the railways, in all factories, workshops, in shops of all types, in the University, in all the schools, in all administrative offices . . . the whole population was on the streets, either as sightseers or as

demonstrators. From the evening people began to ransack [break in to and steal from] arms stores and to smash the windows of larger stores . . . On the 24th, students directed by lawyers, doctors and teachers and helped by workers and Jews, seized the district near the University and set up barricades made of heavy oak planks, telegraph poles . . . and large paving stones."

From 'Russia in Revolution 1890 - 1918', L. Kochan

Source B

From 'Russia in Revolution 1890 - 1918', L. Kochan

Exercise 5.3: Source study

Make a list of the different groups of people named in Source A

What evidence can you find in the source which suggests that the middle-class was actively involved in this demonstration?

Source A is a secondary source giving an account of events in the city of Kharhov.Source B is a photograph taken in Moscow a little later.

o How does the information in Source B support what is written in Source A about the nature of the demonstration?

o How could historians use these two sources as evidence that revolutionary activity was widespread in Russia in 1905 and involved all sections of the community?

The Dumas

Despite these challenges from the Tsar the first Duma proceeded to make demands for a proper say in government, a say in the appointment of government ministers and land reforms among other things. Prime Minister Witte promised to consider these demands but Nicholas refused them all. Unwilling to keep his promises in the October Manifesto he dismissed Witte and after only six weeks dismissed the first Duma for what he called 'illegal acts', that is it criticised the government and demanded reforms. The second Duma was dismissed after only three months for the same reason.

Before calling elections for the Third Duma in 1907, the new Prime Minister, Peter Stolypin, illegally changed the electoral laws so that only the very rich could vote. It was hoped that by this means a conservative Duma would be elected which would support the Tsar. Although to a large extent the Third and Fourth Dumas were merely 'rubber stamps' for the Tsar, during their term in office a number of reforms were introduced.

So, effectively, by 1907 the Tsar was back in control and still ruling as an autocrat.

Exercise 5.6: Picture Study "In the State Duma" by revolutionary artist, Alexander Kudinov, 1906.

Refer to the lesson on Analysing pictures. Look at the

picture below and answer the following questions in full sentences. You will need to use your knowledge of the whole lesson to support your answers.

a. Who is the man at the lectern [the wooden stand] meant to represent?

b. Who do you think the two men on either side of him represent?

c. What evidence is there in the picture that the man at the lectern is not free?

d. Using all of the information in the source do you think the artist supports or is critical of the Tsar?

e. What comment is the artist making about the Dumas?

Exercise 5.7: ExplanationNicholas wrote: "I have a constitution in my head, but as to my heart, I spit on it." 

Leon Trotsky wrote about the Fundamental Laws: 'All is given and nothing is given... A constitution is given but autocracy remains'.

Look at the quotes above on the October Manifesto. Write a paragraph explaining what each man meant in these quotes.

The Revolution spreads

The news of the Bloody Sunday massacre spread rapidly across Russia. Russians of all classes were horrified by the killings. Industrial workers, peasants, sections of the military and middle-class liberals joined in demonstrations against the Tsar. Throughout 1905 the government came under attack from:

industrial workers in all of the major centres who, by a wave of strikes, brought industry to a standstill

peasants who rioted in across the countryside destroying crops and the attacking the landowners

sailors who mutinied in June on the battle ship Potemkin and this threatened to spread to other units of the military who blamed the Tsar for their defeat in the war against Japan

minority groups seeking independence from Russian rule joined the demonstrations

Liberals, many from the zemstva, who pressured the government to introduce democratic reforms.

So the revolution of 1905 was not just one protest but a number of quite different protests against the government. Each group had its own methods, ideas and aims but they all agreed that they wanted change to the political

system and they wanted it soon. 

