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/vo, 3 i

THE MUSICAL FALLOUT OF POLITICAL ACTIVISM: GOVERNMENT

INVESTIGATIONS OF MUSICIANS IN THE UNITED STATES,

1930-1960

DISSERTATION

Presented to the Graduate Council of the

University of North Texas in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Sarah B. McCall, B.M., M.M.

Denton, Texas

August, 1993

37? / V 0 / < /

/vo, 3 i

THE MUSICAL FALLOUT OF POLITICAL ACTIVISM: GOVERNMENT

INVESTIGATIONS OF MUSICIANS IN THE UNITED STATES,

1930-1960

DISSERTATION

Presented to the Graduate Council of the

University of North Texas in Partial

Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

By

Sarah B. McCall, B.M., M.M.

Denton, Texas

August, 1993

McCall, Sarah B., The Musical Fallout of Political Activism: Government

Investigations of Musicians in the United States. 1930-1960. Doctor of Philosophy

(Musicology), August 1993, 204 pp., 6 illustrations, 5 appendices, bibliography, 130

titles.

Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-

documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Not nearly so

well documented are the many investigations of musicians and musical

organizations which occurred during this same period.

The degree to which various musicians and musical organizations were

investigated varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while

others were rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler

was deported as a result of the House Committee on Un-American Activities'

(HUAC) investigation into his background and activities in the United States.

Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, and Aaron Copland are but a few of the

prominent composers investigated by the government for their involvement in

leftist organizations.

The Symphony of the Air was denied visas for a Near East tour after

several orchestra members were implicated as Communists. Members of

musicians' unions in New York and Los Angeles were called before HUAC

hearings because of alleged infiltration by Communists into their ranks. The

Metropolitan Music School of New York, led by its president-emeritus, the

composer Wallingford Riegger, was the subject of a two day congressional hearing

in New York City.

There is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the effect

of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities affected the

musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published information about

the treatment of the musicians during this period is put into even greater relief

when compared to the thorough manner in which the other arts, notably literature

and film, have been examined. This work attempts to fill this gap and shed light

on a particularly dark chapter in the history of contemporary music.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iv

Chapter I BACKGROUND OF POLITICAL ACTIVISM AMONG AMERICAN

MUSICIANS, 1930-1960 1 The House Committee on Un-American Activities 4

Chapter II MUSICIANS AND POLITICS IN THE 1930S: THE COMPOSERS'

COLLECTIVE AND THE WPA 10

Chapter III GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF EMIGRE COMPOSERS:

HANNS EISLER AND BERTOLT BRECHT 29

Chapter IV GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF AMERICAN COMPOSERS:

1940-1960 50

Chapter V THE POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF JAZZ MUSICIANS AND

POPULAR RECORDING ARTISTS 73

Chapter VI GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF LARGE MUSICAL

ORGANIZATIONS 86

Chapter VII CONCLUSIONS: MUSIC, MUSICIANS, AND POLITICS 104

APPENDIX A 117 APPENDIX B 135 APPENDIX C 167 APPENDIX D 172 APPENDIX E 182

BIBLIOGRAPHY 195

in

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Into the Streets May First, Aaron Copland 17

2. May Day Song, L.E. Swift (Elie Siegmeister) 19

3. Life Magazine, 4 April 1957 54

4. Joe Hill, Earl Robinson 71

5. Boris Morros, New York Times, 13 August 1957 84

6. Wallingford Riegger, Lillian Popper, New York Times, 10 April 1957 91

IV

CHAPTER I

BACKGROUND OF POLITICAL ACTIVISM AMONG

AMERICAN MUSICIANS

1930-1960

The period of time encompassing World War II and the decade and a half

after was characterized by an extraordinarily turbulent political climate. In

addition to being an inevitable by-product of the conflict which brought extremely

divergent cultures together as allies, the turbulence was also the result of a series

of events which helped bring American liberals into an alliance with the

Communist Party.1 The economic depression of the 1930s and the rise of fascism

in Italy and Germany had led many to see parallels with the workers' revolution

and the rise of the socialist state in Russia.2 Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal, with

its proliferation of public agencies, encouraged an atmosphere of liberal political

self-expression. It also encouraged, through projects such as those sponsored by

the WPA, the work of progressive writers, actors, and musicians. Government

sponsorship of artistic endeavors, however, was but one facet of the relationship

of politics and the arts. Artists used their media as sounding boards for political

1 Walter Goodman, The Committee (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1968), 56.

2 Ibid.

2

expression and lent their names, often with careless abandon, to any cause that

espoused human rights and decried fascism. Many artists, especially those close

to the motion picture industry, joined the Communist Party as the ultimate anti-

fascist organization. These leftist affiliations, however brief or superficial, later

became a source of controversy as the political currents dramatically shifted and

congressional committees such as the House Committee on Un-American

Activities (HUAC) began prolonged investigations.

Government investigations into the motion picture industry are well-

documented, as is the widespread blacklisting that was concurrent. Many personal

accounts have been written by authors, actors, and playwrights called before

HUAC and McCarthy (e.g., Lillian Hellman, Elia Kazan, Ring Lardner, et al.).

Not nearly so well documented are the many investigations of musicians and

musical organizations which occurred during this same period. The reasons for

this discrepancy are fairly obvious: the glamour of Hollywood and the immediate

recognition of the names involved, as well as the enormous publicity generated by

the legitimate media and by paparazzi and tabloid scandal sheets, riveted

attention on the film community.

The degree to which various musicians and organizations were investigated

varied considerably. Some warranted only passing mention, while others were

rigorously questioned in formal Congressional hearings. Hanns Eisler was

deported as a result of HUAC's investigation into his background and activities in

the United States. Aaron Copland, Leonard Bernstein, Paul Bowles, and Marc

3

Blitzstein are but a few of the prominent composers investigated by the

government for their involvement in leftist political organizations.3 Copland's A

Lincoln Portrait was dropped from Eisenhower's inaugural celebrations because a

congressman objected to Copland's "long record of questionable affiliations."4

Large organizations were also touched by the long arm of HUAC. The

Symphony of the Air (Toscanini's NBC Symphony reincarnated) was denied visas

for a Near East tour after several orchestra members were implicated as

Communists. The composer Wallingford Riegger was called before HUAC as

president-emeritus of the Metropolitan Music School in New York. He was cited

by the committee for contempt of Congress because he chose to invoke the First

Amendment in response to their questions about the school and its alleged

Communist teachings.

There is no real indication that composers suppressed works or altered their

compositional style to toe any party line as Soviet composers did when faced with

3 The biographies of these composers devote little if any space to a discussion of their involvement in government political investigations of the 1940s and 1950s. Joan Peyser, in her recent biography of Leonard Bernstein (Beech Tree Books, 1987), opens and closes the issue with a footnote stating that Bernstein would not allow her to access his FBI file. The most recent biography of Marc Blitzstein (St. Martin's Press, 1989) delves into the subject with greater frequency and detail but focuses on Blitzstein and the WPA rather than on later ramifications of his affiliations. Copland does not address the issue himself in his autobiography (St. Martin's Press, 1989), but rather allows Vivian Perlis to discuss the period in the alternating Interlude sections within the autobiography.

4 The New York Times, \1 January 1953.

4

the Zhdanov decree in 1949.5 The impact of the period in question made itself

felt primarily in the artists' lifestyles. It hindered many in their ability to find

work and impeded the willingness of others to program or publish their works.

Consequently there is no way to measure either quantitatively or qualitatively the

effect of the period on the music but only the extent to which the activities

affected the musicians themselves. The extraordinary paucity of published

information about the treatment of the musicians during this period and its effect

is thrown into even greater relief by the thorough manner in which the other arts,

notably literature and film, have been examined. The ensuing chapters will

attempt to fill this gap and shed light on a particularly dark chapter in the history

of contemporary music.

The House Committee on Un-American Activities

Of the major government investigative bodies, the House Committee on

Un-American Activities was the most notorious for its search for Communists,

fellow-travellers, sympathizers, and various other malcontents.6 From its

inception in 1938 to its gradual demise in the late sixties, HUAC loomed large as

the self-appointed arbiter of what was "un-American."

5 The Zhdanov decree is named for General Andrei Zhdanov, a member of the Soviet Politbureau, who represented the Central Committee of the Communist Party when he rebuked many Soviet composers (including Shostakovich, Khachaturian, and Prokofiev) for "formalism" in their music. "Formalism" broadly describes music that is overly dissonant and not immediately understood by the listener.

6 The definitive work on the history of the House Committee on Un-American Activities is Walter Goodman's The Committee (op. cit.).

5

The early history of HUAC belies its later single-minded purpose.

Although an early House committee chaired by Hamilton Fish set a precedent for

congressional investigations into Communist activities, the committee envisioned

by Sam Dickstein which later became HUAC, was to consider a much broader

array of "subversives." Dickstein, a Jewish congressman from New York, was

concerned with the growing number of Nazi organizations in the United States

and the rampant anti-Semitism which pervaded Nazi and other fascist groups.

With the impetus of a resolution by Dickstein, a committee was formed in 1934 to

investigate various subversive activities in the United States. John McCormack

was named chairman of the Committee after Dickstein insisted a non-Jew should

head it.

In 1937 Dickstein again submitted a resolution, this time he was

determined to investigate not only Nazis but all things "un-American," thus

creating the term that would haunt hundreds of thousands of Americans in the

years to come. At the same time that Dickstein introduced his new resolution, a

young Democrat from Texas, Martin Dies, submitted a resolution of his own

calling for an investigation of the current rash of sit-down strikes.7 Both

resolutions were voted down, but Dies later successfully presented his own version

of the Dickstein resolution and in May of 1938 the House Committee on Un-

American Activities was born. Ironically, Sam Dickstein did not win a seat on the

Committee that he was so instrumental in founding.

7 Goodman, 15.

6

Martin Dies was chairman of HUAC from 1938 until 1944. During his

tenure, Dies, almost without exception, aimed his investigations at those suspected

of Communist activities and often initiated investigations without informing the

rest of the committee. Dies measured his success by the amount of publicity he

received and the degree to which he was able to discredit Roosevelt and his "New

Deal."8 He succeeded admirably on both counts with his investigation of the

Federal Arts Project (FAP) of the Works Progress Administration (WPA).

It was during Dies' reign as chairman of HUAC that J. Edgar Hoover

began to take a more aggressive role in the investigation of political groups and

radicals. The anti-radical division of the old Bureau of Investigation (the Federal

Bureau of Investigation was not so named until 1935) was reactivated in 1939 and

Hoover began his "Security Index" which chronicled subversive organizations and

individuals thought to be engaged in subversion or espionage. In 1941 the FBI

was authorized to investigate government employees thought to belong to

subversive organizations and, with the issuance of Truman's loyalty order of 1947,

the FBI's role in political investigations vastly expanded.

When Dies chose not to seek reelection in 1944, John Rankin (D-MS)

became the most vocal committee member. Rankin succeeded in getting HUAC

permanent committee status but, because he was already chairing a committee

(Veteran Affairs), was prohibited from accepting the chair of HUAC. Rankin, a

vicious anti-Semite, undertook a long awaited investigation into the Hollywood

8 Ibid., 42.

film community largely because his intended targets were liberal Jews.

In Rankin's mind, to call a Jew a Communist was a tautology. His convictions led him to attribute all the horrors of the Russian revolution to Trotsky and to see Stalin as a kind of reformer, a seminary student who opened the churches, got rid of the commissars, and drove the local Reds to America.9

Hollywood had already been the target of a local investigation by a

California state legislative committee headed by John Tenney,10 who caused

considerable controversy in early 1947 when he testified before HUAC and

named several prominent Hollywood celebrities, including Frank Sinatra, as

Communist sympathizers.

In 1947 J. Parnell Thomas (R-NJ) became chairman of HUAC. Thomas, a

committee member since its inception, was also an anti-Semite as well as a

vehement opponent of the New Deal. His investigation of the composer Hanns

Eisler had two important ingredients for Thomas: Eisler's relationships with his

brother (a known Communist agent), and Eleanor Roosevelt, who wrote letters in

support of Eisler's plight. The investigation of Eisler proved to be a prologue to a

much larger probe of the motion picture industry.

Richard Nixon (R-CA) joined the Committee in 1947 and the following

year introduced a bill jointly sponsored by Representative Karl Mundt (R-SD)

that required registration of the Communist Party and all front organizations.

9 Ibid., 173.

10 In addition to being a lawyer and California State Senator, Tenney was a musician and songwriter who wrote Mexicali Rose.

8

Nixon began to make a name for himself that same year with his handling of the

Alger Hiss case. As Nixon's star began to rise, that of J. Parnell Thomas faded

quickly. In 1948 he was convicted of padding his legislative staff payroll and was

sent to a Connecticut federal prison. Ironically, he shared prison space with Ring

Lardner, Jr., a member of the Hollywood Ten who was convicted of contempt of

Congress as a result of his testimony before HUAC.

Thomas was not the only member to lose his committee seat during 1949-

50. Rankin lost his place when Congress made a rule that forbade anyone

chairing another committee to be a member of HUAC and Richard Nixon left the

committee in 1950 after successfully running for U.S. Senator.

The activities of HUAC were somewhat overshadowed in the 1950s by

Joseph McCarthy and the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. To

regain the spotlight, HUAC resumed its inquiry into Hollywood in 1951 and

moved about the country holding hearings and conducting what were now

regarded as "ceremonies of exposure and penitence."11

Again, the Hollywood and New York entertainment industries were

investigated in the early fifties: Edward G. Robinson, Artie Shaw, Jerome

Robbins, John Garfield, and Lillian Hellman were among those who testified.

While Shaw was reduced to tears on the stand when he acknowledged that he was

"duped by Communists," Hellman brought new dignity to the proceedings by

11 Richard M. Fried, Nightmare in Red (New York: Oxford University Press 1990), 154.

9

refusing to "cut her conscience to fit this year's fashions."

During the middle 1950s, the committee concerned itself with the academic

community, civil rights coalitions with Communists, and the purported

"blacklisting" in the entertainment business. Several musicians' groups in New

York were likewise investigated by the Committee in 1957. The Metropolitan

Music School, the Symphony of the Air, and Musicians Local 802 were probed by

a subcommittee led by Morgan Moulder.

The work of the committee ebbed and flowed until the beginning of the

91st Congress (1969) when it was replaced by the Internal Security Committee.

During its three and one half decades of investigations the committee had fanned

flames of anti-communist fervor that touched every facet of society from the circus

performers of Barnum and Bailey who dedicated themselves to "the struggle to

maintain our way of life against the menacing horde of aggressors" to the New

York judge who said he would deny child custody to Wallaceite parents.12

For many of the musicians who came to face HUAC and various state

legislative committees in the 1940s and 1950s, the stage leading up to those

appearances had been set in the 1930s, when musicians found opportunities for

artistic expression and often employment with groups such as the Composers'

Collective, the Downtown Music School, and the Federal Arts Project. For some,

association with these and other groups was a passing fling of political activity; for

others it was the beginning of a lifetime of activism.

12 Fried, 87 and 95.

CHAPTER II

MUSICIANS AND POLITICS IN THE 1930S: THE

COMPOSERS' COLLECTIVE AND THE WPA

Put one more S in the USA To make it Soviet One more S in the USA Oh, we'll live to see it yet When the land belongs to the farmers And the factories to the working man~ The USA when we take control Will be the USSA then.

Langston Hughes1

Alex North, a member of the Composers' Collective, set this text in 1934,

providing his listeners with a "musical gloss" of the basic tenets of the American

Communist Party.2 North was hardly alone among American composers in his

left-wing political views-many of the most prominent names in American music

supported left-wing causes during the 1930s.

In addition to the Collective, left-wing activities by musicians in the 1930s

included participation in choruses such as those sponsored by the Daily Worker

and Friends of the Workers School. The Downtown Music School was founded in

1 Faith Berry, Langston Hughes: Before and. Beyond Harlem (Westport, Connecticut: Lawrence Hill and Co., 1983), 205.

Eric A. Gordon, Mark the Music: The Life and Work of Marc Blitzstein (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), 99.

10

11

1934 as an outgrowth of the Workers Music School, which was in turn part of the

Workers School at the Communist Party headquarters site. Publications such as

Modern Music and Unison gave musicians a forum in which to express their

political views. Both the Daily Worker and New Masses gave considerable space to

the activities of left-wing musicians.

The Downtown Music School was established with the goal of making "the

best training available to [workers and their children]" and to challenge "the

thievery of the 'learn-saxophone-in-five-lessons' racket."3 Implicit in its aim was

the political as well as the musical development of the students. The school

boasted an excellent faculty: Henry Cowell, Wallingford Riegger, Elie Siegmeister,

and Joseph Machlis all taught music at different times during its history.

Although not formally on the faculty, Aaron Copland contributed lessons in

advanced composition as the grand prize of a scholarship competition.

Many of the faculty members of the school were also members of the

Composers' Collective which was organized in 1933, and was by far the most

influential of the radically leftist musicians' groups during the decade. Holding as

its primary purpose the production and promotion of music for the proletariat

(not only to educate the masses but to provide rallying tunes for the workers), it

grew out of the Pierre Degeyter Club, an affiliate of the Workers Music League,

Marc Blitzstein, Coming—The Mass Audience!," Modem Music (Mav-June 1936): 25.

12

whose activities included an orchestra, chorus, study groups, lectures, and

concerts.4 Jacob Schaefer, Henry Cowell, and Leon Charles were instrumental

in the formative years of the Collective, for it was out of their seminar devoted to

the writing of mass songs that the Collective was spawned.5 Members in the mid-

19305 included Elie Siegmeister, Lan Adomian, Ruth Crawford, Earl Robinson,

Alex North, Marc Blitzstein, and, occasionally, Aaron Copland.

The Composers' Collective was clearly a more sophisticated, well-trained

group of composers than its parent group and this distinction made for a

somewhat ironic situation. "Members of the Pierre Degeyter Club objected that

their work never found its way into the Collective's programs and that the

Collective showed a bourgeois attitude" in rejecting the simpler, less refined style

of the Degeyter Club works.6

The cries of elitism, however, did not seem to dampen the enthusiasm of

the Collective, whose activities included lectures, concerts, and "round-table

"discussions in which new works by members were performed and then criticized.7

A major challenge of the Collective was reconciling political philosophy with

musical technique and style. Much of the so-called proletarian music written by

Pierre Degeyter (d. 1915) was the composer of the Internationale, the Soviet national anthem until 1944.

5 Eric Gordon identifies this trio as the collaborators in the seminar. Henry Leland Clarke ( Composers' Collective," New Grove Dictionary of American Music) identifies Schaefer, Cowell, and Charles Seeger.

6 Gordon, 99.

7 Ibid.

13

members of the Collective was hardly singable-one critic labeled Collective

melodies "full of geometric bitterness and the angles and glass splinters of pure

technic . . . written for an assortment of mechanical canaries."8 Hanns Eisler, on a

concert tour of the US in 1935, was a guest lecturer at a meeting of the Collective

and addressed the problems of the composer, musical technique, and society:

The crisis in music has been created by the general crisis in society. In music it appears definitely as a crisis in the technic of composition, which has succeeded in completely isolating modern music from life . . . A modern music will be possible only when there is a new modern style, pertaining to all, useful to society.9

In his 1934 article "On Proletarian Music," Charles Seeger describes the

difficulties in achieving a proper balance between message and technique:

The proletariat has a clear realization of the content it wishes to have in the music it hears and in the music it will make for itself. It is a content expressing, and contributing to the success of its struggle-a revolutionary content. But it has lacked, so far, a musical technic for the expression of this content. It has relied upon and found some use for trite and debased echoes of the existing bourgeois idiom . . . . Proletarian content, then, is seen as a rising, progressive factor: that of contemporary bourgeois art music, a declining, regressive one. The technic hitherto characteristic of proletarian usage has proved hopeless; but the technic of bourgeois contemporary music, though uncoordinated, is full of promise. These are not separate and disconnected entities. They are part and parcel of the present-day situation as a whole. The obvious thing to do is to connect

8 Mike Gold, "Change the World," Daily Worker (June 11, 1934) quoted in Eric Gordon, Mark the Music: The Life and Work of Marc Blitzstein (New York- St Martin's Press, 1989), 99. ' '

9 T

H a m f n ^ xs l e / ' " R e f l e c t i o n s on the Future of the Composer," Modern Music

(May-June 1935), 181.

14

the two vital trends-proletarian content and the forward looking technic of contemporary art music.10

Seeger goes on to stress the importance of placing content before

technique. Technique is used to illuminate content and thus provide a higher

degree of art.

Art, then, is always and inevitably a social function. It has social significance. It is a social force. It is propaganda . . . . The better the art, the better the propaganda it makes: the better the propaganda, the better art it is.11

A Daily Worker review by Lan Adomian of new Soviet works addressed the

problems of analyzing proletarian music.