Revolutionary Groups in 1900By the end of the 19th century the revolutionary movement had split into three main groups. It was the alliance of these three, quite different, groups which almost brought down the monarchy in 1905. The three groups were:

1. The Constitutional Democrats [also called the Kadets or Octobrists] Formed in 1903, this Liberal group was the largest revolutionary group at the end of the nineteenth century. The members were mostly middle-class or nobles, many of whom were active in the zemstva. The Liberals did not want to overthrow the Tsar but wanted him to share power with an elected parliament, like the monarchy in England. This is called a Constitutional Monarchy. To put pressure on the Tsar the Liberals joined the workers and peasants demanding reforms.

2. The Social Revolutionaries (SRs)This party was formed in 1900 from supporters of the Populist movement. There aims were to get rid of the Tsar, redistribute the land to the peasants and rule Russia through a system of communes. A small section of the SRs continued to use violence to achieve their aims.

3. The Social DemocratsFormed in 1898 by the followers of Karl Marx, the Social Democrats believed that a revolution by the working class would overthrow the government. The Social Democrats had the same aims but could not agree on the best ways of achieving them.

These differences split the party at its Second Conference in 1903 and this led to the creation of two opposing factions. These were:

The Mensheviks - this faction was led by George Plekhanov. He believed that the party should be open to all supporters, with all members having a say in the formulation of party policy. Once the monarchy was overthrown, the party should be prepared to co-operate with other political parties to form a government. Leon Trotsky joined this faction of the Socialist parties.

The Bolsheviks - Vladimir Lenin led this faction. He believed that the party must be made up from a small, elite group of dedicated revolutionaries. Membership of the party should be limited to only a select few. This elite group would formulate the policies and make all of the decisions on behalf of the people. Once the Tsar was overthrown this group would establish a dictatorship of the proletariat [working class] with no cooperation at all with the bourgeois [middle class] parties.

Exercise 5.1: Document studyRead the above information carefully. Name the revolutionary group that would be supported by:

The peasants The middle class The workers

Exercise 5.2: Document study Give reasons for your answers.

The First SovietsThe disturbances grew worse when the war ended and Russia faced a humiliating defeat. A new wave of strikes swept the country. A printer's strike in late September quickly turned into a general strike [this is where all workers in all industries stop work]. By October the country was paralysed by the strikes and a total breakdown of communications. At the same time, in St Petersburg, an alternative type of government emerged. Workers in factories and trades began to elect their own councils [soviets] to organise the strike. The soviets took control of essential services, power, hospitals, food distribution, in the cities. This idea began to spread to other major centres and control began to shift from the government to the people. The first and most important soviet was in St Petersburg and was led by Leon Trotsky a Menshevik revolutionary keen to take advantage of the chaotic situation to attack the government. 

The general strike was controlled from St Petersburg but was supported by all opposition groups. This display of unity among the Tsar's opponents at last forced the Tsar to take action to restore government control. 

Exercise on the 1905 RevolutionSource Study: Source A: The Strike in Kharkov in October 1905". . . work stopped everywhere, on the railways, in all factories, workshops, in shops of all types, in the University, in all the schools, in all administrative offices . . . the whole population was on the streets, either as sightseers or as demonstrators. From the evening people began to ransack [break in to and steal from] arms stores and to smash the windows of larger stores . . . On the 24th, students directed by lawyers, doctors and teachers and helped by workers and Jews, seized the district near the University and set up barricades made of heavy oak planks, telegraph poles . . . and large paving stones."

From 'Russia in Revolution 1890 - 1918', L. Kochan

Source B

From 'Russia in Revolution 1890 - 1918', L. Kochan

Exercise 5.3: Source study

Make a list of the different groups of people named in Source A

What evidence can you find in the source which suggests that the middle-class was actively involved in this demonstration?

Source A is a secondary source giving an account of events in the city of Kharhov.Source B is a photograph taken in Moscow a little later.

o How does the information in Source B support what is written in Source A about the nature of the demonstration?

o How could historians use these two sources as evidence that revolutionary activity was widespread in Russia in 1905 and involved all sections of the community?

The October Manifesto

With the country paralysed and the threat of revolution growing, Nicholas turned to Sergei Witte for advice. Witte persuaded the Tsar that in order to prevent the outbreak of revolution, and possible civil war, he would have to give in to the demands of the Constitutional Democrats and agree to share power with elected representatives of the people. Nicholas reluctantly followed Witte's advice. On the 30th October 1905, the Tsar issued an Imperial Manifesto. Its main concession was a promise to introduce a parliament elected by the people. The elected parliament would be known as the Duma. The Duma's consent would be needed to pass new laws although the Tsar retained the power to pass laws without the Duma when it was not sitting. Not everybody would be able to vote for the representatives of the Duma, the Ownership of quite a lot of property was one of the qualifications needed to vote. However, the Liberals greeted the October Manifesto with enthusiasm, seeing it as the end of autocracy. In addition to creating parliament the Manifesto also introduced such civil liberties as freedom of speech and the right to join unions.

The October Manifesto promised:

an elected Dumas (parliament) the right to vote to all Russian men that all new laws had to be approved by the Dumas that Russians would have the right to form political parties,

join trade unions, and have freedom of speech.

Reactions to the ManifestoThe introduction of the Manifesto saved the Tsar by splitting the revolutionary groups. Together they had presented a formidable opposition to autocracy. The Constitutional Democrats accepted the terms of the Manifesto and began to prepare for the elections to the Duma to be held in 1906. The peasants were granted some relief from their tax burden and the army was used to crush any outbreaks of violence after October 1905. The workers gained nothing from the Manifesto and continued to strike against the government. The last gasp of the 1905 revolution was in December. A bloody battle between the army and workers in Moscow ended in bloodshed. The workers were now isolated from other revolutionary groups and the army remained loyal to the St Petersburg Soviet continued to make demands of the government with the support of many liberals. However, when the soviet called for another general strike the liberals refused to back this call. Encouraged by the split between the revolutionary groups the government sent the army in to break up the soviets and arrested their leaders. Leon Trotsky, chairman of the St Petersburg soviet, was sent into exile in Siberia. Lenin and Trotsky both denounced the Manifesto as a sham. In the coming months as years they were proved to be right.

The Tsar regains controlBetween 1906 and 1916 there were four elected Dumas. From the start there was conflict between the Duma and the Tsar. The first Duma was elected on a fairly wide franchise (the right to vote) and its members approached their tasks with high hopes. There were 450 elected deputies, mostly liberal Kadets, Social Revolutionaries and a few conservatives. There were no Bolsheviks or Menshevik deputies because Lenin and Trotsky had convinced them that the Duma was a sham, would achieve nothing and was only a way for the

government to recover from a dangerous threat of revolution. Even before the first Duma met Nicholas broke his promise to introduce a Constitutional Monarchy. He declared in his Fundamental Laws published before the opening of the first Duma:

'To the Emperor of all Russians belongs the supreme autocratic power. Submission to his power is demanded by God himself'. This reaffirmation of the Tsar's belief in autocracy contradicted the October Manifesto in many important ways. The Fundamental Laws stated that:

the Tsar, not the Duma, would appoint his ministers the conduct of foreign affairs was the responsibility solely of the Tsar the Tsar retained the right to rule by decree [without the elected

parliament] the Duma could not pass laws without the Tsar's agreement.

Exercise 5.4: Document study Study the list of concessions made by the Tsar in the October Manifesto. Explain how each concession would have appealed to the following groups in Russia.

workers peasants liberals revolutionary Marxists

Exercise 5.5: Document study Using the information in this lesson answer the following question:

List the ways in which the Tsar broke the promises he made in the October Manifesto in 1906.

The Dumas

Despite these challenges from the Tsar the first Duma proceeded to make demands for a proper say in government, a say in the appointment of government ministers and land reforms among other things. Prime Minister Witte promised to consider these demands but Nicholas refused them all. Unwilling to keep his promises in the October Manifesto he dismissed Witte and after only six weeks dismissed the first Duma for what he called 'illegal acts', that is it criticised the government and demanded reforms. The second Duma was dismissed after only three months for the same reason.