. . . [Ojne cannot say with any degree of assurance that such and such a chord progression, or rhythm, or any other formal device, is bourgeois or proletarian. One thing is certain: that the instrumental style will eventually be determined by the cumulative contributions to the musical literature of the voice, the theatre, the dance and the cinema. In all these cases, but especially in vocal music, the composer is compelled to be concrete. He must employ social realism: for it is the text that determines the music . . . . One cannot hide behind a mass of acoustical rhetoric, as in the purely instrumental piece.12

One of the few contradictions to this conviction came from Wallingford

Riegger, who "believed atonality to be in the line of historical development, a

Charles Seeger, On Proletarian Music," Modern Music (March/April 1934), 125-126.

li Ibid.

Lan Adomian, New Works of Soviet Composers Published in Musical Quarterly," Daily Worker (December 25, 1934), 5.

15

belief analogous to the historical determinism of Marxism."13 However, the

broad consensus among Collective members and other left-wing composers was

that proletarian music was, by definition, music to be sung. Without the text to

address political issues, music in itself was incapable of making political

statements.

The idiom of folk music was encouraged by the Communist Party as an

effective means to communicate ideology to the masses. Certainly folk song has a

long tradition in this country as the true voice of the people-its simplicity and

singability assure the conveyance of its message. Although many members of the

Collective turned in this direction, notably Charles Seeger and Elie Siegmeister,

some like Marc Blitzstein found the folk idiom too limiting. Blitzstein felt folk

music to be "static" and lacking in the ability that serious music has to grow and

develop.14 Blitzstein was influenced by Eisler in his search for a style that was

accessible and yet progressive. Blitzstein viewed the composer's function as

assisting in the building of a "smooth and balanced social machinery."15 The

most important musical forms through which this goal was to be achieved are the

mass song and the Lehrstuck, presented as a piece of musical theater.16 An

example of the latter is The Cradle Will Rock, perhaps Blitzstein's best known

Stephen Spackman, Wallingford Riegger: Two Essays in Musical Biography (New York: Institute for Studies in American Music, 1982), 37.

14 Gordon, 100.

15 Blitzstein, 29.

16 Ibid.

16

work. Written in 1937, it is a musical play depicting the struggle of the union

against a steel tycoon-a societal metaphor on many levels-good vs. evil, workers

vs. owners, freedom vs. repression.

Blitzstein served as secretary of the Collective and was a member of its

executive committee. Like many of the other Collective members, Blitzstein was

an annual participant in the May Day Song contest sponsored by the radical

publication New Masses. His entry in 1934 was defeated by Aaron Copland's

setting of the Alfred Hayes' poem "Into the Streets May First" (see Fig. I).17

Years later Harold Clurman reflected on Copland's reaction to a reminder of his

winning entry.

I used to kid Aaron. "Oy! I would say, "Wait til they hear about 'Into the Streets May First,' published in the New Masses yet!" Aaron didn't think I was so funny.18

The following year Blitzstein was again unsuccessful in his attempt to win

the May Day Song contest. This time the winning entry was by Elie Siegmeister,

whose setting was of a Robert Gessner text (see Fig. 2).19 Siegmeister used the

pseudonym L.E. Swift in his activities with the Collective to protect himself from

possible retribution for his leftwing activities.

17 Copland's winning entry is found in the May 1, 1934 edition of New Masses.

18 Aaron Copland and Vivian Perlis, Copland Since 1943 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1989), 182.

19 Siegmeister's winning entry was featured in the April 30, 1935 edition of New Masses.

17

INTO THE STREETS MAY FIRST

Ovarox Copland

the mid" MM*

Fig. 1, Into the Streets May First, Aaron Copland

18

Fig. 1 (cont.), Into the Streets May First, Aaron Copland.

19

May Day Song Music by L. E. SWIFT ^ Words b7 ROBERT GESSNER %

<Uy*« the work with

biw and hm of

3. Lett

ctiffc «a4

ft&nd led th< call •fl work

ftdl fu&cd!

Fig. 2, May Day Song, L.E. Swift (Elie Siegmeister)

20

c rise •

J.'LP J. * If H«1

m i

crtsc.

P fr i'

i i H

<U»- ijr bn*dl i* brad! TV

Ml

Fig. 2 (cont.), A/ffy D^y Song, L.E. Swift (Elie Siegmeister)

21

The major Communist daily newspaper, the Daily Worker, carried a feature

called "The World of Music." Charles Seeger, using the pseudonym Carl Sands,

was a frequent contributor to "The World of Music" and provided other more

extended columns as well. Not unexpectedly in such a publication, Seeger's

articles had a very definite political slant. Reviewing a concert featuring the work

of Roy Harris, Seeger sarcastically chastises Harris for not being able to prove his

political allegiances and then gives him advice for a new direction:

Harris is sincere; but he is slow. If he lives long enough he will discover the Communist Manifesto. He has it in him to be on the left side of the barricades.20

As is typical of many reviews by left-wing critics, Seeger handles the text

and music of Harris's setting of Walt Whitman separately. When discussing the

text, Seeger is glib and sarcastic and bashes Whitman as irrelevant and superficial

in contemporary society. He is much more straightforward in his discussion of

Harris's compositional technique and does not attempt any analysis with respect

to political insights. Seeger ends his review with a rather patronizing message to

Harris:

Try writing some revolutionary mass songs, Harris. You might make a good one. You have it in you. At any rate it would clean you up better than you would believe.21

When a letter in response to Seeger's review of the Harris work criticizes

20 Charles Seeger, "Westminster Chorus Sings Roy Harris Composition," The Daily Worker, (December 6, 1934), 5.

21 Ibid.

22

Seeger for being too harsh, he takes the opportunity to reconfirm his position and

offer a comparison between the works of Copland and Harris:

Copland is beginning to get rid of the contradictions in his Music between bourgeois art tendencies and proletarian content. This gives an increased sharpness and clearcut quality to it that is conspicuously absent in Harris's safe, unusually boring, though in some respects, admirable,

work.22

In another more general article on contemporary musical life, Seeger

points to the 1934 resignation of Leopold Stokowski from the Philadelphia

Orchestra as a sign of bourgeois oppression.23 The main reasons for Stokowski's

ouster, Seeger insists, were Stokowski's "pushing of leftist tendencies in bourgeois

art music" and the "playing of the Internationale at concerts in Philadelphia."24

In another related story, Seeger characterizes the Philadelphia Orchestra and the

Curtis Institute as "stables of corruption in our musical life" and praised the local

chapter of the Pierre Degeyter Club for its efforts in providing an alternative for

the workers.25

Shostakovich's name appeared frequently in the Daily Worker as the

22 Charles Seeger, "More About Roy Harris," Daily Worker (December 11,1934), 5.

23 Stokowski resigned in December of 1934 but reached a settlement with the Symphony's board of directors in early 1935 that gave him virtual autonomy with regard to orchestra policy.

24 Charles Seeger, "Stokowski and His Trustees," Daily Worker (January 9,1935), 5.

25 Charles Seeger, "De Geyter Club of Philadelphia Forging Ahead," Daily Worker (February 7, 1935), 5.

23

apparent Communist composer of choice. His May Day Symphony, felt by most

critics to be quite inferior to his other works, brought raves from a Daily Worker

reviewer who compared it with Beethoven's Ninth Symphony,26 A review of a

piano recital presented by Jose Iturbi featuring the music of Mozart, Brahms, and

Debussy evoked the critic's comment, "Why does he not play Shostakovich?"27

Several of the music critics for the Daily Worker and New Masses were also

on the payroll of the Works Progress Administration in the Federal Arts Project.

The Federal Music Project was one of four components of the special Federal

Project Number One: the other components being the Federal Art Project, the

Federal Writers Project, and the Federal Theater. Nikolai Sokoloff was the

national administrator of the Federal Music Project. Sokoloff, born in Kiev in

1886, had been a violinist with the Boston Symphony and later organized and

directed the Cleveland Symphony.

The FMP employed musicians as teachers in various schools and music

centers and as performers in a variety of organizations such as dance bands,

orchestras, chamber ensembles, and choirs. The musicians in these programs

provided concerts to the public at very little cost and worked to promote the

music of contemporary American composers. Of notable significance in the FMP

was the Composers' Forum organized in 1935 by Ashley Pettis and devoted to the

26 P.S., "Shostakovich's Magnificent May Day Symphony To Be Performed at Mecca Temple Tomorrow Night," Daily Worker (April 12, 1935), 5.

27 S.F., "World of Music," Daily Worker (December 21, 1934), 5.

24

presentation of new works. The composers would prepare the audience for their

works by distributing handouts beforehand describing the work and giving analyses

or background information and then, after its performance, answering questions

from the audience. Among the composers who took advantage of this special

forum were Copland, Harris, Blitzstein, Virgil Thomson, and Daniel Gregory

Mason.

Almost from its inception, the Federal Arts Project was riddled with

accusations of Communist infiltration. Certainly the Project was, in all divisions,

full of sympathizers if not card-carrying members of the Communist Party. Ashley

Pettis, for example, was the chief music critic for New Masses. The Writers

Project was in constant turmoil because of the battles between Trotskyists and

Stalinists. Ben Shahn's murals at Rikers Island aroused controversy for their left-

wing sentiment.28

One of the most famous controversies of the Federal Arts Project involved

Marc Blitzstein when his work The Cradle Will Rock was being prepared for

production. The illustrious producer/director team of John Houseman and Orson

Welles had undertaken this production under the auspices of the Federal Theater;

it was assigned project number 891.

As Project 891 began rehearsal, its plot concerning the conflict between

union steel workers and mill ownership was mirrored in real life as thousands of

28 Barbara Blumberg, The New Deal and, the Unemployed (Lewisburg: Bucknell University Press, 1979), 201, 209.

25

steel workers went on strike and violent strike activities followed. The Works

Progress Administration in Washington deemed the show dangerous and

postponed its opening under the guise of funding cuts. Realizing the inevitable

cancellation of the production, Houseman and Welles decided to move ahead

with the production on their own and keep the already planned schedule of

previews and premiere. WPA agents seized the theater, sets, and costumes the

day of the June 16th preview. To make matters more complicated, the musicians'

union and Actors' Equity stepped in to make new demands on behalf of their

members: the orchestra would have to be enlarged and paid full Broadway

salaries if the production was moved and the actors could not play on another

stage for any management other than the WPA. Houseman and Welles

persevered with only a few hours to curtain; they found a new theater (the

Venice), arranged for a piano on the stage, and persuaded the actors that while

performing on stage was forbidden, "there is nothing to prevent you from entering

whatever theater was found, then getting up from your seats, as US citizens, and

speaking or singing your piece whenever your cue comes."29 The production

opened to a packed house with Blitzstein on stage seated at the piano, prepared

to play and sing the entire work if necessary. John Houseman recalled the

moment in his memoir, Run-Through^

29 John Houseman, Run-Through: A Memoir (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1972), 267.

30 Ibid, 268-269.

26

The Cradle Will Rock started cold, without an overture. A short vamp that sounded harsh and tinny on Jean Rosenthal's rented, untuned upright, and Marc's voice, clipped, precise and high-pitched . . . It was a few seconds before we realized that to Marc's strained tenor another voice-a faint wavering soprano-had been added. It was not clear at first where it came from, as the two voices continued together for a few lines . . . Then hearing the words taken out of his mouth, Marc paused, and at that moment the spotlight moved off the stage, past the proscenium arch into the house, and came to rest on the lower left box where a thin girl in a green dress with dyed red hair was standing, glassy eyed, stiff with fear, only half audible at first in the huge theatre but gathering strength with every note . . . .It was almost impossible, at this distance in time, to convey the throat-catching, sickeningly exciting quality of that moment or to describe the emotions of gratitude and love with which we saw and heard that slim green figure. Years later, Hiram Sherman wrote to me: 'If Olive Stanton had not risen on cue in the box, I doubt if the rest of us would have had the courage to stand up and carry on. But once that thin, incredibly clear voice came out, we all fell in line.'

As economic conditions in the United States improved and controversy

over the FAP continued it was inevitable that funding would be discontinued.

The beginning of the end came in 1938 when J. Parnell Thomas, a member of the

House Committee on Un-American Activities, labeled the FAP "a hotbed of

communists" and Martin Dies, a Texas congressman and chairman of the

committee, opened hearings in an investigation of those involved in the project.31

The Music Project largely escaped investigation by the Dies committee in

1938, although one witness made sure that the committee was aware that Nikolai

31 Richard D. McKinzie, The New Deal for Artists (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973), 155.

27

Sokoloff, director of the music project, was born in Russia.32 Richard McKinzie,

in his book The New Deal for Artists, explains the lack of scrutiny of the Music

Project:

The New York City music project escaped . . . the indignities endured by the theater and writers projects. American "common-sense" told legislators what constituted a "class angle" in a book or play but that unlearned quality helped little in assessing a musical composition.33

With the funding bill for the WPA in 1940-41 came an amendment, named

for Congressman Walter of Pennsylvania, that prohibited Communists and Nazis

from holding WPA jobs and required all WPA employees to sign an oath

swearing to their noninvolvement with such organizations.

Support of left-wing causes continued well into the 1940s. Sympathy

toward the Soviet Union reached a peak after its invasion by Germany in 1941.

The defense of Leningrad prompted Shostakovich's Symphony No. 7, which was

whisked out of Russia on microfilm and premiered to a very receptive audience in

the United States.

Musicians lent their names freely to statements and petitions that decried

violations of human rights and supported the defeat of fascist forces, but by the

late 1940s the political tides had made a major turn. The war was over and the

atrocities of Stalin's reign of terror were becoming known. Tensions surrounding

the imminent Korean War and tales of espionage (notably the Alger Hiss case)

32 Ibid, 156.

33 Ibid, 160.

28

brought political allegiances to the forefront. HUAC had been gathering

momentum from the late 1930s and by the late 1940s had begun a full-scale

investigation of the entertainment industry.

CHAPTER III

GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF EMIGRE COMPOSERS:

HANNS EISLER AND BERTOLT BRECHT

On March 26, 1948, Hanns Eisler was deported from the United States, the

result of a lengthy struggle with immigration authorities which had culminated in

his appearance before the House Committee on Un-American Activities. The

Committee found that Eisler had "perjured his way in and out of the U.S. at will,

going to Soviet Russia and other countries whenever he pleased."1 The House

indictment of Eisler, however, was probably less related to immigration vagaries

than to the fervent anti-communist attitudes and general xenophobic atmosphere

of post-World War II America. Eisler had, in fact, been a member of the

Communist Party in his youth, and his brother Gerhart was considered by the FBI

to be a top Communist agent in the United States. Eisler's hearing generated

widespread publicity and considerable interest among the general public; not only

was Eisler a composer of some rank, noted especially in the United States for his

film scores, but he was also the first witness to appear before HUAC in its

investigation of Communist influences in Hollywood.

When Eisler first came to the United States in 1935, he was already

well-known as an extremely politically active composer. Eisler's political views

1 The New York Times, 27 September 1947.

29

30

began shaping his music early on; after studying with Schoenberg in the early

1920s, he denounced "modern music" in the latter part of the decade, causing a

bitter quarrel with the master. Schoenberg later dismissed Eisler's views as an

obstacle to his art, showing little tolerance for his political activities:

Its really too stupid of grown-up men, musicians, artists, who honestly ought to have something better to do, to go in for theories about reforming the world, especially when one can see from history where it all leads. I hope that all in all they won't take him too seriously here. Certainly I never took him seriously, I always regarded those tirades as a form of showing off. If I had any say in the matter I'd turn him over my knee and give him 25 of the best and make him promise never to open his mouth again but to stick to scribbling music. That he has a gift for, and the rest he should leave to others. If he wants to appear 'important', let him compose important music.2

For his part, Eisler was never too concerned with what Schoenberg thought

of his political views: when Eisler took Bertolt Brecht to meet Schoenberg for the

first time he was concerned that Schoenberg would make "one of his stupid

remarks about socialism."3 Aside from their obvious political differences,

Schoenberg and Eisler had great respect for each other and remained in contact

throughout their lifetimes.

After denouncing "modern music," Eisler became an energetic advocate of

music for the masses, writing music to serve as a catalyst for change. His

2 Letter to Josef Rufer, 18 December 1947.

Hanns Eisler, "Bertolt Brecht and Music," A Rebel in Music, ed. Manfred Grabs. (New York: International Publishers, 1978), 172.

31

compositions included numerous marching songs, choral works, and film scores.

His collaboration with Bertolt Brecht began in the 1930s.

Eisler's first trip to the United States was under the auspices of a British

organization seeking to raise money for the children of German anti-Nazi

refugees.4 He gave concerts of his music as well as lectures describing the

"destruction of musical culture" under Hitler.5 A second trip to the United States

came in the fall of that same year when the New School for Social Research in

New York invited Eisler to lecture. His lecture, "The Crisis in Music," outlined

the need for a change in the social function of music.6

Between 1935 and 1940 Eisler travelled in and out of the United States

fairly frequently, applying for, and receiving, several extensions of his visa. He

was ordered deported in March, 1939 because of an expired visa but that order

was rescinded in July, 1940 after Eisler was granted a nonquota, or favored, visa.

The New School for Social Research offered Eisler a position as professor of

music to help him acquire the nonquota visa-he subsequently taught classes in

theory and composition there. He also received a grant from the Rockefeller

Foundation at this same time to study film music composition. The result of his

research was a book, written with the assistance of T.W. Adorno, entitled

4 Lord Marley's Committee for the Victims of German Fascism.

Eisler, "Fantasia in G-Men," A Rebel in Music, 150.

Eisler, "The Crisis in Music," A Rebel in Music, 114.

32

Composing for the Films? Eisler composed scores for several American-produced

films in the 1940s. It was through this work that he met and was befriended by

many of Hollywood's prominent leftist actors and writers, including Charlie

Chaplin and Clifford Odets. The activities of HUAC and its investigation of the

motion picture industry began to intensify in the spring of 1947 when committee

members travelled to Hollywood and set up a base of operations at the Biltmore

Hotel. There they proceeded to interview fourteen "friendly witnesses" and gather

names of Communist Party members and sympathizers. With the cooperation of

the Producer's Association and the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation

of American Ideals, the Committee had no trouble establishing long lists of

people vulnerable to its "Red-baiting."8

For reasons not altogether clear, Eisler was called to testify before HUAC

in Washington a month before the other 47 members of the motion picture

industry who had been subpoenaed to testify. When Eisler's hearing before

HUAC on September 24, 1947 convened, his first request was to have his hearing

adjourned until the same date as the hearing of the other witnesses in the film

industry. This request, along with requests for the right of cross-examination and

the right to read a prepared statement, were summarily dismissed. Eisler was

accompanied by counsel, attorneys Joseph Forer and Herman Greenberg, but they

7 Hanns Eisler, Composing for the Films (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947).

Larry Ceplair and Steven Englund, The Inquisition in Hollywood: Politics in the Film Community, 1930-1960 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 257.

33

were rendered impotent by the Committee's ruling that they could only advise

Eisler on his Constitutional rights and were not to ask questions nor illuminate

Eisler's answers.

The statement Eisler had intended to read at the hearing was later

published in a book of his essays under the title "Fantasia in G-Men".9 In the

statement Eisler repeated his claim that he had not been involved in any political

activities while in the United States and the only thing he was really guilty of was

having a very ardent anti-fascist as a brother. In the essay he also drew parallels

between HUAC and Hitler's Nazi tribunals.

The hearings regarding Eisler lasted three days. Eisler was only called to

testify only on the first day; on the other days the committee heard testimony

from various immigration authorities and committee investigators. The primary

focus centered on Eisler's activities in Europe before his immigration to the

United States. After opening questions concerning Eisler's sojourns in the United

States and his employment in this country, he was asked the now infamous

question: "Are you now, or have you ever been, a Communist?" The question

triggered a somewhat comical exchange between Eisler and his interrogators,

Chief HUAC Investigator Robert Stripling and Committee Chairman Paraell

Thomas, as Eisler struggled to explain his brief membership in the party in the

late 1920s.10

9 Eisler, "Fantasia in G-Men," A Rebel in Music, 150.

10 Hearings Regarding Harms Eisler. Hearings Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, 80th Congress, First Session September 24, 25, and 26, 1947.