Before calling elections for the Third Duma in 1907, the new Prime Minister, Peter Stolypin, illegally changed the electoral laws so that only the very rich could vote. It was hoped that by this means a conservative Duma would be elected which would support the Tsar. Although to a large extent the Third and Fourth Dumas were merely 'rubber stamps' for the Tsar, during their term in office a number of reforms were introduced.

So, effectively, by 1907 the Tsar was back in control and still ruling as an autocrat.

Exercise 5.6: Picture Study "In the State Duma" by revolutionary artist, Alexander Kudinov, 1906.

Refer to the lesson on Analysing pictures. Look at the picture below and answer the following questions in full sentences. You will need to use your knowledge of the whole lesson to support your answers.

a. Who is the man at the lectern [the wooden stand] meant to represent?

b. Who do you think the two men on either side of him represent?

c. What evidence is there in the picture that the man at the lectern is not free?

d. Using all of the information in the source do you think the artist supports or is critical of the Tsar?

e. What comment is the artist making about the Dumas?

Exercise 5.7: ExplanationNicholas wrote: "I have a constitution in my head, but as to my heart, I spit on it." 

Leon Trotsky wrote about the Fundamental Laws: 'All is given and nothing is given... A constitution is given but autocracy remains'.

Look at the quotes above on the October Manifesto. Write a paragraph explaining what each man meant in these quotes.

The October Manifesto

With the country paralysed and the threat of revolution growing, Nicholas turned to Sergei Witte for advice. Witte persuaded the Tsar that in order to prevent the outbreak of revolution, and possible civil war, he would have to give in to the demands of the Constitutional Democrats and agree to share power with elected representatives of the people. Nicholas reluctantly followed Witte's advice. On the 30th October 1905, the Tsar issued an Imperial Manifesto. Its main concession was a promise to introduce a parliament elected by the people. The elected parliament would be known as the Duma. The Duma's consent would be needed to pass new laws although the Tsar retained the power to pass laws without the Duma when it was not sitting. Not everybody would be able to vote for the representatives of the Duma, the Ownership of quite a lot of property was one of the qualifications needed to vote. However, the Liberals greeted the October Manifesto with enthusiasm, seeing it as the end of autocracy. In addition to creating parliament the Manifesto also introduced such civil liberties as freedom of speech and the right to join unions.

The October Manifesto promised:

an elected Dumas (parliament) the right to vote to all Russian men that all new laws had to be approved by the Dumas that Russians would have the right to form political parties,

join trade unions, and have freedom of speech.

Reactions to the ManifestoThe introduction of the Manifesto saved the Tsar by splitting the revolutionary groups. Together they had presented a formidable opposition to autocracy. The Constitutional Democrats accepted the terms of the Manifesto and began to prepare for the elections to the Duma to be held in 1906. The peasants were granted some relief from their tax burden and the army was used to crush any outbreaks of violence after October 1905. The workers gained nothing from the Manifesto and continued to strike against the government. The last gasp of the 1905 revolution was in December. A bloody battle between the army and workers in Moscow ended in bloodshed. The workers were now isolated from other revolutionary groups and the army remained loyal to the St Petersburg Soviet continued to make demands of the government with the support of many liberals. However, when the soviet called for another general strike the liberals refused to back this call. Encouraged by the split between the revolutionary groups the government

sent the army in to break up the soviets and arrested their leaders. Leon Trotsky, chairman of the St Petersburg soviet, was sent into exile in Siberia. Lenin and Trotsky both denounced the Manifesto as a sham. In the coming months as years they were proved to be right.

The Tsar regains controlBetween 1906 and 1916 there were four elected Dumas. From the start there was conflict between the Duma and the Tsar. The first Duma was elected on a fairly wide franchise (the right to vote) and its members approached their tasks with high hopes. There were 450 elected deputies, mostly liberal Kadets, Social Revolutionaries and a few conservatives. There were no Bolsheviks or Menshevik deputies because Lenin and Trotsky had convinced them that the Duma was a sham, would achieve nothing and was only a way for the government to recover from a dangerous threat of revolution. Even before the first Duma met Nicholas broke his promise to introduce a Constitutional Monarchy. He declared in his Fundamental Laws published before the opening of the first Duma:

'To the Emperor of all Russians belongs the supreme autocratic power. Submission to his power is demanded by God himself'. This reaffirmation of the Tsar's belief in autocracy contradicted the October Manifesto in many important ways. The Fundamental Laws stated that:

the Tsar, not the Duma, would appoint his ministers the conduct of foreign affairs was the responsibility solely of the Tsar the Tsar retained the right to rule by decree [without the elected

parliament] the Duma could not pass laws without the Tsar's agreement.