34

Eisler. I am not now a Communist. And I remember I made, when I was a young man, in 1926, an application for the German Communist Party; but I found out very quick that I couldn't combine my artistic activities with the demand of any political party so I dropped out. Stripling. You dropped out? Eisler. Dropped out. Stripling. I thought you said you made application. Eisler. Yes. Stripling. You wouldn't drop out if you made application. Eisler. Oh, yes, sir. Look! If I join a union and don't pay union dues, after a couple of months I will be suspended. Stripling. I understood you made application. Eisler. Yes. Stripling. Well, did you join? Eisler. You know that is the implication, but I didn't take any more care of it. I just let it run. Stripling. You did join the Communist party. Eisler. I made application. Stripling. Did you join? Eisler. It is so: You make an application. You get an answer . . . Stripling. . . . the question is simple. What I have asked is Are you now, or have you ever been, a member of the Communist party? Eisler. I say I am not now a member of the Communist party. I tried to explain to you that I made in 1926 an application for the Communist party in Germany, but I didn't follow the activities. I dropped out. I got an answer but I was not active in political groups . . . Thomas: Mr. Eisler, let me ask that question a little differently. You did make application? Eisler. Yes sir. Thomas. And you did join, did you not? Eisler. I did not really join. I made an application, and I got an answer, but I neglected the whole affair. Thomas: Then your answer is that you were never a member of the Communist party. Eisler. Yes—this is hard to be correct. I want to be correct. You can put it that way-that a man who made an application to join was. Thomas. Were you a member? Eisler. Not in the real sense.

35

Thomas. Never mind the real sense. Were you a member or were you not a member? Eisler. I told you, Mr. Chairman-and I repeat~I made an application but neglected . . . TTiomas. I know. But is your answer 'yes' or 'no'? Eisler. That is my answer, Mr. Chairman. Thomas. No, you will have to be more specific. We want to know whether you were or were not a member of the Communist party. Eisler. In the Communist party. I would say I never was a member. When a man who doesn't follow up . . . Thomas. But you made application to be a member? Eisler. Yes. Thomas. And the application was successful? Eisler. Yes.

Thomas. That is all.

The committee finally moved from this area of questioning and went on to

ask Eisler about other organizations of which he was a member or to which he

gave lectures. A question regarding Eisler's biography in the Great Soviet

Encyclopedia triggered a renewal of the Communist Party membership debate.

Eisler continued to maintain that since he had never paid his dues and never

attended any party meetings he had, for all intents and purposes, never been a

member of the party. The committee, however, was not satisfied with this line of

reasoning and pronounced that there was no question that Eisler was indeed a

Communist Party member.

Besides Eisler's membership in the Communist Party, the committee

probed extensively into his relationship with the International Music Bureau.

Eisler explained that in establishing the International Music Bureau he was

attempting to group together anti-fascist artists and composers to exchange

cultural experiences. Investigator Stripling attempted to tie the inception of the

36

organization to one of Eisler's trips to Moscow by reading several lengthy articles

that appeared in the journal Soviet Music concerning the First International

Musical Conference held in Moscow in 1932. Though the idea of an International

Music Bureau was mentioned in the articles, Eisler's name did not appear nor was

he even present at the Conference. When the Chairman asked Stripling his

purpose in reading the lengthy passages, he replied: "The purpose is to show that

Mr. Eisler is the Karl Marx of Communism in the musical field and he is well

aware of it." To which Eisler responded: "I would be flattered."

The remainder of HUAC's questions to Eisler centered on his music,

specifically his songs and their texts. Investigator Stripling read a verse of a song

entitled "In Praise of Learning" which appeared in a play for which Eisler had

written the music. The play, Die Mutter, was based on a novel by Maxim Gorky

adapted by Bertolt Brecht and was produced in Berlin in 1931. The verse in

question read:

Learn now the simple truth, You, for whom the time has come at last; It is not too late, Learn now the A.B.C. It is not enough, but learn it still Fear not, be not down hearted, Begin, you must leant the lesson You must be ready to take over You must be ready to take over

Learn it, men on the dole.

Both Stripling and Thomas were concerned about the line "you must be

ready to take over." Thomas asked Eisler if it meant that he was ready to take

over now. Eisler, confused, had the question repeated twice before he stated

37

what he felt should have been perfectly clear: "It was a show, a musical song in a

show. It applied to the situation on stage." Thomas and Stripling were still not

convinced:

Thomas. Would it also apply here to the United States? Stripling. It was shown in the United States. He wrote the music for the United States. Eisler. No; I wrote the music in 1929 or 1930 in Berlin. It was produced in Copenhagen, in New York~I guess in Paris. It was a theater play. Thomas. It doesn't apply only to Germany, but applies to France and Italy and the United States? Eisler. It is from a quotation by Maxim Gorky, the famous writer. The song is based on the idea of Maxim Gorky. This song applies to the historical structure of the Russian people from 1905 until 1917. Thomas. Would you write the same song here now? Eisler. If I had to write a historical play about Russia, I would write it--and the poet would let me have the words.

Eisler experienced similar periods of frustration throughout his day of

testimony. Many of his compositions were taken out of their larger setting and

the text scrutinized for any possible seditious intent. Articles written about Eisler

but without his compliance were quoted as if they were Eisler's own words.

By the afternoon session, not only were the questions becoming even more

exasperating to the defendant but a new team of interrogators brought with them

a particularly hostile attitude. John MacDowell and John Rankin,

Representatives from Pennsylvania and Mississippi respectively, lectured Eisler

more than they questioned him. MacDowell, after reading several names of songs

Eisler had written, presented the songs into evidence and described their texts as

"matter that couldn't be sent through the mails in the United States." He went

38

further to say that even obscene would be a poor description of them. The songs

he mentioned, Ballad to Paragraph 218, Address to the Crane Karl, Ballad of the

Maimed, and Song of Supply and Demand, were on texts by Brecht, David Weber,

and Walter Mehring. MacDowell probably felt Ballad to Paragraph 218, which

concerns the subject of abortion, to be the most "obscene" of this group. By 1990s

standards, the text is quite tame.

Please, doctor. I've missed my monthly . . . Why, this is simply great. If I may put it bluntly You're raising our birthrate. Please, doctor, now we're homeless... But you'll have a bed somewhere So best put your feet up, moan less And force yourself to grin and bear. REFRAIN: You'll make a splendid little mummy Producing cannon-fodder from your tummy That's what your body's for, and you know it, what's more And it's laid down by law And now get this straight: You'll soon be a mother, just wait.

But, doctor, no job or dwelling: My man would find kids the last straw . . . No, rather a new compelling Objective to work for. But, doctor . . . Really, Frau Griebel I ask myself what this means You see, our State needs people To operate our machines. (REFRAIN)

But, doctor, there's such unemployment I can't follow what you say. You're all out for enjoyment Then grumble at having to pay. If we make a prohibition

39

You bet we've a purpose in mind. Better recognize your condition And once you've agreed to put yourselves in our hands, you'll find . . .

(REFRAIN)

Rankin, concurring wholeheartedly with MacDowell's assessment of Eisler's

songs, launched into several jingoistic tirades, implying in one outburst that Eisler

had written the songs out of personal disrespect for the Congress of the United

States: I am conscious that anybody that could write that stuff would certainly not have much respect for the Congress of the United States. But this committee has given you more than a fair deal, more than a fair trial, more than you would have gotten in any other country in the world. In any other country in the world you would have fared worse than you have in the United States

Another Rankin homily ended the day's session and

Eisler's part in the hearing.

. . . [T]he American people have just whipped Hitler, but the thing that shocks me is that while our boys were dying by the thousands there to get Hitler's heel off their necks some of these people come here and attempt to foment revolution in the United States. It is about time the American people woke up and put a stop to it.

In the remaining two days of Eisler's hearings various immigration and

State Department officials were called to testify on the nature of Eisler's entries

and exits in the United States. The most damning testimony came from Joseph

Savoretti, an assistant commissioner in the Immigration and Naturalization

Service. He testified that at a hearing for a visa extension Eisler was asked if he

had ever been a member of the Communist Party, to which Eisler answered no.

40

This one statement was enough to convict Eisler of perjuring his way into the

United States.

One interesting area of testimony in Eisler's hearing came from Sumner

Welles, an Under Secretary of State in Franklin Roosevelt's administration.

Eleanor Roosevelt had personally asked Mr. Welles to intervene on Eisler's

behalf during his struggle for a nonquota visa. Though she and Eisler had never

met, she became aware of his situation through Donald Stephens of the National

Arts Club in New York. Mr. Welles' reply to Mrs. Roosevelt stated that he would

review Eisler's situation but could not do anything outside of regular channels.

She kept up an interest in the Eisler case and sent another memo to Welles

regarding the progress of the case. It is debatable whether Mrs. Roosevelt

directly helped Eisler receive the nonquota visa, but certainly her intervention

could only have assisted his case.

After the hearings Eisler and his wife were ordered to face deportation

hearings. Several groups of artists came forward on Eisler's behalf to express

outrage at the committee's findings. Charlie Chaplin called for a committee of

French artists to put pressure on the American ambassador in Paris to intercede

on Eisler's behalf. A group of British musicians and artists appealed to Truman

to use his influence on behalf of Eisler. The petitions of these groups came to no

avail as Eisler was ordered deported in February of 1948 and given the

opportunity to leave voluntarily. He left the United States on March 26, 1948,

settling first in Czechoslovakia and later in East Germany. Before Eisler left the

41

country, a group of prominent musicians and composers, including Aaron

Copland, Leonard Bernstein, Roy Harris and Walter Piston, gave a concert of

Eisler's works at Town Hall in New York. A New York Times reviewer, Olin

Downes, commented on the "wide divergence of style and subject matter" in the

program. Downes made only one oblique reference to the controversy

surrounding Eisler, commenting on the segue between instrumental and vocal

chamber works on the program:

Nothing revolutionary here, certainly; nothing that would shock the best bred children or the most conservative family! Still less to the Left and distinctly Right of Center, in the artistic sense of these words were the group of songs next offered . . . n

After leaving the United States, Eisler composed music primarily for

"applied" idioms, the theater, cabaret, television, and films.12 He also wrote

many essays, continuing to stress the importance of writing music with a purpose

and a message. These leave no doubt that Eisler, if not an active, card-carrying

Communist Party member, certainly held many fundamental convictions and

ideologies of the party. If not working directly for the party, he was certainly

caught up in "causes regarded as anathema by the new conservative or reactionary

majority in Congress . . . ."13 In February of 1950 the German Democratic

Republic adopted Eisler's setting of the socialist hymn Auferstanden aus Ruinen

11 The New York Times, 29 February 1948.

12 David Blake, "Hanns Eisler," The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 20 vols., ed. Stanley Sadie (London: MacMillan, 1980), VI, 91.

13 Ceplair and Englund, xiii.

42

[Resurrected from Ruins] as its national anthem.14 Ironically, a later work by

Eisler, his opera Johannes Faustus was criticized by the East Berlin press for

portraying a "Utopia similar to capitalist America."15

Eisler was a victim of the times in the United States, caught as the

pendulum of history was midway in its "swing from Rooseveltian liberalism to

McCarthyite reaction."16 His hearing and subsequent deportation sent a message

to all artists in all media: political suppression and censorship were no longer

purely foreign considerations. Composer S.L.M. Barlow, in a New York Times

editorial, called for composers to unite in their condemnation of HUAC's

findings.

Every artist in this country has a stake in these deportation proceedings. We must each of us share the shame and be fired by it and roused from our comfortable acceptances, for if we do not share the wrongs, we may have to share the fate.17

With the House committee's hearings on Eisler, the American political

inquisition had begun. Eleven of the 19 so-called "unfriendly" witnesses were

called to testify. HUAC sent ten of them to jail for contempt of court. The

eleventh, Bertolt Brecht, answered all the committee's questions and denied that

14 Music Since 1900, Feb. 8, 1950.

15 Ibid., 951.

16 Ibid.

17 New York Times, 22 February 1948.

43

he was a Communist.18 The day after the committee excused him he left the

United States, eventually settling in East Germany.

Brecht and Eisler had been collaborators since 1930, beginning with the

Lehrstuck Die Mutter and Die Massnahme. Brecht first came to the United States

in 1935 after Eisler, who had been lecturing for the New School for Social

Research, persuaded the New York Theatre Union to produce Brecht's play Die

Mutter}9 Brecht came to New York with the intention of overseeing the

production, an assumption which proved short-lived-Brecht was thrown out of the

theater for his overbearing, intrusive attitude.20 It was during this visit that

Brecht was the guest of honor at a party held by Marc Blitzstein. (In addition to

members of the Composers' Collective, Brecht also met John Houseman who was

later instrumental in the first production of The Cradle Will Rock). Brecht's

influence on Blitzstein is evidenced by the latter's dedication of The Cradle Will

Rock to him.

Brecht left New York in February 1936 but returned for a lengthy stay in

July of 1941. He was given "enemy alien" status as he entered the country--the

status given to all Germans after the United States entered the war against

18 Ceplair and Englund, 256.

19 James K. Lyon, Bertolt Brecht in America (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1980), 6.

20 Ibid., 9.

44

Germany.21 Brecht made his way to Hollywood, and joined the community of

exiles who worked in movies and the theater.

On September 19, 1947, he received a summons from HUAC requesting

his presence at a hearing scheduled for October 23. Although a member of the

"unfriendly 19," Brecht decided to fight on his own rather than pool his efforts

with the other 18. He did this for two apparent reasons: first and foremost,

Brecht was the only non-citizen in the group and as such was concerned that the

rights and privileges of the others might not extend to him. Second, the legal

strategy of the 19 was to plead the First Amendment. This would bring the

standard citation for contempt of Congress, which on appeal, all the way to the

Supreme Court if necessary, would be reversed.22

An appearance before HUAC was gradually becoming a staged production,

worthy of the actors, directors, writers, and producers who were called. Two

critical ingredients in the HUAC appearance were the prepared statement and

the choice and extent to which certain Constitutional amendments were cited.

More often than not, the prepared statements were not permitted to be

read and thus were not entered into the Congressional Record. They would often,

however, be made available to the press. The First and Fifth Amendments to the

Constitution were frequently used to avoid answering HUAC questions. Those

choosing to proclaim their rights under the Fifth Amendment often used it in

21 Ibid., 36.

22 Ibid., 318-320.

45

varying degrees. Richard Fried finds three major variations on the Fifth

Amendment theme:23

1) "Slightly-Diminished Fifth": Communist Party membership is denied, but the witness refuses to answer questions about their past or associations in their past 2) "Fully Diminished Fifth": The witness would discuss his past but not that of anyone else 3) "Augmented Fifth": Similar to the "slightly-diminished fifth" but the witness went on to "disclaim any sympathy for Communism."

The decision as to which amendment to cite was not an easy one. A

defendant could choose the Fifth Amendment, "a short, bitter drink of gall," or

the First Amendment, "a nettle cup of litigation."24 Generally those choosing the

Fifth Amendment could expect a dismissal of their case, but those citing the First

Amendment would be cited for contempt of Congress and could expect a long and

costly court battle and often a one year jail term.25

For his part, Brecht answered the question of Communist Party

membership, alluding to the constitutional arguments presented by the previous

witnesses, but choosing to answer the question fully.26

23 Richard Fried, Men Against McCarthy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 155.

24 David King Dunaway, How Can I Keep From Singing: Pete Seeger (New York: McGraw Hill, 1981), 167.

25 Ibid., 168.

26 Hearings Regarding the Communist Infiltration of the Motion Picture Industry. Hearing Before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, 80th Congress, First Session. October 30, 1947.

46

Mr. Stripling.... Are you now or have you ever been a member of the Communist Party of any country? Mr. Brecht. Mr. Chairman, I have heard my colleagues when they considered this question not as proper, but I am a guest in this country and do not want to enter into any legal arguments, so I will answer your question fully as I can. I was not a member or am not a member of any Communist Party.

Brecht had an ingenious strategy that allowed him to be truthful and

evasive at the same time. He accepted the offer of an English interpreter,

although it is doubtful whether the intervention was needed, and used the time lag

to prepare answers and to claim to misunderstand questions.27 Chairman J.

Parnell Thomas and HUAC investigator Robert Stripling questioned Brecht

concerning the same passage from Die Mutter that they had grilled Eisler about

during his testimony one month earlier.

Mr. Stripling. Now, I will read the words and ask you if this is the one. Mr. Brecht. Please. Mr. Stripling [reading]. Learn now the simple truth, you for whom the time has come at last; it is not too late. Learn now the ABC. It is not enough but learn it still Fear not, be not downhearted. Again you must learn the lesson, you must be ready to take over-Mr. Brecht. No, excuse me, that is the wrong translation. That is not right. [Laughter] Just one second and I will give you the correct text. Mr. Stripling. That is not a correct translation? Mr. Brecht. That is not correct, no: that is not the meaning. It is not very beautiful but I am not speaking about that. Mr Stripling. What does it mean? I have here a portion of "The People," which was issued by the Communist Party of the United States, published by the Workers Library Publishers. Page 24 says:

27 Lyon, 323.

47

In praise of learning by Bert Brecht; music by Hanns Eisler

It says here:

You must be ready to take over; learn it.

Men on the dole, learn it; men in the prisons, learn it; women

in the kitchen, learn it; men of 65, learn it. You must be ready

to take over-

sold goes right on through. That is the core of i t-

You must take over.

Mr Brecht. Mr Stripling, maybe his translation . . . Mr Baumgardt [interpreter]. The correct translation would be, "You must take the lead." The Chairman. "You must take the lead?" Mr. Baumgardt. "The lead." It definitely says, "The lead." It is not "You must take over." The translation is not a literal translation of the German. Mr. Stripling. Well, Mr. Brecht, as it has been published in these publications of the Communist Party, then, if that is incorrect, what did you mean? Mr. Brecht. I don't remember never-I never got that book myself. I must not have been in the country when it was published. I think it was published as a song, one of the songs Eisler had written the music to. I did not give any permission to publish it. I don't see-I think I have never saw [sic] the translation. Mr. Stripling. Do you have the words there before you? Mr. Brecht. In German, yes. Mr. Stripling. Of the song? Mr. Brecht. Oh yes, in the book. Mr. Stripling. Not in the original. Mr. Brecht. In the German book. Mr. Stripling. It goes on:

You must be ready to take over: you must be ready to take over. Don't hesitate to ask questions, stay in there. Don't hesitate to ask questions comrade. . .

Mr. Brecht. Why not let him translate from the German word for word?

48

Mr. Baumgardt. I think you are mainly interested in this translation which comes from . . . The Chairman. I cannot understand the interpreter any more than I can the witness. Mr. Baumgardt. Mr. Chairman, I apologize. I shall make use of this. The Chairman. Just speak in that microphone and maybe we can make out. Mr. Baumgardt. The last line of all three verses is correctly to be translated: "You must take the lead." and not "You must take over." "You must take the lead," would be the best, most correct, most accurate translation.

A short while later, Stripling again pressed Brecht for the meaning of one

of his texts.

Mr. Stripling. I would like to ask Mr. Brecht whether or not he wrote a poem, a song, rather, entitled, "Forward. We've Not Forgotten." Mr. MacDowell. "Forward," what? Mr. Stripling. Forward. We've Not Forgotten. Mr. Brecht. I can't think of that. The English title may be the reason. Mr. Stripling. Would you translate it for him into German? (Mr. Baumgardt translates into German.) Mr. Brecht. Oh, now I know, yes. Mr. Stripling. You are familiar with the words to that? Mr. Brecht. Yes. Mr. Stripling. Would the committee like me to read that? The Chairman. Yes, without objection, go ahead. Mr. Stripling, (reading): Forward, we've not forgotten our strength in the fights we've won; No matter what may threaten, forward, not forgotten how strong we are as one; Only these our hands now acting, build the road, the walls, the towers. AU the world is of our making, What of it can we call ours?

The refrain:

49

Forward. March on to the tower, through the city, by land the world; Forward. Advance it on. Just whose city is the city? Just whose world is the world? Forward, we've not forgotten our union in hunger and pain, no matter what may threaten, forward, we've not forgotten. We have a world to gain. We shall free the world of shadow; every shop and every room, every road and every meadow. All the world will be our own.

Did you write that Mr. Brecht?

Mr. Brecht. No, I wrote a German poem, but that is very different from this . [Laughter.] Mr. Stripling. That is all the questions I have. Mr. Chairman. The Chairman. Thank you very much, Mr. Brecht. You are a good example to the witnesses of Mr. Kenny and Mr.

Cram.

It is hard to believe that Brecht's answers fully satisfied committee

members. It is more probable that he confused them so completely with the issue

of what was or was not a correct translation that the inquisitors thought it best to

drop the issue. Moreover, as compared to the earlier witnesses during this

committee session (the "Unfriendly Ten" members including Dalton Trumbo, Ring

Lardner, Jr. and Lester Cole), Brecht's behavior was so pleasant and seemingly

cooperative as to bring relief to the committee.

Brecht did not wait for another call from the committee; he left the United

States the day after his testimony, never to return to this country again.

CHAPTER IV

GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF AMERICAN COMPOSERS:

1940-1960

In 1950, three ex-FBI agents, under the company name American Business

Consultants, published Red Channels, a directory of 151 men and women, mainly

in the entertainment business, with past and present connections to "subversive"

organizations (see Appendix A).1 Red Channels became a cross-reference tool

for prospective employers wishing to screen candidates for possible political

indiscretions. Many musicians, both popular and classical, were listed, including

Lena Home, Burl Ives, Aaron Copland, Leonard Bernstein, Marc Blitzstein, Earl

Robinson. Blitzstein's entry contained some four pages of political attachments

dating back to a milk-drive he promoted in 1939.2

Whether listed in Red Channels or not, affiliations with organizations

deemed subversive, regardless of when they occurred, often meant close scrutiny

by government investigative bodies such as the FBI. Paul Bowles, a writer and

composer who studied with Copland, Virgil Thomson, and Nadia Boulanger, and

contributed music for theater productions of works by William Saroyan, Orson

1 A second blacklisting organization, AWARE, circulated a list of entertainment figures whose names had appeared in HUAC reports.

2 Gordon, 347.

50

51

Welles, and Tennessee Williams, felt the eyes of the government upon him even

before the publishing of Red Channels.

Bowles came from a liberal background and in his adulthood continued to

support liberal causes. In support of the Tenant Farmers' Union, he wrote

America Disinherited (1937) and for the Committee on Republican Spain, he

composed Who Fights This Battle (1936). Bowles was a zealous traveller who, in

addition to his novels (including Sheltering Sky, 1949), wrote many travel guides.

The extent of the government's scrutiny of Bowles was made apparent in 1942

when Bowles was on a trip to Mexico. He had purchased a native drum in

Ixtepec which had somehow disappeared during a subsequent stop. He

telegraphed his wife Jane about the drum:

PLEASE WIRE WHEREABOUTS OF DRUM STOP SCHWAB CLAIMS NOT IN BODEGA

What Bowles was not aware of, was that the FBI had wiretapped his wife's

phone and upon hearing the message had reached the conclusion that they were

discussing a General Drum who was apparently in Mexico at the same time as

Bowles. The FBI soon appeared on Mrs. Bowles' doorstep and began

interrogating her as to the intent of the message.

. . . [Tjhey began a rapid-fire interrogation, asking Jane to confirm dates and plans and names, reaching back farther and farther into the past, until she was unable to remember. They interpreted this as a refusal to answer, but let it pass and went on collecting more information. "And where were you in March, 1938." "Panama." Finally they came to a dead stop, allowed an expressive silence, and said: "Mrs. Bowles, you move around a lot, don't you." Jane sighed, "We certainly do," she said. They became very intent. "Mrs.

52

Bowles, why does your husband travel so much?" Jane shrugged once more and said: "I don't know. He's nervous, I guess."3

Paul Bowles and Leonard Bernstein first met on November 14, 1935. It

was the occasion of Aaron Copland's 35th birthday and Bernstein's first

introduction to Copland as well. Bowles and Bernstein both lived in the Chelsea

Hotel in the early 1940s and their friendship grew, as evidenced by Bernstein's

dedication to Bowles of the fourth movement of his Anniversaries (1943). Like

Bowles, Bernstein had grown up in a liberal household, but his politics were

further shaped by his Jewish background. Bernstein lent his name to many anti-

fascist and pro-civil rights causes in the 1940s and 1950s. Joan Peyser cites nine

groups in the period from 1945-47 alone.4

1. Sponsor and Co-chairman: American Youth Congress 2. Dinner Sponsor: American Slav Conference 3. Board Member: National Committee to oust (Sen.) Bilbo, Civil Rights Congress 4. Sponsor: Action Committee to Free Spain 5. National Committee Member: American Borobidjian (Soviet Jewish Region) Committee 6. Sponsor: Spanish Refugee Appeal of Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee 7. Sponsor: National Conference of Civil Rights Congress 8. Board Member: American Congress for Democratic Greece 9. National Committee of American-Soviet Friendship

Bernstein's activities on behalf of these groups gained him "superdupe"

3 Paul Bowles, Without Stopping: An Autobiography, (New York: Ecco Press, 1985), 243.

4 Peyser, 192.

53

status in Life Magazine, which covered the Cultural and Scientific Conference for

World Peace held at the Waldorf Astoria in New York in March of 1949.5 A

special attraction at this conference was the appearance of Dmitri Shostakovich in

his first and only visit to the United States. Bernstein's picture appears along-side

Aaron Copland's, in a gallery of portraits subtitled "Dupes and Fellow Travelers

Dress Up Communist Fronts" (see Fig. 3).

The caption for the photo-spread berates those pictured, concluding that

although their friends might have considered them merely "dupes" for the

Communist Party, by virtue of their many associations, they are clearly

"superdupes."6 The Scientific and Cultural Conference precipitated a report by

HUAC, printed and released as House Report No. 1954 and "Committed to the

Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union," April 20, 1950 (see

Appendix B). Characterizing the Conference as a super symposium of

Communist fronts, the report details the memberships of each front.

Parading under the imposing title of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace the gathering at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City on March 25, 26, and 27, 1949, was actually a super-mobilization of the inveterate wheelhorses and supporters of the Communist Party and its auxiliary organizations. It was in a sense a glorified pyramid, pyramiding into one inflated front the names which had time and again been used by the Communists as decoys for the entrapments of innocents.7

5 "Red Visitors Cause Rumpus," Life Magazine (26:14, 4 April 1949), 39.

6 Life Magazine, 4 April 1949, 43.

7 A Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 21st Congress, 2nd Session, House of Representatives, Report No. 1954.

54

r&x&QLLi,

i ^ r . H I S

\ * -c HSX

V . " * , . . ' , > V * . " 9 " U U " !«>» *

'• >^ i

m

f P P S ^ r ?

£ c • i ; 5 V ;l<s!:; * T * . : • * • . * \ >

5 •« £**1

Fig. 3, Life Magazine, April 4, 1949.

55

The report goes on to summarize what HUAC determined to be the five

main goals of the Conference:

1. To provide a propagandist forum against the Marshall plan, the North Atlantic Defense Pact, and American foreign policy in general. 2. To promote support for the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. 3. To mobilize American intellectuals in the field of arts, science, and letters behind this program even to the point of civil disobedience against the American Government. 4. To prepare the way for the coming World Peace Congress to be held in Paris on April 20 to 23, 1949, with similar aims in view on a world scale and under similar Communist auspices. 5. To discredit American culture and to extol the virtues of Soviet culture.8

Copland and Blitzstein are listed in the report as having affiliations with 21

to 30 Communist-front organizations. Wallingford Riegger (in a category with

Albert Einstein and W.E.B. DuBois) is named in 11 to 20 Communist-front

groups and Bernstein, Olin Downes, Morton Gould, Artur Schnabel, Artie Shaw,

and Nicholas Slonimsky are identified in the category of having been affiliated

with 1 to 10 Communist-front organizations.

Bernstein, Blitzstein, and Copland are cited, among other musicians, as

giving "tacit confirmation" of the Soviet music doctrine (notably the recent

Zhdanov decree) by not expressing disapproval of Shostakovich's speech and its

acquiescent tone vis-a-vis Soviet policy. Under the sub-heading "Debasement of

Culture," the report decries the use of Shostakovich as a martyr to the Communist

music ethic.

Ibid.

56

What could be more debasing than the spectacle of Shostakovich, a talented young composer, ousted from his chair at the Moscow Conservatory of Music, at the behest of men in the Soviet politburo who do not know a G clef from a hammer and sickle, bowing to their decree to produce music •which workers can beat time and hum as they try to accelerate production?' What could be more degrading to such an artist than his humble avowal at the Scientific and Cultural Conference that 'I know the [Communist] Party is right?'

In light of his obvious support for "suspect" organizations and his ever-

increasing fame, it is interesting that Bernstein was never called to testify before

either HUAC or Joseph McCarthy's Senate Committee on Investigations.

Certainly his name came up during testimony heard by both committees. Vivian

Perlis notes speculation that McCarthy's main concern in questioning Copland was

to gather evidence against Bernstein.9

Bernstein was discussed not by name but by an identifying number (5) by a

subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee chaired by John Rooney

(D-NY) (see Appendix E).10 The committee was hearing testimony regarding

State Department expenditures for an Asian tour by the Symphony of the Air in

May and June of 1955 and the prospect of funding another tour by the Symphony

in 1956.11 A disgruntled Symphony member had provided a list of some 30

9 Copland and Perlis, 191.

10 Although the names behind the numbers are not given in the transcript, some names can be deduced from the information provided in the transcript. In the case of Bernstein, Joan Peyser also corroborates that he was designated as "number 5."

11 As will be discussed in Chapter 6, the Symphony was denied visas to tour Asia because of alleged communists in the orchestra.

57

"leftist" orchestra members, and Rooney felt the public was "entitled to know the

type of people that make up an orchestra that goes abroad at a cost to the

taxpayers of this country of a quarter million dollars." Bernstein did not

accompany the orchestra on the tour but was an occasional conductor of this

largely freelance group and thus a peripheral target of Rooney's investigation.12

Mr. Rooney. What does the record indicate with regard to No. 5? Mr. Flinn.[Director, Office of Security] He did not go on this tour. Mr. Rooney. Yes, but we should have his background in view of the fact that he has been the conductor of this orchestra at various times. Mr. Flinn. It is very lengthy. Mr. Rooney. Very well, please proceed. Mr. Flinn. There is considerable information on No. 5. He has been described by the former research director for the House Committee on Un-American Activities as a "confirmed fellow traveler, whose sympathies are definitely pro-Soviet." It is further stated that some of the organizations which No. 5 has sponsored and lent his name to are considered definitely dangerous because of their close control by the Communist element.

In 1948 two individuals associated with the World Telegram described No. 5 as a habitual joiner of fellow traveler Communist-front organizations, most of which they considered fairly dangerous organizations and veiy closely connected with the Communist Party. These individuals did not know No. 5 as an actual member of the party but stated his political leanings are "away over for the Soviet Government." An informant of known reliability stated that in 1945 when the Committee to Aid Ben Davis was being considered, both Ben Davis and Jack Stachel described No. 5 as an adherent to the Communist Party.

Alexander Trachtenberg and V.J. Jerome reportedly also described No. 5 as a Communist. According to Stachel, No.

12 Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, House of Representatives. 84th Congress, Second Session. March 14, 1956.

58

5 allegedly agreed to submit to Communist discipline. Davis, Trachtenberg, and Stachel were high officials of the Communist Party and were tried and convicted under the Smith Act.

It will be noted that the informant in this regard stated that he had no direct personal knowledge of the facts set forth immediately above.

In 1948 a confidential source of known reliability advised that No. 5 was one of the individuals listed to be developed as a contact by a foreign government. Mr. Rooney. Of the Soviet bloc? Mr. Flinn. That is correct. Mr. Rooney. Instead of government, let's make it the consulate general of a Soviet satellite country. Mr. Flinn. Another confidential source of known reliability advised that in 1948 in a certain labor union No. 5 was regarded as one of a group who were leftwing in their thinking and possibly sympathetic to the Communist line. Various records reflect that No. 5 was an official of the following organizations in the late 1940's, as indicated-and may I supply the list?

(The list of affiliations that follows are those in House Report No. 1954

(see Appendix B)). It was fortunate for Bernstein that the Appropriations

Committee, unlike HUAC, protected the identities of those being discussed; it no

doubt saved him from considerable public backlash and most probably a HUAC

hearing.

Bernstein aligned himself with two projects whose principals saw them as

directly relating to the activities of both HUAC and McCarthy. Director Elia

Kazan had implicated playwright Arthur Miller in his testimony to HUAC. His

movie On the Waterfront was seen as a counterpart to Miller's play The Crucible

and features a protagonist who rats on his brother because it is the morally right

59

thing to do.13 Bernstein's score for On the Waterfront is the only music he wrote

directly for the movies. His opera Candide was written in collaboration with

Lillian Hellman, conspicuous at the time for her appearance before HUAC. The

motivating force behind his decision to do the project was the chance to make "a

political comment in the aftermath of Joe McCarthy."14 The impact of the

McCarthy era on Bernstein was evident as late as 1988, when in a letter to the

editor of The New York Times, he describes the McCarthy period as the time

when the United States was closest to tyranny.15

. . . [EJven more hateful and infinitely more dangerous, was the rise of McCarthyism in the 50's~a rise so steady and so strong that only a prolonged television hearing could expose the despicable junior Senator from Wisconsin for the power-greedy psychopath he was. This is arguably the closest we have come to tyranny.

Bernstein had met Hellman through Marc Blitzstein in 1949.16 Blitzstein,

a Communist Party member from 1938 to 1949, was not called to testify before

HUAC until May of 1958. By the late 1950s, the committee was running out of

names and had to scramble to find new witnesses who would bring front-page

headlines.17 Blitzstein testified during a closed executive session of the

committee chaired by Representative Moulder (R-MO) and held at the Federal

13 Peyser, 225.

14 Peyser, 247.

15 New York Times, 30 Oct. 1989, IV, 25:3.

16 Peyser, 247.

17 Gordon, 440.

60

Courthouse at Foley Square in New York City.18 (Because Blitzstein's testimony

was given in executive session it is not available in the transcribed hearings of

HUAC). Blitzstein's biographer, Eric Gordon, relates that Blitzstein did not take

the Fifth Amendment, but read a prepared statement and admitted being a

member of the Communist Party from 1938 until 1949. He did not, however,

reveal the names of anyone else or render information about his activities in the

Communist Party. Blitzstein was called to testify again, this time in a public

hearing scheduled for late June, but was never summoned to the stand.19

Blitzstein had been under investigation by the FBI for almost 20 years

before his testimony before HUAC. His voluminous FBI file begins with a letter

from J. Edgar Hoover to the New York Special Agent in Charge (SAC)

requesting Blitzstein's address and any pertinent information that would "reflect

on the advisability of considering him for custodial detention in event of a

national emergency."20 In May of 1943 Hoover, in a letter to L.M.C. Smith,

Chief of the Special Defense Unit (Department of Justice), again recommends

that Blitzstein be "considered for custodial detention in the event in the event of a

national emergency."21 Blitzstein was eventually placed in a classification for

"individuals believed to be somewhat less dangerous but whose activities should

18 Gordon, 440.

19 Gordon, 441.

20 J. Edgar Hoover to SAC [Special Agent in Charge], New York, November 8, 1940, FBI#100-4753-l.

21 Hoover to L.M.C. Smith, May 23, 1941, FBI# 100-4753-9.

61

be restricted" in the event of war.22 From 1940 through 1943, Blitzstein's file

documents his current addresses, gradually more descriptive profiles, and fairly

detailed accounts of the organizations and petitions to which Blitzstein lent his

name. The file even includes a synopsis and partial libretto of Blitzstein's opera

No For An Answer which SAC E.E. Kuhnel of the Memphis office termed

"Communistic propaganda."23

Blitzstein entered the military in 1942 and a corresponding gap in his FBI

file occurs until his honorable discharge in 1945. Blitzstein served in the Eighth

Army Air Force as an entertainment specialist, to which end he conducted the

United States Army Negro Chorus and directed music in an American

broadcasting station in Europe. His most important duty in the service came with

a commission to write a symphony dedicated to the efforts of the Air Force pilots.

The result was the Airborne Symphony, a three movement work with soloists and

chorus which was not premiered until 1946, after he had left the service.

When the FBI caught up with Blitzstein after his discharge, they began

noting a Veteran's Administration report that Blitzstein had been treated for a

psychoneurotic condition" characterized by creative blockages, depression, and

suicidal tendencies. This condition was cited in a memo as a reason to use "two

mature and experienced agents" in interviewing Blitzstein and that "every caution

In 1943 the U.S. Attorney General ruled that the classification system set up by the Special Defense Unit was "inherently unreliable" and that the classifications should not be used for any purpose.

23 SAC Kuhnel to Director, FBI, May 23, 1941, FBI#100-4753-8.

62

should be exercised in order to preclude embarrassment to the Bureau."24

The FBI kept tabs on Blitzstein until his death in Martinique in January of

1964 with the last major investigation concerning Blitzstein's commission by the

Ford Foundation in 1960 to do an opera based on the Sacco-Vanzetti execution.

The government investigations of Blitzstein did not seem to have an overt impact

on Blitzstein's professional life but more subtle undercurrents were felt in various

productions in which he was involved. A case in point was the summer of 1958

when he was engaged to provide incidental music for several Shakespearean

productions in Stratford, Connecticut.

. . . [T]he HUAC episode was not quite over. In the light of HUAC's attentions focused on Stratford's personnel, frightened members of the festival board sought Bernard Gersten's dismissal. No doubt they would have sought Blitzstein's replacement as well had he been mentioned in the press as a noncooperator. Their concerns rose when local anti-Communists took to picketing performances at the theatre . . . . After a few days, the pickets tired of their harassment and stayed home. The nervous board members, however, sought to protect their future political and banking connections, and several of them resigned. In their wake, they left a financial hole the festival world would struggle for years to fill.25

Aaron Copland was very aware of how great an impact his appearance

before Senator McCarthy could make.26 In the time just before his testimony

24 Director, FBI to SAC, New York, January 6, 1959. No document number.

25 Gordon, 442.

26 Copland's experiences during the McCarthy era are chronicled at some length in his autobiography, Copland Since 1943. In the chapter, "Interlude III," excerpts from his diary are given as is a partial stenographic transcript from his testimony before McCarthy. The records from the McCarthy hearings were sealed for 50 years

63

and for many years after, numerous organizations withdrew invitations for

Copland to give lectures and conduct performances of his works. Copland's

subpoena from McCarthy came on the heels of a controversial decision to remove

his A Lincoln Portrait from Eisenhower's 1953 Inaugural Concert. The objection

to programming A Lincoln Portrait came from Congressman Fred Busbey (R-IL)

who successfully protested the programming of the work to the concert committee

and then addressed Congress regarding the situation (see Appendix C).27

I do not question the authenticity of the words of the portrait, and as I have but a passing knowledge of music, I cannot and do not offer any comments on the quality of Mr. Copland's work. However, when I learned that this piece of music was to be played at the inaugural concert, I voiced my objections with all the vigor at my command. My objections were based on but one thing-the known record of Aaron Copland for activities, affiliations, and sympathies with and for causes that seemed to me more in the interest of an alien ideology than the things representative of Abraham Lincoln.

Congressman Busbey included for the Congressional Record, HUAC's file

on Copland which chronicles his activities from a petition he signed in October of

1936 protesting the ban of a Communist speech, through mentions of his name in

Eisler's testimony before HUAC in 1947. Oddly, no mention is made of the

Scientific and Cultural Conference and House Report No. 1954, listing some two

dozen additional suspect affiliations of Copland.

Busbey makes it clear in his address that this is very much a political

and are not, at this time, available to the public.

27 U.S. Congressional Record, Proceedings and Debates of the 83rd Congress, First Session. Appendix, Vol. 99, part 9, Jan. 3, 1953 to March 23, 1953.

64

matter-he pledges "everything in my power to keep the Republican administration

. . . from becoming tainted as was the Democratic Party." For his part, Copland,

though not apolitical, had never been a member of the Republican, Democratic,

or Communist Parties.28

Copland was also involved in an investigation by the State Department

which was, during this same period, "quietly combing music and musicians for

subversiveness in connection with composers or other musicians who in any way

are related to the agency's global information program."29 The International

Information Administration (HA) was responsible for sending music and records

to its affiliate libraries abroad. Along with George Gershwin, Leonard Bernstein,

Roger Sessions, Roy Harris, Randall Thompson, and Virgil Thomson, Copland

was included in a group whose works were to be excluded from export to IIA

libraries.30 The situation surrounding the IIA investigation brought about

something of an epiphany for one of its officials.31

In Washington, Martin Merson, an ex-Dixie Cup executive, tried to function as an official of the United States Information Administration. When the McCarthyite thrusts undermined the whole organization, Merson assumed that there must be something he could do to save the agency. He helped arrange a dinner meeting with Senator McCarthy, [Roy] Cohn, [G. David] Schine, and George Sokolsky, a pro-

28 Copland and Perlis, 185.

29 "Govt. Sifting Music Biz for Red Activities," Billboard 2 May 1953, 14.

30 "Music Pubs to Probe State Dept. Blacklist on Gershwin, Et A1" Variety 17 June 1953, 1.

31 Eric Goodman, The Crucial Decade (New York: Vintage, 1960), 259.

65

McCarthy columnist... . McCarthy was relaxed, jovial, and a bit puzzled why Merson was so exercised. Finally something brought a real reaction from McCarthy and his group. Cohn mentioned the composer Aaron Copland, whose music was used in overseas information programs. Sokolsky argued that the music should not be blacklisted and Cohn felt strongly that it should be banned. 'As I sat quietly listening to the Copland colloquy,' Merson remembered later, 'I was suddenly struck by the ludicrousness of the whole evening's performance. Cohn, Schine, McCarthy, Sokolsky, and for that matter the rest of us, meeting to discuss the manners and morals of our times. By whose appointments? By what rights?'