Exercise 5.4: Document study Study the list of concessions made by the Tsar in the October Manifesto. Explain how each concession would have appealed to the following groups in Russia.

workers peasants liberals revolutionary Marxists

Exercise 5.5: Document study Using the information in this lesson answer the following question:

List the ways in which the Tsar broke the promises he made in the October Manifesto in 1906.

The Tsar's AdvisersTsarist Autocracy in the 19th Century was out of step with Western Europe. The desire to preserve this outdated system on the part of the Tsars only heightened the desire by others to destroy it. As a hereditary institution it depended for its success on the character of the Tsars themselves. But they in turn were influenced by those around them. If they selected good advisers, and followed their advice, this could lead to good reforms. Nicholas II did not follow the advice of his wise advisor Sergie Witte because he thought he was too liberal. So he came under the influence of two very different men in the period between 1906 and 1917.

The Stolypin reformsThe most important person in the Russian government after 1906 was Peter Stolypin. Stolypin replaced Sergei Witte as Prime Minister in July 1906. Stolypin however had a reputation for brutality. In his role as a provincial governor he had been so brutal that the hangman's noose was known as 'Stolypin's necktie'. When he came to office his first task was to stamp out any remnants of revolutionary activity. Revolutionary leaders were hanged or exiled. Many fled overseas including Trotsky and Lenin. Although he was brutal in his treatment of revolutionaries Stolypin realised that reforms were essential if autocracy was to survive. His aim was to create a prosperous land owning class which would support the Tsar and would not be open to revolutionary ideas.

Even though there had been changes to the Redemption taxes in 1905 there was still serious discontent among the peasants. To deal with this he began his reforms by introducing changes to land ownership which included:

Peasants would now own their own land. The Mir [commune] would no longer own the land

The whole family would not own the land. It became the property of the eldest member of the family

Pasture and grazing land, which had been owned by the commune, was divided up among the peasants

The system of strip farming ended, and the land enclosed into small farms

The Peasant Bank was expanded allow those peasants who could afford it, to buy more land.

This last reform affected about two million families and created a more prosperous, successful group of peasants who, known as kulaks, who were supposed to act a buffer against revolution to protect their own interests. The reforms also led to an increase in agricultural production and a start to the modernisation of agricultural methods.

As a result of the land reforms even more peasants left the land and went to the cities in search of work.

Stolypin also introduced reforms in education which became compulsory. Now every Russian child attended primary school. There was also a period of industrial growth during Stolypin's time as Prime Minister but unfortunately this did not last. The reforms were once again too little too late to prevent disaster. The agricultural changes were too limited. There were not enough kulaks to act as a barrier to discontent. The modernisation process was too slow so that methods in the countryside remained backward and the production of food could not match the growth in the population. In September 1911, in a period of growing industrial unrest, Stolypin was assassinated. He was the last effective tsarist adviser.

Nicholas and RasputinOne of Nicholas' advisers after the death of Stolypin caused great concern among many Russians. Gregory Rasputin was a peasant born in Siberia who arrived in St Petersburg as a holy man in 1903. He had a reputation as a healer and it was in this capacity that he was introduced to the Tsar and his family. The Tsar's only son has a serious blood disorder called haemophilia (this meant his blood did not clot properly so that if he cut himself there was no way to stop the bleeding). In 1905 Rasputin was introduced to the Tsar's family and it seemed that he was able to ease the young prince's suffering. Because of this he became a trusted friend of the royal family. Alexandra in particular became fascinated by him and would not believe anything against him.