Earl Robinson (1910-1989) was a composer and songwriter who studied

composition under Aaron Copland in the 1930s, his prize for winning the

Downtown Music School's scholarship competition. Robinson is listed by Red

Channels as being affiliated with 17 subversive organizations with documentation

provided by a HUAC report appendix listing subversive organizations (see

Appendix A). For some inexplicable reason Robinson is not included in the

House Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace

although he belonged to several of the organizations listed, including: the League

of American Writers, Peoples Songs, Inc., National Council of American-Soviet

Friendship.

Robinson was called by HUAC on Thursday, April 11, 1957 to testify in

conjunction with its investigation of communism in the Metropolitan Music

School. The committee, however, dismissed the connection with the school in

only two questions and went on to question Robinson about his songs and

political affiliations.

66

Robinson proved to be a very belligerent witness. He called his

interrogators "an Un-American committee" before artificially correcting himself, a

slight not missed by Clyde Doyle (R-CA) who called Robinson on it.32

Mr. Doyle. Of course, I remember that you deliberately named this committee in your statement as an un-American committee. That is your appraisal of your committee of Congress that is before you, an un-American committee. You did it deliberately. And you haven't denied it. I have given you three chances to say it was a mistake, and you have not. Mr. Robinson. I corrected myself. Mr. Doyle. Yes; you did, deliberately. I noticed it. That is your appraisal of Congress.

He also criticized the Committee's research when they confused Robinson

with Paul Robeson and assigned the text of a song praising Stalin to him.

Mr. Arens. Now look at this article, if you please, Mr. Robeson-Mr. Robinson. Robinson is the name. Mr. Arens. Robinson? Mr. Robinson. R-o-b-i-n-s-o-n. Mr. Arens. Robeson recited. I am in error. Robeson recited Earl Robinson's words and you are Earl Robinson are you not? Mr. Robinson. That is right. Mr. Arens. Were you in attendance when Robeson recited the words of yourself:

Sleep well, beloved comrade; we pledge our bodies now. The fight will go on; the fight will go on until we win.

Now look at that article, if you will, sir, and tell this committee whether those are the words of you, Earl Robinson, that are quoted by Robeson?

32 Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc. and Related Fields. Hearings Before the Committee on Un-American Acticities, House of Representatives. 85th Congress, First Session. April 9 and 10, 1957.

67

(Witness conferred with his counsel.) Mr. Robinson. What is the question please? Mr. Arens. Did you write the words that are quoted here? Mr. Robinson. No. Mr. Arens. Were you in attendance at that meeting. Mr. Robinson. I don't remember. Mr. Doyle. What year was that? How long ago? Mr. Robinson. It says March 30, 1953. Mr. Doyle. It is not very long for a man of your brilliancy to remember whether or not you were present. Mr. Robinson. I really don't remember. I think probably I wasn't. If this was quoting words of something that I never even wrote-first of all, I usually don't write words, I write music-it is poor research.

On the important question of membership in the Communist Party,

Robinson chose not the First or Fifth Amendments, but the entire Constitution as

grounds for his refusal to answer. Members of the Committee also took great

exception to Robinson's use of his counsel, Martin Popper.

Mr. Robinson. I simply wanted to make the point that I am not just trying to cloak myself in the Constitution, as has been sometimes said in front of these committees; but I feel that what I am doing is the same thing as President Eisenhower-and eveiy President before him has done when they are sworn into office-when he said, "I swear to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States." I feel this is what I am doing in now relying on the Constitution in refusing to answer this kind of question, which I feel invades, which moves into fields that bring me into disrepute, try to make me look like a subversive when I am not, when I am deeply American. So I will decline to answer. Mr. Moulder. You decline to answer that, claiming your privilege under the first and fifth amendments of the Constitution? Mr. Robinson. All the amendments, all the Constitution; every one. Mr. Moulder. Now tell the committee the answer to this question, in view of your great championship of the

68

Constitution: Did you join an organization dedicated to the destruction of the Constitution of the United States? (The witness conferred with counsel.) Mr. Robinson. No; not to my knowledge; I never did. Mr. Arens. Did you join the Communist Party? (The witness conferred with counsel.) Mr. Arens. I respectfully suggest that counsel be admonished that his sole and exclusive prerogative is to advise the witness of his constitutional rights, because I distinctly overheard counsel now telling the witness what to say. Now, sir, kindly tell the committee: Did you join the Communist Party? Mr. Moulder. Counsel has the right of advising and conferring with the witness under the rules of the committee. Mr. Popper. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Frazier. The counsel did speak out so that everybody in the courtroom heard it. Mr. Arens. I heard the counsel give him the answer to say just then. Mr. Frazier. And the witness put it in verbatim, word for word.

Mr. Moulder. It is very difficult to draw a line, when you are advising your client concerning testimony whether you are trying to put answers into his mouth or not. Proceed. Mr. Arens. Did you join the Communist Party? Mr. Robinson. I clearly am not going to answer this kind of question, under the same grounds as I said before.

Robinson escaped the environs of HUAC without any kind of contempt

charges or censure and continued to be a political activist until his death in 1989.

He will probably be best remembered for his "Ballad of Joe Hill," a song which

became a rallying cry for the working classes (see Fig. 4).33

I dreamed I saw Joe Hill last night, Alive as you and me. Says I, "But Joe you're ten years dead,"

33 Joe Hill was an union organizer and songwriter who was found guilty of murder in Salt Lake City and executed by a firing squad in 1919. The text of Robinson's ballad "Joe Hill" was by Alfred Hayes who also provided the text for Aaron Copland's prize winning composition "Into the Streets May First."

69

"I never died says he. "I never died," says he.

"In Salt Lake, Joe," says I to him Him standing by my bed, "They framed you on a murder charge," Says Joe, "But I ain't dead," Says Joe, "But I ain't dead."

"The copper bosses killed you, Joe, They shot you, Joe," says I. "Takes more than guns to kill a man," Says Joe, "I didn't die," Says Joe, "I didn't die."

And standing their as big as life And smiling with his eyes, Joe says, "What they forgot to kill Went on to organize, Went on to organzie."

"Joe Hill ain't dead," he says to me, "Joe Hill ain't never died. Where working men are out on strike Joe Hill is at their side, Joe Hill is at their side."

From San Diego up to Maine, In every mine and mill, Where workers strike and organize," Says he, "You'll find Joe Hill," Says he, "You'll find Joe Hill."

It might also be recalled, with some irony, that it was Robinson who wrote

"Ballad for Americans," a song Paul Robeson immortalized, which was used as the

theme for the 1940 Republican convention. "Ballad for Americans," was originally

titled "The Ballad of Uncle Sam" and was from a revue Robinson had written in

1939 for the W.P.A., called Sing For Your Supper. In November of 1939,

70

Robinson and Robeson performed the number for a C.B.S. radio program called

"The Pursuit of Happiness" and received instant acclaim.34

Paul Robeson, the son of an ex-slave and an accomplished athlete, scholar,

actor, and singer, was frequently accompanied by Robinson on singing

engagements, many of which were concerts held at factories to encourage and

support union activities.35 Robeson was an ardent civil rights activist and his

outspoken criticisms of the United States government as well as his friendly

relationship with the Soviet Union led to the revocation of his passport in 1950 as

well as his blacklisting in the entertainment community. Robeson was involved in

a Supreme Court decision (along with Norman Mailer) that ruled passport seizure

on the basis of the beliefs and associations of applicants was illegal. When

Robeson's passport was returned to him in 1958 he moved to England and then to

East Germany. In ill health, he returned to the United States in 1963 and died in

New York City in 1976.

Robeson was not alone in having passport difficulties as a result of his

political affiliations. Charles Seeger, a member of the Composers Collective in

the 1930s, was chief of the music division of the Pan-American Union in the 1940s

34 Martin Bauml Duberman, Paul Robeson (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989), 236.

35 Robeson's professional and political activities are well-documented. Martin Bauml Duberman's biography (Alfred Knopf, 1989) is perhaps the most comprehensive source on Robeson's life. Philip Foner's Paul Robeson Speaks (Brunner/Mazel, 1978) contains most of Robeson's writings and speeches as well as his testimony before HUAC.

71

t Freelv

« / '

7 ^

1. I 2. "In

dreamed Salt

I Lake,

saw Joe",

Joe says

Hill I

last to

night, him,

A -Him

^~\ v mf

— *

TT f

¥ — i — 1 _

S&L

Ik 1 1 1 live as you and me. Says I, "But Joe youre ten years deaf,' "I stand-ing by my bed, "They framed you on a mur-der charge*; Says

i i ^—*r

-i—L r m

r U —

• *

I * * ' 1 nev - er died" says he. Joe, uBut I amt dead",

"1 nev - er died", says he. Says Joe, "But I ain't dead".

i w f • r r

•Sa. <Sa. *a. ^ <£a. - » • —

•2a. 'Sa. "Sa.

Fig. 4, "Joe Hill," Earl Robinson.

72

and 50s. Although he was never subpoened to appear before an investigative

body and was never informed that he might be the subject of an investigation, he

began to have problems with his passport in the early 1950s.36 In 1951 Seeger's

diplomatic passport was reduced to a regular passport. The following year his

passport was restricted to official travel and, in 1953, his passport was revoked.

Seeger's work with the Pan-American Union came to abrupt end in 1953 and he

returned to university teaching, his extensive fieldwork in the music of Latin

America largely behind him.

36 Daid King Dunaway, How Can I Keep From Singing: Pete Seeger (New York:

McGraw-Hill, 1981), 166.

CHAPTER V

THE POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF JAZZ MUSICIANS AND POPULAR

RECORDING ARTISTS

Classical musicians were not the only targets of government investigations.

Popular recording artists, especially jazz musicians, often found themselves under

surveillance because of the procurement and use of drugs or associations with

figures in organized crime. A few garnered notice for their outspoken views on

civil rights. Like their classical peers, the activities of these musicians were

centered in the entertainment communities of the east and west coasts. They

were called to testify before HUAC hearings in Washington, New York, and Los

Angeles.

The popular music press seemed to embrace the fight against Communism

in its early addresses to the subject. A 1953 article by jazz authority Leonard

Feather in Downbeat Magazine opens with the lead "Here's bad news for the

Kremlin-music is fighting Communism!"1 Feather goes on to extol the

propaganda value of music, citing the Voice of America as a potent tool in the

war against Communism.2

1 Downbeat Magazine, 8 October 1953, 1.

2 Ibid., 19.

73

74

Thanks to the vast and unremitting onslaught of the Voice of America, music is helping all over the world, in the grim struggle for the survival of democracy.

Less than a year later, however, a much different voice was heard. In an

extremely satiric column entitled "How I caught music redhanded," S. Rosentwig

McSiegel calls for the organization of MIASMA (McSiegel Investigation of

American Subversive Musical Activities).3 McSiegel cites several musicians who

will automatically lose their union permits: Red Norvo, Red Mitchell, Red

Rodney, Red Nichols, Red Allen, and Red Buttons. Many big band leaders will

also find themselves in trouble according to MIASMA. McSiegel cites Woody

Herman's "Jump in the Line" as "a not-too-subtle attempt to corral converts for

the party." He notes that Stan Kenton has been called a "progressive" for years,

"always a euphemism for dangerous radical activity." Count Basie's "Red Bank

Boogie" was certainly "a flagrant plea for nationalization of our banks," and Benny

Goodman's "Down South Camp Meeting" was "clearly an invitation to a conclave

calculated to excite racial tensions in Dixie." As part of the MIASMA doctrine,

McSiegel calls for all songs to be sent to a MIASMA censorship bureau.4

Had this system been introduced years ago, we might have saved the public from being subverted by such dangerous doctrines as "Red Sails in the Sunset" (Where does he sail? Why did he wait until he could leave under cover of darkness?), "Red Cross" a barbarous assault on Christianity and George Washington's "Red White and Blue," in which

3 No doubt many of McSiegel's readers missed the significance of the acronym MIASMA, a word whose Greek derivation means to stain or pollute.

4 Downbeat Magazine, 15 July, 1953, 2.

75

with fiendish subtlety the true intent is covered up by the inclusion of two other colors; also "Pinky" (Why did Sarah Vaughn record this? what was Ethel Waters doing in that movie?), and "Pink Elephants" (where do they go for their sources of material, the Moscow Zoo?).

In the 1950s, civil rights activists were lumped into the "red" category by

reactionaries who considered any criticism of the government unpatriotic. Louis

Armstrong, known for years as the "Ambassador of Jazz," was the target of

anonymous letters sent to the FBI proclaiming him a Communist after Armstrong

responded in public to the disastrous 1957 attempt at desegregation in Little

Rock. Armstrong angered many with his comments to a reporter that Eisenhower

had "no guts" in his handling of the Little Rock situation and that Arkansas

Governor Orville Faubus was running the country.

Trumpet player Louis (Satchmo) Armstrong said last night he had given up plans for a Government-sponsored trip to the Soviet Union because "the way they are treating my people in the South, the Government can go to hell. Here [Grand Forks, ND] for a concert, Mr Armstrong said President Eisenhower had no guts and described Gov. Orval E. Faubus of Arkansas as an "uneducated plow boy." He said the President was "two-faced" and had allowed Governor Faubus to run the Federal Government. "It's getting so bad a colored man hasn't got any country," the Negro entertainer said.5

The State Department responded to Armstrong's comments and rejection

of the tour with the concern that "Soviet propagandists undoubtably would seize

on Armstrong's words."6 The University of Arkansas withdrew an invitation to

5 New York Tunes, 19 September 1957, 3:3.

6 Ibid.

76

Armstrong to perform on campus after his remarks were publicized and he was

criticized by fellow performer Sammy Davis, Jr. for speaking out against

segregation but continuing to play before segregated audiences.7 With the

exception of material from the 1950s concerning Little Rock, Armstrong's FBI file

is surprisingly vacant. His arrest and conviction on marijuana possession in 1930

is absent; so also is his written request to President Eisenhower that marijuana be

legalized. A reference to drug use in 1950 (Armstrong's temper was apparently

calmed by "a bottle of scotch or a couple of reefers") is not followed up and, in

fact, a patronizing summary of Armstrong's file from 1964 "indicates that

Armstrong's life is a good argument against the theory that Negroes are inferior."

If Armstrong's treatment was relatively gentle, Hazel Scott Powell's was

downright deferential. Powell, a jazz pianist married to Congressman Adam

Clayton Powell, appeared voluntarily before HUAC in 1950. In deference to their

colleague, the Committee members allowed Powell to read a prepared statement

into the record, an unusual breach of HUAC etiquette.

Powell went before HUAC to explain her inclusion in Red Channels,

protest its publication and widespread acceptance, and defend the entertainment

community from unsubstantiated attacks and "red-baiting."8

7 James L. Collier, Louis Armstrong: An American Genius, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1983), 318.

8 Testimony of Hazel Scott Powell. Hearing Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives. 81st Congress, Second Session. September 22, 1950.

77

My appearance, as you know, is voluntary, and has at its purpose the proposal of positive methods by which to deal with Communists in the entertainment profession. In suggesting such methods, I want also to object to certain current destructive attacks on the profession as a whole, and incidentally want to clear the record of malicious charges that I am a Communist sympathizer.

The only argument Powell received from the Committee came from Rep.

Harrison who speculated that Red Channels did not need to atone for any errors

in its attributions if they were merely reprinting information found in official

government documents that were themselves inaccurate!

Joined on the pages of Red Channels was Powell's friend, singer and actress

Lena Home. Horne attributed her presence on the blacklist to civil rights

organizations she had belonged to (e.g., the Council for African Affairs), her

friendship with Paul Robeson, and her involvement as a fund raiser for the

Hollywood Independent Citizens Committee for the Arts, Sciences, and

Professions (HICCASP).9

As a result of her listing in Red Channels, Horne could not find work in

television in the 1950s until she was able to clear her name. An opportunity arose

when Ed Sullivan wanted to book her on his variety program. A meeting was

arranged for Horne with George Sokolsky, the political columnist and confidant of

Joseph McCarthy. Horne discussed with Sokolsky her past associations and "he

9 Lena Horne, and Richard Schickel, Lena. (London: Andre Deutsch, Ltd., 1966), 252.

78

took a paternalistic tone with me in the end, in effect absolving me of the sins of

my wayward youth."10

Home managed to keep something of a sense of humor through the period

and relates an anecdote that captures the often bizarre level to which Communist

fears stretched. Her agent, Ralph Harris, sat on a flight next to an Army colonel.

Both men were enroute from San Francisco to Los Angeles and both had just

seen Horne perform at the Fairmount in San Francisco.11

"She certainly is a fine entertainer," he said, "but you notice how these Communists work, the propaganda they get into their songs." "No, I didn't notice," Ralph said, all innocent. "That second song she sings-pure propaganda." "What do you mean?" Ralph asked. "Didn't you hear the line, 'Don't save your kisses, pass 'em around?" 'Yes." "Typical. Those Communists. Always talking about free love."

Like Lena Horne, Artie Shaw was an active member of HICCASP and it

was largely his association with this organization that caused him to be called to

testify before HUAC. In May of 1953 HUAC held hearings in New York City

regarding Communist activities in the area and Shaw was the first to be called to

testify. Shaw was an extremely cooperative witness and probably one of the most

contrite witnesses to come before HUAC. He acknowledged sponsorship of such

organizations as the World Peace Congress, the Scientific and Cultural

10 Ibid., 255.

11 Ibid.

79

Conference for World Peace, and the Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern

Policy and explained his screening process for the organizations.12

I have an idea that if you examine that letterhead you are bound to find some other names-names of other people-who couldn't possibly be Communists.

Shaw cooperated fully with the committee, answering questions to the best

of his ability and providing names when he could. He went along fully with every

committee suggestion that he had been "duped" by the Communists and was now

so "reformed" that he would not consider endorsing a "committee for personal

freedom" if there was one.

Mr. Clardy. What you are saying is you want us to believe that you were extremely naive, shall we say, at that time-Mr. Shaw. Well, I -Mr. Clardy (continuing). And didn't investigate thoroughly enough to understand what it was all about? Mr. Shaw. I investigated only to the extent of seeing people's names on there that I thought were perfectly all right, and that I still do in most cases think they are perfectly all right-and on the basis of that put my name on it.

Since then, I have never signed anything because, as I said earlier, I wouldn't sign anything today unless I had the advice of seven lawyers and the granting of permission or clearance by this committee. Mr. Clardy. I take it your wastebasket is your biggest file on these things like this, today? Mr. Shaw. Yes, sir; and it has been awfully full for three years now. Mr. Scherer. You realize, then, Mr. Shaw, you were thoroughly duped by the Communist group then, do you not? Mr. Shaw. In this Communist thing, I certainly was.

12 Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York Area Hearings of the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives. May 4 and May 6,

80

Mr. Scherer. Not this particular thing, but in all of these matters? Mr. Shaw. Yes, sir. If these things that I joined--in other words, if a committee for democracy is Communist inspired--was Communist inspired~I was a fool; I should not have signed it. Mr. Jackson. Democracy is not inspired, but the-Mr. Shaw. No; I say the committee for it. I am at a point today if someone says, "Here's a committee for personal freedom," I don't want any part of it. I don't know what these things mean any more.

Songwriter Jay Gorney also testified during the New York hearings.

Gorney, best remembered for his song "Brother Can You Spare a Dime," was

represented by Bella Abzug, who went on to become an outspoken New York

Congresswoman. Gorney made an impression on the committee by breaking out

in a song he had written that used the words of the First Amendment which he

eventually cited, along with the Fifth Amendment, in refusing to answer questions

regarding membership in the Communist Party.13

Mr. Gorney.... And, so, I remember setting the first amendment of the Constitution to a little childish tune, and I sort of sang it for him [Gorney's father] in trying to get him to memorize.

If you will forgive me. I would like to show you what I mean, because it has a pertinence in my further education. It went something like this [singing]:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion-

Mr. Tavenner. I thought you said you were not an actor. Mr. Gorney. Beg your pardon. I didn't mean~I am not an actor, believe me. I am tiying to be-

13 Ibid., 1370.

81

Mr. Tavenner. Well, it is rather unusual for a person to sing a song-Mr. Gorney. I understand. Mr. Tavenner (continuing). During the course-Mr. Gorney. Well, Mr. Tavenner, you have allowed other singers in this committee from time to time. They have sung long songs-trained pigeons, I call them-Mr. Velde. Mr. Witness-Mr. Gorney. And they have done quite a little singing. May I continue?

Mr. Scherer. Not with a song.

Gorney was dismissed soon after this exchange; in addition to serenading

the committee, he had attempted to engage committee member Clardy in

discussions of the University of Michigan which they both had attended, and no

doubt the committee was eager to get rid of him.

One of the most colorful figures to grace the HUAC hearing rooms was

Boris Mihailovich Morros, a Russian musician working in Hollywood who was

revealed as a United States counter-agent in the 1950s (Fig. 5). Morros,

described alternately as roly-poly and frenetic, cut quite a figure as he broke his

own story to the press just days before HUAC could claim him as a public

relations coup.

Boris Morros, born in St. Petersburg in 1895, was a child prodigy

performing on the cello as a concert artist by the age of eight. He studied with

Rimsky-Korsakov and became assistant director of the Imperial Opera House at

age 17 and later, served Czar Nicholas as director of all musical activities in the

Royal Palace. He was also noted as Piatigorsky's first cello teacher.

82

After coming to the United States in 1922, he immersed himself in jazz and

popular music. Following a stint as the music director at the Rivoli Theater in

New York, he became musical director for Paramount Pictures, writing film scores

for several hundred pictures as well as producing films such as Flying Deuces with

Laurel and Hardy, Carnegie Hall, and Tales of Manhattan. In 1936 he was

approached by a man who said he could arrange to get Morros' father out of the

Soviet Union. Morros balked but soon realized his father was a hostage whose

freedom depended on Morros providing the Soviets with information and

providing a "front" for others. The "front" was a record-publishing company co-

founded with Alfred Stern, a man Morros later implicated as a spy.

Apparently Morros was plagued by guilt and turned himself in to the FBI in

1947.14 The FBI provided information for Morros to pass along and Morros

made many contacts with Soviet spies working in the United States and

with those he met overseas on purported business trips. Morros' career as a

counter-spy ended on a visit to Munich in January in 1956. He received a cable

reading "Cinerama," prearranged code from the FBI telling Morros he was in

danger. Eight months after returning to the United States, Morros testified

before a Federal grand jury and helped the jury return indictments against Jack

and Myra Soble, Jacob Albam, and George and Jane Zlavotski.

14 Morros first claimed in 1957 that he was approached by the Soviets to spy for them in 1945 and went immediately to the FBI and agreed to work as a double agent. In his autobiography (My Ten Years as a Counterspy, Viking Press, 1959) Morros indicates that he was contacted and worked for the Soviets many years before going to the FBI.

83

But perhaps the most intriguing indictment handed down as a result of

Morros' testimony was that of Martha Dodd Stern. Stem was the daughter of

William E. Dodd, United States Ambassador to Germany from 1933 until 1938.

Stern's husband was also indicted; he had been an associate of Morros in the

music publishing business. It was Mrs. Stern who caused one of Morros' closest

shaves as a spy~Morros was in Moscow conferring with the Russian secret police

when a report came from Mrs. Stern indicating her suspicions of Morros. Morros

managed to talk his way out of the situation, claiming that the woman was jealous.

Stern's indictment was front-page news and such a major story that more

than one investigative body tried to claim it as their own. When United States

Attorney Paul Williams announced the Sterns' indictment for espionage, he made

it clear that the indictment was not based on any information uncovered by

HUAC.15 HUAC had previously scooped the Senate Internal Security

Subcommittee by taking Morros' testimony first in executive session and

uncovering the Stern relationship. But in the end it was Morros who ruled the

media with his telling and retelling of events in magazines, television shows, and,

eventually, a book.16

15 The New York Times, 10 September 1957, 21:2.

16 Goodman, 405.

84

Th# J»rw V*rt Tu»*«

BorU Morrow relate* hN experience* a« a T. S. rounter-e*|»lonaite a c m t at th* Federal Courthouse, Kolry Squarr .

Fig. 5, Boris Morros, New York Times 13 August 1957, 1.

85

Pete Seeger, son of Charles Seeger, and a folk singer/songwriter, was

called to testify before HUAC in August of 1955.17 Seeger, a longtime social

activist, is listed in Red Channels with 15 "subversive" affiliations ranging from

performing at a Wallace campaign rally to providing entertainment at a "Stop

Rankin" meeting (see Appendix A).

After deliberating over which amendment to cite, Seeger chose the First

Amendment, knowing it would prolong his ordeal and cause a lengthy and costly

court battle. He was, however, convinced of the importance of arguing the

propriety of the committee and knew in that good conscience the Fifth

Amendment would only be a temporary relief.

As he expected, Seeger was cited and convicted of Contempt of Congress

and sentenced to one year in jail. (The court decision was overturned in 1962 and

Seeger never served jail time.) He was effectively blacklisted from 1950 and 1967

as was his group "The Weavers."18 The Weavers were organized in 1949 and

included Seeger, Ronnie Gilbert, Fred Hellerman, and Lee Hays and had the

distinction of being the "first group canceled out of a New York cafe because of

leftist affiliations."19

17 The account of Seeger's testimony before HUAC as well as his political affiliations is given in David Dunaway's biography How Can 1 Keep from Singing: Pete Seeger (McGraw-Hill, 1981).

18 A documentary about the Weavers, "Wasn't that a time," is available on videotape through UA/MGM (1984).

19 Dunaway, 153.

CHAFFER VI

GOVERNMENT INVESTIGATIONS OF LARGE

MUSICAL ORGANIZATIONS

In May of 1950, a brief paragraph in the 'Comment' section of Music News

anticipated the future for many large music organizations. Max Mandel, a

violinist with the Pittsburgh Symphony, was implicated as a Communist by an FBI

agent during testimony before HUAC. On the basis of this testimony and

seemingly without due process, Mandel was dropped from the membership rolls of

Local 60 of the American Federation of Musicians, which effectively terminated

his relationship with the Symphony. The Music News cited this case as the first

time a musician had been fired from his position for allegedly being a Communist

and gave stern warning for the implications this action held for the future.1

We register this case to show the close connection which has developed between the arts and politics, whether we like it or not. Obviously, Mr. Mandel's competence was not an issue; if anything, it was his alleged extra-curricular activity which led to his dismissal. If you are sensitive with regard to civil rights, you won't like such a summary firing that has nothing to do with a man's ability or character; whether in the present case there was an overriding public interest which required the action we are unable to judge.

The effect of the anti-Communist movement was not limited to individuals

within large organizations; the organizations themselves were scrutinized with

1 Music News, May 1950, 11.

86

87

regard to travel activities, productions, and personnel. In New York, an entire

music school was investigated; in Los Angeles, some 35 local musicians.

Nor did the scrutiny of musicians stop at the United States borders;

Canadian officials picked up the scent of the Communist hunt and went tracking

through their own ranks. So keen was the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation to

remove all hints of Communist sympathy that in 1952 it canceled a production of

the Rimsky-Korsakov opera May Time, already two weeks into rehearsals and set

for a regularly scheduled television broadcast. The production, which featured the

Toronto Symphony, a mixed chorus, and soloists, had been presented by the BBC

in 1951. Officials canceled the production "when they learned that the program

was being taken advantage of by the Communists to use this means of advancing

the idea of Russian-Ukrainian unanimity."2 The production was replaced by a

performance of music by Elgar.

The Toronto Symphony had figured in another controversy the previous

year when several of its members were denied entry into the U.S. for a concert

and were subsequently fired by the Symphony. In preparation for its November

tour in the United States, the Toronto Symphony had submitted a list of its

members to U.S. immigration for the purpose of screening visas. Six members of

the 94 member orchestra were refused entry on the grounds that they were

subversives and then dismissed by the Symphony. A controversy ensued during

which two board members resigned out of protest for the firings and the Canadian

2 Variety, 28 May 1952, 2.

88

Musicians' Union refused to come to the aid of the six musicians. Numerous

letters and advertisements sprang up in support of the musicians whom some

called victims of the "American dictatorship of Canadian [sic] and breach of civil

liberties."3 A final appeal to the executive board of the American Federation of

Labor Musicians' Union was rejected and the matter closed.

The Symphony of the Air found itself in the opposite position in 1956 when

it could not get all of its members out of the country for a Near East tour. On

March 23, 1956, the State Department announced that it had canceled a second

Symphony of the Air overseas tour after testimony had been given before a

subcommittee of the House Appropriations Committee that as many as 30

Symphony members were suspected of being Communists or Communist

sympathizers. The action generated a tremendous outcry; editorials in the New

York Times, New York Post, and New York World Telegram mentioned the success

of the previous year's overseas tour for winning goodwill for America and labeled

the charges unsubstantiated.

The week following the cancellation, orchestra executives had a meeting

with State Department officials who declined to reinstate the tour and also cited

two new reasons for canceling the tour: the difficulty in making arrangements for

concert facilities and tense "feelings in areas of the Near East."4

3 Variety, 8 October 1952, 55.

4 Variety, 4 April 1956, 60.

89

The problems of the Symphony of the Air resurfaced in 1957 during

HUAC's investigation of the Metropolitan School of Music. Several members of

the Symphony of the Air were also on the faculty or served as sponsors of the

Metropolitan School of Music and were consequently asked questions regarding

both organizations.

The most notable of these musicians was David Walter, chairman of the

Symphony's board and, briefly, a double bass instructor at the music school. It

was apparent at the outset of Walter's testimony that the committee was much

more interested in his relationship to the Symphony of the Air than any

information he might have concerning the School of Music.

To the requisite questions regarding Communist Party membership, Walter

answered that he was not a Communist and cited both the First and Fifth

amendments when questioned about the party membership of others. Walter was

grilled on two main areas by the committee: the anti-Communist resolution

proposed by a Symphony member named William Dora and the subsequent

dismissal of Dora by the orchestra.

Dora, a percussionist with the Symphony, proposed in 1956 a resolution

that stated:

The Symphony of the Air or its officers shall not suffer a known Communist, Nazist [sic], or Fascist to be a member of our Orchestra. Registration in the Communist, Nazist, or Fascist party or membership in Communist "Front" organizations shall be deemed sufficient cause for the expulsion of any member. . .

90

Walter objected to the resolution on the grounds that it "violated a whole

precept that we have lived under as musicians, namely, that you are chosen to

play artistically in America for your artistic integrity and artistic ability, rather

than for any other consideration." He nevertheless distributed copies to the

orchestra members, but the resolution was never voted upon.

In August of 1956, Dora and likeminded colleague Sam Borodkin were

notified of dismissal proceedings against them. The original grounds for dismissal

were "failure to maintain high artistic standards and musicianship" and "conduct

prejudicial to the best interests of the Foundation." (The charges were later

amended to include only the latter charge.)

Dora's concerns regarding possible Communists in the orchestra may have

been, in part, a smokescreen for his antipathy toward the rise of black musicians

in the orchestra. Louis Graeler, a violinist with the Symphony, testified that Dorn

had once walked out of a concert because there was a black musician in the

orchestra.

New York City hearings were conducted by HUAC in April of 1957 to

investigate the assertion that the Metropolitan Music School was controlled by

Communists (Fig. 6). (Certainly its immediate predecessor, the Downtown Music

School, was established with both the musical and political development of the

student in mind.) The Committee was assisted in its investigation by several

"friendly" witnesses including Leonard Cherlin, John Lautner, and Max Merlin, all

former Communist Party members.

91

T ? ° W u ° . INQUIRY: M l - IM\, T.PP,t. Wit. . , < Dr. m ' Riff g»r >**»• 1 . ft Cevrt l tot i* k m i f W rtfefttaf U dUntM p**t nr p r o f i t tie* t* r«wm««l«^ pmrtT. Th#7 »pt r**p*rt4%tlr tfir*rt«ir mi* prt«J*«aWivitrifc»t «f tit* MMro-pil lUa H i d e Srfciwl. Nte« «tfa?r J N T M M S f r*«i th« K - h o o l » | M r»FV*tf to M«WRR qwr(«i .

Fig. 6, Wallingford Riegger, Lillian Popper, New York Times, 10 April 1957.

92

At the outset of the hearings, Morgan Moulder read a statement into the

record which provide the raison d'etre of the investigations into the Metropolitan

School of Music. In the statement, Moulder reflected the committee's concerns

over the simultaneous influence of the Communist Party on cultural affairs and

young students at the school of music. He also warned about the danger of the

United States subsidizing the travel of potentially subversive musical groups as

well as the overall impact a Communist musician might have.5

Several worldwide tours in which they have participated have, in fact, been almost fully paid for by the taxpayers of the United States. Their Communist affiliations have consequently become a matter of deep concern to the Congress of the United States, and it is clear that ways must be found to deprive Communist-controlled organizations of the actual or implied support of the American Government.

Now, of course, we are not worried about communizing Beethoven and Bach, and we do not feel that the performance of a concerto by a Communist is in itself subversive. But we do feel that the presence of the activities of Communists, of persons loyal to the international conspiratorial apparatus in the Soviet Union, do constitute a subversive threat regardless of the profession in which these persons are engaged.

The Communist musician, Communist lawyer, the Communist teacher, all stand forth as a danger to a free society for the one reason alone, that they are Communists and that, as Communists, they will utilize their professions in whatever way possible to further the interests of the alien conspiracy to which they belong.

5 Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc. and Related Fields. Hearings Before the House Committee on Un-American Activities 85th Congress, First Session. April 9 and 10, 1957.

93

The committee heard many witnesses but perhaps none more eminent than

the President Emeritus of the school, Wallingford Riegger. Riegger was identified

as a Communist by John Lautner, a self-described "government consultant on

Communism" who was a Communist Party functionary from 1930 to 1950.

Lautner claimed to have known Riegger during the years 1933 to 1936 when they

had met at party meetings in New York City. Riegger's counsel, Leonard Boudin,

attempted to cross-examine Lautner but was prohibited "under the rules of the

committee."

When the committee asked Riegger whether or not he was or had ever

been a member of the Communist Party, he asked to read a statement that

questioned the jurisdiction of the committee. His request was denied but in

ultimately answering the question, Riegger raised the question of constitutionality.

Mr. Riegger. I respectfully decline to answer on the following grounds: The first amendment of the Constitution of the United States reads, in part, as follows: Congress shall make no law abridging the freedom of speech or of the press or of the right of the people peaceably to assemble. The House Committee on Un-American Activities by its actions contravenes both the spirit and the letter of this amendment. The fact that Congress has legislated this committee into existence by no means justifies the committee's unconstitutional procedures. As an American, I would fear the loss of my self respect were I to submit to its interrogatories.

The committee got very little information out of Riegger; he cited the First

Amendment in refusing to answer any questions. Committee members soon

became irritated with Riegger's lack of cooperation and engaged in some sarcastic

sniping.

94

Mr. Moulder. You are advised by the Committee that we do not accept that as a proper response to the question which was propounded to you as to where and when you were born. Therefore, you are again ordered and directed to answer the question propounded by Counsel as to where and when you were born. Mr. Riegger. I am sorry that you don't regard that as adequate. I will simply repeat what I said before, if you wish me to read this all over again. Mr. Doyle. May I just observe this to you, Mr. Witness. You are not being smart when you are doing this. It is not being smart. Mr. Riegger. I am simply asserting my rights. Mr. Doyle. It is not smart at all. I want to say, Mr. Chairman, that I think we are entitled to know whether or not this man is an American citizen. If he is, how did he come by it? Was he born in some foreign country? If he was, what country? Mr. Kearney. Facetiously, Mr. Chairman, I think we are entitled to an answer to the question as to whether he was born or not. Mr. Doyle. Of course, under the first amendment, it might incriminate him, according to his pleading.

Riegger's appearance before the committee was chronicled in a New York

Post column by Murray Kempton.6

Wallingford Riegger belongs among our few serious composers of substance, somewhere by himself with Roger Sessions . . . He is a composer of monumental integrity, he went on in his grain during the most savage period of Soviet attacks on the bourgeois formalism of music like his. He was not so much resistent as inattentive to the aesthetic theories of Andrei Zhadadov [sic]; and this is the man the Un-American Committee presents to us as submissive to Communist agitation.

6 Richard Franko Goldman, "Wallingford Riegger," HiFi/Stereo Review (April 1968, 20:4), 63, citing Murray Kempton, New York Post, 10 April 1957.

95

Wallinford Riegger, by the way, spit in the committee's eye with an elderly grace which would have suited Bach better in his relations with the Margrave of Brandenberg. "As an American," he said, "I fear the loss of my self-respect if I answered you." Riegger was standing on the First Amendment alone; the committee told him that he wasn't "being very smart." This means that he could expect to go to jail, and that is perhaps not very smart. It is, however, in the lonely, noble tradition of this old man's life.

The witness following Riegger did nothing to improve the committee's

disposition. Robert Claiborne, a New York musician and songwriter, was called

to testify as a member of the faculty and board of directors at the Metropolitan

Music School. Claiborne answered questions much more freely than did Riegger

and admitted membership in the Communist Party or, as he put it, to not having

been a member of the Communist Party "for not less than three, or more than

five, years. . . . "

The committee was most interested in songs Claiborne had written in the

1940s, one of which was colorfully titled "The Gol-dern Red."

Mr. Arens. Now, do you recall authoring a song called The Gol-dern Red? Mr. Claiborne. You are not going to tell me that this Committee is going to investigate songs? Mr. Arens. Would you kindly answer the question? Do you recall authoring a song called The Gol-dern Red? Mr. Claiborne. Yes; certainly I recall. Mr. Arens. I should like-Mr. Claiborne. This song was directed, as a matter of fact, against investigations such as this—if I may anticipate your next question-as contrary to the Constitution. Mr. Arens. It was a song that was directed against the Committee on Un-American Activities, was it not? Mr. Claiborne. Among others. Mr. Arens. The song reads as follows:

96

I went up to my boss one day to ask him for a raise. He wept and said he didn't have the dough. Well, I knew for all his crying that that plutocrat was lying, And that's just what I told the So—and—so.

And what d'ya think he said? 'Why, you're nothing but a gol-dern Red (straight from Russia). You're nothing but a gol-dern Red. Yes; and if the truth be told, you're receiving Moscow gold. Yes; you're nothing but a gol-dern Red.'

After the fourth and final day of testimony, Moulder summarized the

proceedings much in the way he had at the beginning.

How serious is the situation which has been revealed to exist?

Here we have a Communist-controlled school, offering a haven for Communist instructors, who are regularly being brought in contact with substantial numbers of students whom they can directly or indirectly influence. That they would try to influence the students toward communism, we do not doubt. The extent of such influence, no one but the principals involved can know.

The hearings have produced testimony in which we see revealed the techniques employed by Communists to use music and art as weapons in the ideological battle of the godless slavery of communism against our Christian civilization.

The previous year, in April of 1956, the committee held hearings which

focused on musicians allegedly belonging to the Hollywood branch of the

Communist Party; 35 members of American Federation of Musicians' Local 47

were subpoened. The Committee was especially interested in musicians' ties to

the Independent Progressive Party (IPP), a third political party which secured

enough petition signatures to get on the California ballot in 1948.

97

Consistent with previous hearings, the session began with a former member

of the Communist Party providing names of past associates whom the committee

would then call to defend themselves against the charges of the informant.

William Don Waddilove, a musician who acknowledged Party membership

between 1947 and 1948, named twenty musicians who he claimed were also Party

members during this same period. Albert and Katherine Glasser, Lewis Ellias,

Don Gottlieb, and Ramierz Idriss, all former Communist Party members,

provided names as well.

HUAC used Waddilove's testimony to implicate the IPP as a Communist

front; although Waddilove could only provide speculative answers, committee

members helped formulate Waddilove's answers by providing leading questions.

Mr. Tavenner. Were you, on your level in the Communist Party, advised why the Communist Party was taking an active part in getting the Independent Progressive Party on the ballot in California? Mr. Waddilove. I am not quite sure I know exactly what you mean. However, from an organizational standpoint, I suppose it was logical because of the organization already set up. Mr. Jackson. Were you ever told that the Independent Progressive Party offered the best vehicle for the advancement of the program of the Communist Party? Mr. Waddilove. No, not as such. Mr. Scherer. What did you understand to be the purpose of the Communist Party in infiltrating the Progressive Party? Why was it done? Mr. Waddilove. I would say, rather than infiltrate, I think it was spearheaded by the Communist Party. I don't think the Progressive Party would have reached a place on the ballot had it not been for the organization of the Communist Party behind it Mr. Scherer. Why did the Communist Party spearhead it? Mr. Waddilove. I am not so certain—

98

Mr. Scherer. Did the Communist Party feel that it had more chance of success by using the name Progressive Party rather than Communist Party? Mr. Waddilove. Undoubtably. Mr. Scherer. Was that the reason?

Mr. Waddilove. I would say that is a good reason.