However Rasputin also had a reputation as a drunk and womaniser. He had many affairs, sometimes with ladies of the royal court. After 1911 revolutionaries began to circulate rumours that the Tsarina Alexandra was having an affair with Rasputin, although this has never been proved. Alexandra was not popular with the Russian people and when World War I broke out she, as a German, became even more unpopular. Also after 1911 Rasputin's influence over the royal family grew stronger. In time, Rasputin came to have influence over not only the royal family's private lives but the political life of Russian as well. When Nicholas left St Petersburg for the Eastern Front in 1916 he left control of the government to his wife. She turned to Rasputin for advice even on the appointment of ministers and on military matters. So the country was being run by the 'mad monk' and the 'German spy'. Naturally Rasputin made many enemies, and eventually he was assassinated by a group of noblemen in 1916.

That Rasputin was ever able to gain such influence shows how removed Nicholas had become from the needs of his people and from political reality.

Exercise 5.8: Comprehension questions

1. Name the man who succeeded Witte as Prime Minister in 1906

2. List three of the reforms introduced by Peter Stolypin

3. What was the aim of his agricultural reforms?

4. Why was Rasputin an unsuitable adviser for the Tsar? Write a paragraph.

Nicholas II and WWI

As you have already read, The October Manifesto and the reforms made to agriculture had split the revolutionary movement in 1906. Workers gained very little from the reforms of Peter Stolypin and continued to work and live in appalling conditions. After 1912 a series of strikes threatened to turn into another 1905 revolution. In the Neva goldfields police fired on striking miners and over two hundred miners were killed. A wave of sympathy strikes swept the country. nce more autocracy came under attack from the proletariat. In July 1914 a general strike was called in St Petersburg but the outbreak of war inspired a rallying of patriotic support for the government and the Tsar. The outbreak of WWI saved autocracy, but not for long.

World War I was a disaster for Russia. Many Russians blamed the Tsar for the failures of the army and the government. By 1917, as in 1905, all sections of society were united in the belief that the only way to save Russia was to overthrow the Tsar.

How did World War I help to bring about the end of the Romanovs? 

Time line of Russia in World War I

August 1 Germany declared war on Russia. Wave of support for the Tsar.

August 4 - 23

Russia swiftly advanced into Germany through East Prussia

August 26 - Sept 13

Russia was defeated by Germany at Masurian Lakes and Tannenberg. There were over one million Russian casualties.

December 1914 Russia defeats Austria and occupied Galicia

August 1915

Tsar Nicholas II left St Petersburg to take control of the armies on the Eastern Front. He left the running of Russia to his wife Alexandra.

October 1915

Germans attacked the Russians and drove them out of Poland. Russians lost over 750,000 men

June -Sept 1916

Russia, under General Brusilov launched a major offensive against Austria. The Austrian army was driven back but Russia lost another one million men.

March 1917

Russian army demoralised and nearing collapse. Tsar forced to abdicate.

Why was Russia losing the war?Russia had an army of nearly 6 million men. In the early stages of the war it seemed that the Russian army was unstoppable. But the early victories could not be sustained.

Read the sources below to see what they tell you about the Russian army.

Source A: The French Ambassador in Russia explained the Russian defeats:". . . for lack of munitions and rifles, the offensive cannot be renewed for another two or three months! The Germans can certainly send 400 trains a day to the Russian border. The Russians only ninety to the German border. The Russian army is a paralysed giant. It can still hit enemies it can reach but never follow up . . ."

Source B: A Russian general wrote:

"For over twelve days, the Germans swept our lines, and we could not reply, as there was nothing left as exhausted regiments had only bayonets to fight with . . . When our batteries [big guns], silent for three days, finally received fifteen rounds [of ammunition] there was joy and relief."

Source C: Another Russian general wrote:

"We are not producing more than 24,000 shells a day. . . But our shortage of rifles alarms me far more. Just think! In several infantry regiments at least one third of the men had no rifle. These poor devils had to wait patiently under a shower of shrapnel, until their comrades fell before their eyes and they could pick up their arms [rifles]."