The majority of the witnesses called during the hearings in Los Angeles

had registered with IPP in the June 1948 primary. Milton Kestenbaum, a witness

who described himself as a "blacklisted musician," asked the Committee if it was

subversive to register with a legal political party. He was told by Gordon Scherer

(R-OH) that "you have no right to ask counsel questions. You are here to

answer." Representative Clyde Doyle (D-CA) stepped in to assure that "it is

certainly not subversive or un-American to register with any legal political party in

California" and Morgan Moulder (D-MO) asserted that "it is a fundamental part

of our democratic process in this country to be actively a member of legitimate

political parties." However, on every occasion the committee submitted as

evidence of a witness' complicity as a Communist his registration in the IPP.

For the most part, the musicians called to testify were freelances, not

immediately attached to any organization. The most compelling feature of the

testimonies, is the degree to which witnesses argued the legality and the

constitutionality of the hearings.

Rubin Decker, a Yale trained violist, quoted a recent Supreme Court

decision in his appearance before the Committee. When asked if he was a

member of the Communist Party, Decker first stated that he believed the

99

Committee violated the freedoms of the First Amendment and then read the May

1955 decision of Quinn v. United States Government•?

The power to investigate, broad as it may be, is also subject to recognized limitations. It cannot be used to inquire into private affairs unrelated to a valid legislative purpose. Nor does it extend to an area in which Congress is forbidden to legislate. Similarly, the power to investigate must not be confused with any of the powers of law enforcement; those powers are assigned under our Constitution to the executive and the judiciary. Still further limitations on the power to investigate are found in the specific individual guarantees of the Bill of Rights.

Charles Doyle took great exception to the reference of the Quinn case in part

because Decker did not read the entire paragraph which went on to acknowledge

the need for Congressional investigations "relating to contemplated legislation,"

but also because of the erroneous assumption that Quinn had been a unanimous

decision by the Court.

At that point, Mr. Chairman, too, I think it is timely to call attention to the fact that there have been certain full-page advertisements by a certain committee [Citizens Committee to Preserve American Freedoms], and in all the advertisements it was stated that this decision, Quinn v. U.S. of America, was a unanimous decision. That statement is absolutely false, and I believe it was known to be false by these people who are circulating this bunkum about this committee. The fact is that there were two dissents from this decision. And yet in all of the testimony, in all of the circulars-and I have here a copy of a certain paper published April 12~it says: This usurption of power by the committee recently was denounced by the United States Supreme Court in a unanimous decision. It was not unanimous. It was, in my

7 Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles Area. Hearing Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives. 84th Congress, First Session, April 16, 1956.

100

judgement, a deliberate, false, and untrue statement for the purpose of prejudicing patriotic American citizens against a committee of the United States Congress.

Mr. Decker did not address the impact of the decision, i.e., the constitutionality of

congressional investigations without specific ties to pending legislation.

Witness Sidney Greene, a violinist with the New York Philharmonic, Los

Angeles Philharmonic, and the Metro-Goldwin-Mayer studios, cited another

Supreme Court case that addressed the pleading of the Fifth Amendment.

Mr. Greene. I am reading from the Herald-Examiner-Mr. Doyle. What date? What decision? Mr. Greene. The Slochower decision, Mr. Doyle. April 10, 1946. Mr. Doyle. That is the New York School case, April 9, 1956. Mr. Greene. That is right Mr. Doyle. Mr. Doyle. We are familiar with that decision. Mr. Greene. Mr Clark stated:

The privilege against self-incrimination would be reduced to a hollow mockery if its exercise could be taken as equivalent to a confession of guilt or a conclusive presumption of perjury. A witness may have a reasonable fear of prosecution and yet be innocent of any wrongdoing. The privilege serves to protect the innocent who otherwise might be ensnared by ambiguous circumstances.

Mr. Doyle. We agree with that. That is the law. But the rank and file of the Communist Party in California do not agree with that. They choose to disobey the pronouncements of the Supreme Court except when they choose to. Mr. Greene. I think the decision speaks for itself. Mr. Doyle. Sure it does. We agree with that. Mr. Scherer. I can't say that I agree with Mr. Justice Clark.

I will put myself on record.

Kalman Bloch, longtime clarinetist with the Los Angeles Philharmonic, had

the dubious distinction of being thrown out of the hearings along with his counsel,

101

Rose Rosenberg. When asked if he had been a member of the Communist Party,

Bloch cited the Fifth Amendment but was not allowed to his answer to his

satisfaction and his counsel tried to intervene on his behalf.

Mr. Bloch. I should like to say that this question, I think, implies that I am disloyal and not a trustworthy citizen. I would like to tell you about my long career as first clarinetist with the Philharmonic Orchestra. Not only my musicianship but my moral and ethical conduct, my loyalty, my feeling of cooperation in the group, my devotion not only to the music but to my colleagues were quite open for their appraisal, and I am sure that each colleague of mine would bear me out, would vouch for me in this, that I am a man, that I have always been devoted to music, I abhor violence and never in my life have I done anything I am ashamed of. I feel that the question is a dangerous one for me to answer. So I must rely on the fifth amendment which protects me against any prosecution. Mr. Moulder. You decline to answer, and as your reason for declining to answer, you claim the privilege under the fifth amendment. Is that right? (The witness confers with his counsel.) Mr. Bloch. Another really essential-Mr. Moulder. You did not answer. As I understand, you decline to answer the question propounded by claiming your protection provided by the fifth amendment. Mr. Bloch. Yes. May I take one minute to further complete the answer. Mr. Jackson. I am not quite clear. You have declined to answer on that ground. Is that correct? Mr. Bloch. I have declined. Mrs. Rosenberg. May he be permitted to complete his answer? He says he has not yet completed. Mr. Moulder. Hasn't he claimed the privilege? Mrs. Rosenberg. He has not completed his answer. May he do so, and give his grounds? Mr. Moulder. As I understand, the witness has claimed the privilege under the fifth amendment. That just about settles it. He declines to answer the question. Mrs. Rosenberg. It may settle it, if I may say so, in your mind. The witness would like to complete that answer,

102

Bloch was not permitted to elaborate on his answer and the committee moved on

to other questions. When Rosenberg intervened again on Bloch's behalf to

request that he be allowed to fully answer a question, she was told that if she

directly addressed the committee again she would be requested to leave. After

interceding one more time, Rosenberg was asked to leave. Bloch requested that

she be allowed to stay but was excused as well for "failure to abide by the

committee rules."

Before the hearings started and at several times throughout the

proceedings, members of the committee emphasized that their investigation was

not linked to trouble within Local 47 of the American Federation of Musicians.

Prior to the hearings, factional fighting had broken out in the union over policy,

and two men, Cecil Read and John Groen, were engaged in a battle for control.

Read was accused of attempting to seize control of the Local and "dual

unionism."8 Goodman, in his history of HUAC, contradicts the committee's claim

and asserts the hearings were "timed to assist the national union beat down the

rebels."9

The case of Max Mandel and the Pittsburgh Symphony did indeed prove to

be an ominous precursor to the political trials of musicians throughout the 1950s.

Even those musicians whose testimony consisted of a ten minute session before

8 "Dual unionism" is claimed when a labor union tries to assert its jurisdiction over workers organized by another union.

9 Goodman, 374.

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HUAC during which they cited the Fifth Amendment and were dismissed, could

count on being listed in AWARE or Red Channels, the major resource guides for

blacklisted. The Symphony of the Air, which protested so loudly over the

cancellation of its Near East tour, succumbed to political pressures and

announced that it had "made anyone who had invoked the Fifth Amendment

ineligible for its board of directors."10

10 Russell Porter, "Musician Asserts Reds Ruled Jobs," New York Times (12 April 1957), 20:1.

CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSIONS: MUSIC, MUSICIANS, AND POLITICS

Were the political trials of the late 1940s and 50s a major obstacle to the

free flow of musical creativity or simply a moral and legal nightmare for a few

unwilling participants? Had the musicians involved been active members of the

Communist Party and did their performances reflect seditious intent? What were

the musical repercussions or ramifications, if any, of government investigations

during this period?

It would be difficult to point to the era of HUAC and McCarthy and note

with any confidence a decline in the amount and quality of music published or a

diminished performance standard. Certainly many musicians were denied their

livelihoods, and there is no way to measure what creative impulses might have

been crushed by a subpoena or appearance before an investigative body.

It is one of the great ironies of the period in question that while the

United States warmly greeted the influx of musicians fleeing fascist oppression, a

small but significant cadre of musicians fled the United States for their own

political reasons. Some left to escape racial segregation and bigotry, others to

escape political oppression and possible retribution. While the critics of the

Soviet Union pointed to the Zhdanov decree of 1948 as an illustration of Soviet

interference with the creative process and freedom of expression, a more subtle

104

105

oppression was felt among certain musicians in the United States. Unlike the

Zhdanov decree which focused mainly on a composer's music and its technical

deficiencies, the focus in this country was the musician himself. Though some

HUAC hearings identified specific pieces of music as "un-American," most of the

investigations focused on the private life of the musician and his political

affiliations. Many musicians for whom an appearance before HUAC was

imminent and who did not want to face the Committee, McCarthy or the other

myriad of investigative bodies left the United States for Europe.

Dean Dixon was a Harlem born, Juilliard-educated conductor who became

the first Afro-American to direct the New York Philharmonic. He was also the

youngest person ever to conduct the Philadelphia Orchestra and was guest

conductor for the NBC Symphony Orchestra, and the Boston Symphony. Dixon

was an outspoken critic of the racial barriers that were faced by blacks, especially

those in the music world and he was an advocate for the promotion of black

orchestral musicians and the appreciation of classical music by blacks in general.

He founded the American Youth Orchestra in 1944 to give young black musicians

a place to learn the orchestral repertoire and hone their skills.

Dixon lent his name to numerous political organizations most of which

were linked to the advancement of civil rights. Dixon is pictured in the Life

Magazine photo gallery of "super dupes" (see Fig. 3), evidence of his active

participation in political causes. The same year the photo was printed, Dixon left

for Europe, going first to Paris as a guest conductor of the Radio Symphony

106

Orchestra and then to Sweden where he became the director of the Goteborg

Symphony. He became the director of the Hesse State Radio Orchestra in

Frankfurt from 1961-1975, concurrently serving as guest conductor of the Sydney

Symphony Orchestra in Australia.1

He returned to the United States in 1970 to conduct the New York

Philharmonic in its summer concert series but apparently was still bitter over his

treatment in the United States in his early years, as he remembered one occasion

when it was suggested he work in white face wearing white gloves.2 When Dixon

died in 1976 his New York Times obituary made reference to the fact that this was

still a man without a country as it proclaimed "Dean Dixon, 81 dies, Conductor in

Exile."3

Political problems were at the center of Larry Adler's decision to leave the

United States for Europe in 1951. Adler single-handedly elevated the harmonica

to concert status, a feat that no one before or after would duplicate. Composers

such as Ralph Vaughn Williams and Darius Milhaud wrote works for Adler and

he appeared on numerous concert stages. Adler's troubles began in 1948 when he

and dancer Paul Draper were engaged to perform in Greenwich, Connecticut.

Hester McCullough, a member of the Greenwich Community Concert

Association, returned her ticket and wrote a letter opposing the appearance of

1 New York Times, 5 November 1976, 22.

2 Ibid.

3 Ibid.

107

Adler, who had actively campaigned for Henry Wallace and whose name

appeared on sponsors' lists of alleged communist fronts. The letter wound up

reprinted in a society column written for the Hearst newspapers.

Mrs. McCullough quickly became a local celebrity and repeated her

charges that Adler and Draper were "pro-Communist" and "un-American." Adler

sued for libel after having hours of bookings canceled and performance contracts

withdrawn. The highly publicized trial ended in a hung jury but the damage to

Adler's career was considerable. The publicity surrounding the case was highly

unfavorable and as Adler put it, "the [resulting] blacklist was total."4 Adler left

for England in 1950 performing at, among other places, Royal Albert Hall for the

Promenade Concerts. In 1953, when he applied for a visa to perform in South

Africa he was told to turn in his passport. He apparently had been erroneously

implicated by a government informant as a Communist. This damaged Adler's

reputation still further and as he remembered in an 1975 article, caused him to

lose considerable professional recognition.

Remember the film "Genevieve?" I composed and played the music for that. Six weeks before it opened at the Sutton in New York a print was requested without my name. My music was nominated for an Oscar. As no composer's name was on the credits they nominated Muir Mathieson, who conducted the orchestra. I made the facts known to the Academy but no correction was made and my name never restored.5

4 Larry Adler, "My Life on the Blacklist," New York Times 15 June 1975, II, 19:3.

5 Ibid.

108

One of the most dramatic incursions of HUAC into a musician's life came

in 1956 when composer David Diamond was served a subpoena as he perfomed in

the orchestra of a Broadway show. Diamond had spent most of the early 1950s in

Italy after receiving an appointment as a Fulbright Professor at the University of

Rome. He stayed in Europe because of the McCarthy dominated political climate

in the United States until the mid-1950s.6 After his subpoena (he was never

called to testify) Diamond returned to Europe and settled in Florence and did not

return to the United States until 1965. In an interview shortly after his return

Diamond reflected on the political climate of the 1950s.

"I left for Europe in 1951, when all that McCarthy business was going on", he said. "Coming back now, I can reflect on how really dangerous collective persecution can be. Extremism is always possible within the democratic framework, and any kind is dangerous, especially in the arts. But it gets recognition, and the mass simply moves with it."7

The experiences of Dixon, Adler, and Diamond are not isolated examples;

they were duplicated many times over. The musicians who remained in this

country and who had past or present connections with groups deemed too left-

wing could not always be identified by their appearances before HUAC. Very

often political retribution for them came not in the overt cancellation of

performances or publishing contracts, but in the oppressive weight of not knowing

6 Joan Peyser, "A Composer Who Defies Categorization," New York Times 7 Julv 1985, II, 15:3. J

7 Richard Freed, "Music is Diamond's Best Friend," New York Times 22 August 1965, II, 11:2.

109

what might future actions might result because of their political views. This type

of "musical fallout" was much more far reaching and undoubtedly more

consequential to an entire generation of musicians even though it defies concrete

example. Perhaps, then, when assessing the "musical fallout" it is appropriate to

take a macroscopic rather than a microscopic view.

If a society is measured by its culture, what happens when that culture is

stifled? What price does society pay for what might or might never have been?

The social costs of what came to be called McCarthyism have yet to be computed. By conferring its prestige on the red hunt, the state did more than bring misery to the lives of hundreds of thousands of Communists, former Communists, fellow travelers, and unlucky liberals. It weakened American culture and it weakened itself.... Even if it were possible to disentangle the effects of the various elements in the McCarthy period-the informer system, Hollywood division, the blacklist system, the congressional investigations, the larger repression, the international cold war-the prospect of quantifying the social cost of any one of them is overwhelming.8

The social cost of a weakened culture cannot be measured in dollars; the

arts are not a major component of the Gross National Product. But the arts, like

freedom of speech and voting rights, are among the most tangible signs of a

democracy.

It should be said for mainstream and marginal artists alike (and yesterday's marginal has often turned out to be tomorrow's mainstream) that art cuts across all constituencies at all times. In its very diversity, its vast range of attitudes, art is a symbol of the democratic spirit. And it offers each

8 Victor S. Navasky, "Naming Names," American Film (November, 1980), 69.

110

citizen freedom of choice~to look, to turn away, to rail against.9

HUAC, however, did not respect that freedom of choice. The cliche of

music as a "universal language" was repeatedly voiced by HUAC members in

stressing the importance of their investigations, but when they assessed the

suitability of various lyrics and made judgements regarding the American, or more

usually, un-American qualities of a piece of music, they sought to limit its

universality and to define both art and audience.

It would be naive to dismiss as political waifs all the musicians who made

alliances with the Communist Party or supported "front" activities. Marc

Blitzstein, for example, was an extremely intelligent and energetic supporter of the

Communist Party who, unlike many party sympathizers, did not abandon his

beliefs with the signing of the Hitler-Stalin Pact in 1939.

The poet Delmore Schwartz, a Trotskyist, was also at Yaddo10, and Blitzstein nearly came to blows with him over politics. Marc argued with David Diamond incessantly and violently. Like many Jews both in and outside of the Party, Diamond could not stomach the German-Soviet treaty, and he disagreed with Marc's unqualified defense of Stalin. Marc tried to engage David's sympathy for the Soviet position, but David would not yield. Then Blitzstein baldly told him how ignorant of the world he was.11

Musicians shared a commodity attractive to the Communist Party-their

9 Steven Henry Madoff, "Shadowboxing with the Arts," ARTnews (September 1989, 58:7), 204.

10 Yaddo, an Artists' Colony and Music Festival in Saratoga Springs, New York, was established in 1924 on the 400 acre estate of Spencer Tash.

11 Gordon, 180.

I l l

access to large audiences and the ability to capture the imagination and emotion

of that audience. Alison Macleod, in a 1989 article in the London Daily

Telegraph, points to information gained through a Soviet defector to illustrate this

point.

On September 5, 1945, Igor Gouzenko, a cipher clerk with the Soviet Embassy in Ottawa, defected to the Canadians. The documents he took with him proved the existence of a Soviet spy network in Canada, the United States and Britain. Moreover, they showed that the NKVD (later to become the KGB) recruited its agents among people who thought they were attending harmless discussion groups or even groups for listening to music.12

The article also confirms that Soviet spies in the United States were not the

figments of an over-zealous right wing. Walter Goodman, in his 1968 history of

HUAC, warns of the dangers of minimalizing the presence of Communists in the

United States.

It is tempting, from a distance of three decades, to be patronizing about the political nightmares of the thirties, but in fact there were fascists in America and there were Communists, both groups at their peaks of strength and both possessed by dreams that could not thrive in our frustrating democracy.13

It is no small irony, however, that the investigations that created the "red

scare" found the fewest numbers. McCarthy's "Communists in the State

Department" failed to materialize in the numbers he quoted, and the allegations

12 Alison Macleod, "McCarthyism Manipulated," London Daily Telegraph (15 Januaiy 1989), 30.

13 Goodman, 12.

112

concerning Communists in the Army led to McCarthy's political demise. Larry

Ceplair suggests that in Hollywood less than 1% of the 30,000 workers at the

motion picture studios were members of the Communist Party and none had any

"power at all within movie studio walls."14 Even the most famous spy case and

conviction, that of Alger Hiss, now appears to have been a miscarriage of justice.

A Russian historian and military intelligence archivist, General Dmitri

Volkogonov released a statement in October of 1992 which said that there was no

evidence that Hiss had passed government secrets on to the Soviets.15 In a

lengthy article following his father's exoneration, Tony Hiss points out many of

the incongruities in the case against his father.16 The evidence against Alger

Hiss was provided almost solely by Whitaker Chambers who, under oath, had

contradicted his own earlier testimony and claimed both he and Hiss had been

Communists and spies.17 The infamous "pumpkin papers," the 35mm-film

secreted in a pumpkin shell, contained some State Department documents

concerning trade negotiations with Germany "that had never passed through

Alger's office," and unclassified, public access Navy documents.18 Tony Hiss's

14 Larry Ceplair, "Blacklist? Never Heard of It," The Nation (31 January 1981), 109.

15 "Alger Hiss says Russian's act vindicates him in '40s spy case," Dallas Morning News, 30 October 1992, 4A.

16 Tony Hiss, "My Father's Honor," New Yorker (17 November 1992), 100.

17 Ibid, 103.

18 Ibid, 104.

113

summary of his father's plight could well apply to many of the other witnesses

before HUAC.

What was more confusing still, the charges actually brought against my father didn't directly state that he had ever done anything; instead, they called him a liar for saying that nothing had happened.... So he was indicted for peijury-the crime Chambers had already confessed to but was never prosecuted for.19

In their search for Communist subversives, HUAC and McCarthy ran

roughshod over the very principles they claimed to be protecting. It was not

enough to seek out active Communist Party members; it became necessary to

attack anybody with any connection to any organization with ties great or small to

the Communist Party.

. . . the Communists were never sufficiently satisfying game; Dies was out to get the New Deal, and as he and Thomas and Velde moved on to fellow travelers and others, the Committee's rationale became increasingly tenuous. Soon the Congressmen were taking logically impossible shortcuts; it was no longer a man's loyalty to the U.S.S.R. that made him a likely subversive but his adherence to causes favored by those who were loyal to the U.S.S.R. So the famous files were built up, wherein support of Loyalist Spain, antagonism to the Smith Act, and, of course, any expressed hope for the disappearance of the Committee all became black marks in one's dossier.20

Where investigations of musicians, actors, writers and artists were

concerned, it is not idle speculation that a hidden agenda was involved. Thirteen

of the nineteen "unfriendly" witnesses involved in HUAC's first Hollywood

19 Ibid.

20 Goodman, 492.

114

investigation were Jewish as were the great majority of the musicians investigated.