This inability to supply the army stemmed from Russia's small industrial base. The problems were made worse by the gross inefficiency and corruption among the Tsar's officials which led to chaos and chronic waste of materials. The transport system was a shambles and unable to supply the cities with food or the military with supplies. The leadership of the generals was incompetent.

The Tsar as Commander in ChiefAs trouble in Russia mounted the Tsar unwisely decided to take over command of the conduct of the war. He had no military training and he was blamed for the poor showing of the army as well as the problems in the cities. Food and fuel prices were soaring and the winter of 1916 - 1917 was very harsh. People in the cities were hungry and cold and the soldiers on the battlefront lacked even basic supplies such as boots. The support of the army ebbed away and even the peasants, who made up the majority of the soldiers turned against their Tsar. In March 1917 a revolution which began in St Petersburg overthrew the Tsar. Nicholas II, the last of the Romanov Tsars was forced to give up his throne on March 15 1917.

Alexandra and RasputinAs you read earlier, when the Tsar left for the front he left the running of the country to his wife Alexandra. She was to be his "eyes and ears". Alexandra was German by birth and in the climate of the war the people hated all things German. To make things worse she turned to the disreputable monk, Rasputin for advice. The rumours of an affair between the Tsar's wife and the mad monk again began to circulate and other rumours that they were both German spies. Rasputin was referred to as the "dark force" which controlled the royal family. Even when members of the Duma condemned Rasputin's scandalous behaviour the Tsarina continued to support him. Eventually in 1916 Rasputin was murdered by a group of noblemen. That the Tsar had allowed such a man to gain such influence in the affairs of the government and the war was seen as a failure of autocracy to protect Russia.

Crisis in the citiesThroughout much of the war the people in the cities faced severe food shortages. This was due to a number of factors, bad harvests, poor transport systems and the loss of large areas of fertile farming land to the Germans. The food shortages meant that prices for food were very high but workers wages did not keep pace with these rises. At the start of 1917 many workers and their families were facing starvation. 

Exercise 5.9: Source study

a. Analyse sources A, B and C. Compare what they say about the situation in Russia. Do they support each other?

b. What reasons do these sources give for the failures of the Russian army?

c. List the ways that World War I helped to destroy the Tsar.

d. Look at all the information in this lesson. Explain why the workers, the peasants and the middle class all became

disillusioned with the Tsar.

Conclusion: Analysing Political Cartoons Political cartoons, especially old cartoons, should be approached with care. The message of the cartoon is found in the visual image, the label and the caption. Political cartoons present a criticism of an event or an important person or group. To discover what it is about will require you to use your knowledge of the period as well as the cartoon. The follow questions should be answered to analyse political cartoons.

World War I was a disaster for Russia. Many Russians blamed the Tsar for the failures of the army and the government. By 1917, as in 1905, all sections of society were united in the belief that the only way to save Russia was to overthrow the Tsar.

Who Drew it?Friend or foe? What nationality is the cartoonist? Cartoonists rarely attack their own country in wartime but often attack other countries.

Who was the intended audience for the cartoon?

Look at the caption to see where the cartoon was published and what type of publication it is in.

Who are the main characters?

The main characters are sometimes identified by symbols. How are the characters presented? Look at the way they are dressed and what they are doing.

What is happening in the foreground and the background?

Look at every detail. In cartoons everything in the picture is there for a purpose. Are symbols being used? Animals are often shown to represent a country. [See below]

What is the action in the cartoon?

This will usually be the event being criticised. So always note the date of the publication and link this to what you know about the period.

October 1915 Germans attacked the Russians and drove them out of Poland. Russians lost over 750,000 men

What is the main idea?

This may not be clear at first. Use your knowledge of the topic to put the cartoon into historical context. Look at the title and caption for dates and clues.

What is the Check for bias and propaganda

viewpoint of the cartoonist?

Some symbols used to identify countries or people:

Animals:Bear = RussiaEagle = GermanyBulldog/Lion = England

Other symbols:The helmet with a point on it (pickelhaube) = GermanyJohn Bull, fat man in waistcoat, sometimes wearing Union Jack = BritainUncle Sam (tall thin man with striped pants = USASkullcap with half crescent = TurkeyFleur de lis (three leafed lily) = FranceLook for women who are used to identify a country. In this case there will be some symbol to identify who she is meant to represent.

Use the guidelines above to analyse the first cartoon then use them to work out what the message is in each of the other cartoons.

Cartoon Study To understand this cartoon you must know that Nicholas made a speech just after he became Tsar in which he pledged to defend autocracy. This is part of the speech. "I intend to protect the principle of autocracy as firmly and unswervingly as did my late and never to be forgotten father."

Now using the guidelines for analysing cartoons answer all of the questions. When you have answered each question you should have fully analysed the cartoon.

Then go to the page of cartoons linked below. Look at the cartoons and see what you learn about the topic from them.

Analysing political cartoons The anti-tsarist cartoon below was created by an anonymous artist in 1900. Compare the political and social structure in Russia in 1900 to what you know of Russia in 1800. There have been no changes in the political structure and few changes in the social structure.

Analysing Political Cartoons 

Despotism

Alexander III

Rasputin

Exercise 5.10: Analysing cartoons

Study the cartoons and use the guidelines provided. Analyse each cartoon and write a paragraph saying what you can learn from them about the topic.

Analysing Sources

An important skill you need to develop in Modern History is the ability to analyse and interpret sources. The following guidelines should be used whenever you are asked to comment on the usefulness or reliability of a source.What is a source?

It is information about the past.If it is used to support an opinion or argument the source is used as evidence.

How is a source useful?It can provide specific, factual details to the historian.It may contain information shout the attitudes or beliefs of the time.Therefore sources provide information about both facts and opinions concerning a particular historical period.

How to analyse a sourceTo begin your analysis ask the following key questions about a source.

Who? Who wrote or made the source?

What? What is it? Is it a letter, picture, cartoon etc?

What is the content?

When? When was it produced?

Where? Where was it produced?

Why? Why was it produced? Who was the audience for the source?

When you have answered all of the above questions you can assess how reliable the source would be and how it would be useful to an historian.

Analysing Pictures

The analysis of visual sources requires a look at the overall pictures to see what idea is being presented. Then a close examination of the details in the picture is needed to see how the artist/photographer is putting forward these ideas. Remember in art work or cartoons nothing is there by accident. The artist has a reason for everything in the picture.

As usual you begin your analysis by asking the key questions in Analysing Sources. When you know who produced the source and why, it is possible to draw conclusions about the subject of the picture and the artist.

Guidelines for analysing picturesIn addition to the key questions, here are some guidelines to analysing pictures:

1. Who drew the picture? Where and when?

2. What is the subject of the picture?

3. What is the main idea? Look at the title.

4. What is in the foreground? What is in the background?

5. Are there any people in the picture? What are they doing?

6. Are there any buildings in the picture? What sort are they? Do they have any symbolic meaning? How do they help the meaning of the picture?

7. Are there any objects in the picture? What are they? What do they represent? How do they add to the idea of the picture?

8. Are there any words in the picture? How are they linked to the central idea?

9. What is the main point being made by the artist? Is the work mocking, criticising, sympathetic to, praising the subject?

10.On whose 'side' is the artist? What position has the artist taken? Is there obvious bias towards one side of an issue or another?

Writing an essay - an explanation:

Step 1 Identify what it is you will be writing about and preview the things your essay will discuss.

Step 2 Explanation sequence

This part of the essay deals with the points you previewed in the first paragraph. Put the points in their correct order or in order of importance. Write a paragraph on each point. Support each point with factual information which is relevant to the question.

This part of the essay is also called the 'body', and should present a detailed answer to the question. The length of the essay will depend on how much information you need to present to answer the question fully.

Evaluationor

Conclusion

Draw together the points you have discussed. Link them back to the question as a way of concluding your essay.

Language Information can be joined together using two methods.

Words which link your information to why/how things happened. For example: because, as a result, due to, was caused by.

Words which show the sequence of events. For example, later, afterwards, after, following, then, initially, finally