It is also perhaps relevant that many were homosexual, including Bernstein,

Blitzstein, Bowles, and Copland. If the recent biography of J. Edgar Hoover by

Anthony Summers carries any merit, it would not be beyond credibility to assume

Hoover went after homosexuals to distance himself from any speculation about his

own orientation.21 Racism was prevalent among Committee members, especially

Kit Clardy (R-MI) and Donald Jackson (R-CA: Jackson took Richard Nixon's

place on the committee in 1949), who "were troubled by the activities of

'professional Negroes' and later joined the John Birch Society."22

Why did musicians align themselves with the left during the 1930s and

1940s? Many felt that Communism was the opposite of fascism and, with social

awareness heightened during the Depression, felt the need for drastic political

change.23

The left in America has long been something of a spontaneous moral impulse, mercurial and sporadic, suspicious of power and distrustful of politics. Radical movements have usually emerged when there has been a crisis-a revulsion against existing conditions and attraction to a vision of a better society over the horizon. The "old left" of the '30s sprang up, in part, as a response to the Depression.

Musicians and politics have always been regular if strange bedfellows.

21 Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: G.P. Putman's Sons, 1993).

22 Kenneth O'Reilly, Hoover and the Un-Americans (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1983), 8.

23 John Patrick Diggins, "The Faces of the Left," U.S. News and World Report (20 July 1992), 59.

115

Although music has been used to convey political messages for centuries, it is only

when the musician engages in "extramusical politics" that eyebrows are raised.

Debates have raged for years over the appropriateness of performing Wagner;

indeed, Israel for years banned concerts of his works. Composer Richard Strauss

and musicians such as Herbert von Karajan and Elizabeth Schwarzkopf have been

criticized for their performances in Germany under the Nazi regime. Schwarzkopf

even gave a very "Eisler-esque" explanation of her Nazi Party membership: she

applied for membership but "the membership card never reached me."24

Leonard Bernstein's political activities in the late 1960s caused author Tom Wolfe

to coin the phrase "radical chic" and write a scathingly satirical essay of the same

name about a dinner party Bernstein gave for the Black Panthers.25

Bernstein figured in another political controversy at the very end of his life

when he turned down the 1990 National Medal of Arts to protest the rescinding

of an National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) grant for an exhibition of artworks

relating to the AIDS crisis. The NEA found itself in a situation much like that of

the WPA in the late 1930s. Conservative congressmen (especially Jesse Helms

and William Dannemeyer) vehemently opposed the federal funding of exhibits

such as those by Robert Mapplethorpe and Andres Serrano, labeling them

obscene and immoral. It was proposed that artists receiving NEA grants should

24 New York Times, 3 April 1983, IV, 14:5.

25 Tom Wolfe, Radical Chic & Mau-Mauing the Flak Catchers (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1970).

116

sign oaths that their works would follow NEA guidelines, an obvious parallel to

the oaths W.P.A. participants were forced to sign in 1939.

Music and politics converge in the 1990s under the aegis of political

correctness. Richard Taruskin argues that the works of composers such as

Prokofiev should be examined in a new light.

. . . we still listen to Orff s celebrations of Nazi youth culture by way of the goliards and Catullus, as we still listen to Respighi's propaganda for Mussolini by way of the glory that was Rome. The real question is, can we say no to Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini and yes to Prokofiev, Orff and Resphigi?26

The answer is "yes," just as we say yes to all works of art that have not only

survived their own social and political age but have lived through countless others.

Music, as German musicologist Fred Prieberg has written, cannot "be held up as a

moral absolute."27 And, as history has shown, neither can musicians.

26 Richard Taruskin, "Prokofiev H a i l . . . and Farewell?," The New York Times, 21 April 1991), H25.

27 Fred K. Prieberg, Trial of Strength: Wilhelm Furtwangler and the Third Reich (London: Quartet Books, 1991), 331.

APPENDIX A

Excerpts from Red Channels

117

118

RED CHANNELS

The Report of

COMMUNIST INFLUENCE IN RADIO AND TELEVISION

Published June, 1950

By AMERICAN BUSINESS CONSULTANTS Publishers of

COUNTERATTACK THE NEWSLETTER OF FACTS TO COMBAT COMMUNISM

55 West 42 Street, New York 18, N.Y.

119

PARTI

INTRODUCTION

Testifying before a U.S. Congressional committee on March 26,1947, J. Edgar Hoover, Director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, stated: "The (Communist) party has departed from depending upon the printed word as its medium of propaganda and has taken to the air. Its members and sympathizers have not only infiltrated the airways but they are now persistently seeking radio channels."

Director Hoover's concise summary of Communist activities in the radio-TV field will be expanded in the following report to the broadcasting industry and to those who are both its client and its judge—the American public.

Basically, the Cominform (previously known as the Comintern) seeks to exploit American radio and TV to gain the following:

(1) Channels (known to the Communist Party as "transmission belts") for pro-Soviet, pro-Communist, anti-American, anti-democratic propaganda.

(2) Financial support. (3) The great prestige and crowd gathering power that derives from having glamorous personalities

of radio and TV as sponsors of Communist fronts and as [performers or speakers at front meetings and rallies (which incidently adds to the performer's prestige.)

(4) Increasing domination of American broadcasting and telecasting, preparatory to the day when-the Cominform believes—the Communist Party will assume control of this nation as the result of a final upheaval and civil war.

Let us briefly examine Communist strategy and tactics in each of these categories.

I. CHANNELS

In indoctrinating the masses of the people with Communist ideology and the pro-Soviet interpretation of current events, the Communist party, with set purpose, uses not only Party members, but also fellow-travelers and members of Communist adjuncts and periphery organizations. It is the Party's boast that for every Party member there are at least 10 reliables, dupes or innocents who, for one reason or another will support its fronts. Our so-called "intellectual classes-members of the arts, the sciences and the professions-have furnished the Communist Party USA with the greatest number in these classifications.

The importance of such accomplices has been emphasized by Stalin himself. In his classic, Problems of Leninism, a standard textbook and guide for Communists throughout the world, he quotes Lenin in support of his position: "The dictatorship cannot be effectively realized without 'belts' to transmit power from the vanguard (the Communist Party) to the mass of the advanced class (the 'progressive' writers, actors, directors, etc.) and from this to the mass of those who labor (the public)" {Problems of Leninism, pp. 29, 30.).

Dramatic programs are occasionally used for Communist propaganda purposes. A few documentary programs produced by one network in particular have faithfully followed the Party line. Several commercially sponsored dramatic series are used as sounding boards, particularly with reference to current issues in which the Party is critically interested: "academic freedom," "civil rights," "peace," the H-bomb etc. These and other subjects, perfectly legitimate in themselves are cleverly exploited in dramatic treatments which point up current Communist goals.

120

Perhaps the acme of Party success in this field was reached when one program, sponsored by the advertising industry and American business and supposedly portraying the benefits of our economic system, turned out to be--in the wads of one reviewer in the trade press--"more nearly a plea for Collectivism"!

With radios in most American homes and with approximately 5 million TV sets in use, the Cominform and the Communist Party USA now rely more on radio and TV than on the press and motion pictures as "belts" to transmit pro-Sovietism to the American public.

II. FINANCIAL SUPPORT

In his The Secret Manual of the Communist Party, A Manual on Organization, J. Peters (formerly Comintern representative in charge of the conspiratorial apparatus of the Communist party USA) lays down Party requirements regarding dues. Paragraph 6 under the heading, "Membership Dues," of this manual is worth quoting:

"Members receiving over $50 per week pay, in addition to their regular $1.00 weekly dues, additional dues (Special tax) at the rate of 50 cents for each $5.00 (or fraction) of their earnings above $50."

In other words, a party member who is a radio director, actor or singer earning $50,000 a year from American business must pay to the Communist Party minimum dues, according to this schedule, of $4,790 yearly--his contribution to the cost of destroying American business and our American way of life.

Some fellow-travelers and "reliables," who are not members of the Communist Party, as well as many well meaning innocents, have unknowingly contributed to Party adjuncts and periphery organizations, as also must Party members. At one Communist-front meeting, a leading producer-director-announcer-actor pledged $500. A noted playwright contributed $,000. Many $100 contributions were noted by a person who attended the meeting. And remember, this was but one of many such meetings these individuals attended during the course of a year!

It is no wonder, then, that Party organizers double and redouble their efforts to spawn front organizations, rallies, "benefits" and committees for this-and-that. No cause which seems calculated to arouse support among people in show business is ignored: the other throw of the Franco dictatorship, the fight against ant-Semitism and Jimcrow, civil rights, world peace, the outlawing of the H-bomb, are all used. Around such pretended objectives, the hard core of Party organizers gather a swarm of'reliables" and well-intentioned "liberals," to exploit their names and energies.

In sworn testimony before a U.S. Senate subcommittee, Mr. Louis Budenz, formerly a managing editor of the Daily Worker, has testified how such "sucker money" is siphoned off into the secret conspiratorial fund of the Communist Party. This fund is used to finance trips abroad of high Party functionaries, to bring alien Communists into the USA, and for other secret Party work. Specifically, Mr. Budenz mentioned the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, which under its own name and under the tile of "Spanish Refugee Appeal" has been a darling of scores of the most prominent names in show business.

"That is, the Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee, from which Eisler (Gerhart Eisler, former Comintern representative to the Communist Party USA) functioned while here, was created by the secret fund committee in order to have a wider field of rasing money." (U.S. Senate, Communist Activities Among Aliens and National Groups, Part 1, p. 224)

The "Boost" and the "Blacklist"

121

If the Communist Party USA exacts a heavy financial toll of its members and dupes, it has been no less energetic in seeing to it that they get ahead in show business, while articulate anti-Communists are blacklisted and smeared, with that venomous intensity which is characteristic of Red Fascists alone.

The Communist operated "escalator system" in show business has been in force for at least 12 years-since the Spanish Civil War. Those who are "right" are "boosted" from one job to another, from humble beginnings in Communist dominated night clubs or on small programs which have been "colonize," to more important programs and finally to stardom. Literally scores of our most important producers, directors, writers, actors and musicians owe their present success largely to the Party "boost" system, a system which involves not only "reliables" producers and directors, but also ad agency executives, network and station executives, writers, fellow-actors and critics and reviewers. In turn, the Party member or "reliable" who has "arrived" gives the "boost" to others who, the Red grapevine whispers, are to be helped.

A prominent entertainer has recently confided that whenever a certain critic on one of out great American newspapers asks him to entertain for or sponsor a Communist front meeting,he always complies. Understandably so! Without favorable reviews from this important critic, his career could be jeopardized.

Contrary-wise, those who know radio and TV can recite dozens of examples of anti-Communists who, for mysterious reasons, are persona non grata on numerous programs, and who are slandered unmercifully in certain "progressive" circles.

That this system should be so prevalent is a matter for utmost consideration by those who employ radio and TV talent.

III. THE PRESTIGE OF STARS

Those familiar with show business are already sickeningly aware of the manner in which Red Fascism has exploited score=s of radio and TV stars at pro-Soviet rallies, meetings and conferences. Despite the fact that numerous personalities of stage, screen and radio lent themselves to the ill-odored Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace (NYC, March 25-27, 1949), there has been in recent years an increasing awareness of these Red booby traps. Additionally, the Party in 1947 authorized numerous members to refrain from open participation in such front activities for the greater over-all good of the Communist movement.

IV. DOMINATION OF AMERICAN BROADCASTING

Lenin himself urged on members of the Party "the necessity of proving to the bourgeoisie that there is not, nor can there be, a sphere of field of work that cannot be won by the Communists" (Vol. X, Selected Works of lenin, pp. 172-173; International Publishers Company, Inc. 1943).

As a result, the Communist party has made intensive efforts to infiltrate every phase of our life, and because of its great propaganda value has concentrated on radio and television. Networks, individual stations, advertising agencies, "package producers," radio-TV unions and even the trade press have been more and more "colonized" by the Party. The "colonists" need not be party members or even deliberate cooperators. It is sufficient they advance Communist objectives with complete unconsciousness.

At the same time, it must be remembered that the Red Fascists and their sympathizers, for all their numbers and influence, are still in the minority. The greater proportion of those in broadcasting industry are of sturdy mind and sound patriotism. Radio-TV has erred no more than other comparable fields. The hour is not too late for those of the patriotic and intelligent majority

122

to immediately undertake a suitable counter-attack. No time is to be lost. As one former head of a Soviet espionage ring commented bitterly, after breaking with Red Fascism: "What American business men and the American public do not seem to realize is that these people are playing for keeps, with no holds barred. They don't lose time just making resolutions or having meetings. They're activists! Until we Americans learn to take prompt, effective action, too, they'll win every round!"

THE COUNTERATTACK

Perhaps better that any other recent pronouncement, an editorial in Broadcasting Magazine (August 15,1949) sums up the answer:

"Where there's red smoke there's usually Communist fire. That applies to the creative and artistic end of radio as it does to the other arts and professions.

'Therefore, efforts to gloss over talk of possible Communist infiltration of radio is dangerous...

"Communists and Communist sympathizers have no place on our air. It is the duty of the station licensee (and the network to which a certain portion of that responsibility necessarily is delegated) to ascertain that those who harbor views contrary to our form of government be denied access to our microphones. *** "Radio memories would be short indeed to forget the performances of the Lord Haw Haws, the Axis Sallys, and the Tokyo Roses. Or the armed guards around the radio transmitters and the 'no admittance signs' at the studios; the bans on audience participations and the Man-on-the-Street pickups.

"Can you conceive of anyone more potent when an emergency strikes than the man at the mike~the network mike? That should be sufficient to guide broadcast manage,et in the screening of personnel."

In screening personnel every safeguard must be used to protect innocents and genuine liberals from being unjustly labeled.

Where an anti-Communist action or condemnation has been made by an individual mentioned in the following report, and known to the publishers, it has been noted in the test.

123

LEONARD BERNSTEIN1

Composer; Conductor

People's Songs, Inc. Reported as: Sponsor. Letterhead, 3/48.

Scientific and Cultural Sponsor. Official program, 3/49. Conference for World Peace.

American-Soviet Music Society

Hanns Eisler Concert

Protest Against Deportation of Hanns Eisler

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 52.

Sponsored. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 43.

Signer. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 43.

Committee for Re- Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review Election of Benjamin J., of Scientific and Cultural Conference Davis for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 41.

Progressive Citizens of Signer. Arts, Sciences and Professions Council, America

World Federation of of Democratic Youth

Voice of Freedom Committee

Southern Conference for Human Welfare

statement in defense of Communist cases. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 37.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 36.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 35.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace^ 4/19/49, p. 34.

Progressive Citizens of America

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference

1 The following entries are only those that are germane to this study; there are well over 100 personalities listed in Red Channels.

124

National Negro Congress

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee

Civil Rights Congress

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy

American Council for a Democratic Greece

American Youth for Democracy

for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 33.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 32.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 28.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, A/19/4,9, p. 25.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 24.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 22.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, A/19/4,9, p. 22.

MARC BLITZSTEIN Playwright, Composer

American Council on Soviet Relations

Reported as: Signer. Open Letter. Official leaflet.

American Friends of the Chinese People

American Peace Mobilization

American-Soviet Music Society

Citizens Committee to Free Earl Browder

Entertainer. New Masses, 11/4/41, p. 30.

Member, National Council. Daily Worker, 9/3/40, p. 4. Sponsor; participant. Official program, 4/5/41. Signer of Call. Official Call, 4/5/41.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 52.

Sponsor of Appeal. Letterhead.

Committee of Member. Letterhead, 9/22/36.

125

Professional Groups for Browder and Ford

Conference on Constitutional Liberties in America

Coordinating Committee to Lift the Embargo

First Conference on American-Soviet ultural Cooperation.

Friday

International Labor Defense

Sponsor. Official program, 6/7-9/40.

"Representative individual." Official booklet.

Participant, 11/18/45. Daily Worker, 11/15/45, p.ll.

Endorser. Friday, 3/22/40, p. 21

Sponsor, Summer Milk Drive, 1939. Equal Justice, 6/39; House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 844. Contributor. Benefit Books Auction Sale. Daily Worker, 3/5/42, p. 4.

Sponsor. Letterhead, 2/2/44.

Supporter of Anti-War movement. Daily Worker, 6/22/40. Signer to call to 1941 congress, 6/6/41. Attended 4th American Writers Congress. New Masses, 6/17/41, p. 10.

Masses and Mainstream Signer. Letter entitled, "American Message - A Reply to An Open Letter of Soviet Writers." A portion of this message reads as follows: "Your letter tells us that you are not deceived by the shots fired in the air by our press and radio, the furious wailing of paid mourners for the status quo-all the caterwauling that passes for the voice of America..." Masses and Mainstream, 5/48, p. 6.

Jewish People's Committee for United Action against Fascism and Anti-Semitism

League of American Writers

New Masses

Musicians' Committee to Aid Spanish Democracy

Contributor, article "A Musician's War Diary," 8/13/46, p. 3.

Sponsor. Invitation.

126

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties

Signer. News release, 12/26/41. Signer. Sam Darcy appeal. Daily Worker, 12/19/40, p. 5; House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1235.

National Wallace for Member. Press release, 3/23/48. President Committee

New Masses

Open Letter For Closer Cooperation With Soviet Union

Speaker. New Masses Theatre Night, NYC. New Masses, 5/27/42, p. 32. Signer. Letter to the President protesting "badgering of Communist leaders." New Masses, 4/2/40. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1236.

Signer. Soviet Russia Today, 9/30, p. 25; House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1383.

Open Letter on Harry Bridges

People's Songs

Signer. Daily Worker, 1/19/42, p. 4.

Member. Board of Sponsors. Bulletin of People's Songs, 7-7/47. Sent birthday greetings; Bulletin of People's Songs, 2-3/47, p. 19.

Progressive Citizens Sponsor. Program, 10/25/47. of America.

Schappes Defense Sponsor. Letterhead. Committee

Statement Defending Signer. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 647. the Communist Party

Statement by American Signer. House Un-Am. Act. Com. Review Progressives on the of Scientific and Cultural Conference Moscow Trials for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 47.

Theatre Arts Committee

Member, Advisory Council. Letterhead.

Veterans of the Abraham Lincoln Brigade

Signer of protest. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1648.

127

Washington Committee to Lift Spanish Embargo

May Day Parade 1946, 1947

Progressive Citizens of America

Moscow Literary Gazette

Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace.

National Council of the Arts, Sciences and Professions

Committee for Re-lection of Benjamin J. Davis, 1945

Signer. Letter calling for the lifting of the Spanish Embargo. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1701.

Affiliated. House Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 54.

Writer, "Show Time for Wallace" Cabaret Daily Worker, 4/5/48, p. 12.

Signer. Open Letter, 5/2/48, offering to "share the public duty" assigned to Soviet Union intelligentsia. N.Y. World-Telegram, 5/3/48.

Sponsor. Official program, 3/49.

Composed song-play "I've Got the Tune," Carnegie Hall, 6/21/49. Official Program. Signer. Advertisement, "We are for Wallace," NY Times, 10/20/48. Signer for Wallace, Daily Worker, 10/19/48, p.7.

Sponsor. Daily Worker, 10/19/45, p. 12.

AARON COPLAND Composer, Writer

People's Songs

Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace

Reported as: Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19j49, p. 33.

Sponsor and panel speaker. Official program, 3/49. "The effects of the cold war on the artist in the United States were decried by Aaron Copland, American composer, who predicted that, 'the present policies of the American Government will lead inevitably into a third world war.'" NY Times, 3/T&/A9, p. 2.

Independent Citizens Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review Committee of the Arts, of Scientific and Cultural Conference Sciences and for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 2.

128

Professions

American League Against War and Fascism

Win the Peace Conference

American Committee for Democracy and Intellectual Freedom

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born

Artists' Front to Win the War

Open Letter for Harry Bridges

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 7.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 8.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 21.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 21.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 23.

Signer. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 23.

National Committee for Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review the Defense of Political of Scientific and Cultural Conference Prisoners for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 31.

National Federation for Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review Constitutional Liberties of Scientific and Cultural Conference

for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 31.

Communist Bookshops

Committee of Professional Groups for Browder and Ford 1936

Hanns Eisler Concert

National Council of American-Soviet

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 35.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 40.

Sponsor. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 43.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference

129

Friendship

Morris U. Schappes Defense Committee

American-Soviet Music Society

New Masses

National Council of the Arts, Sciences and Professions

for World Peace, A/19/4,9, pp. 44, 50, 51.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, pp. 44, 50, 51.

Affiliated. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 52.

Contributor. Un-Am. Act. Com. Review of Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 52.

Signer. Advertisement, "We are for Wallace," NY Times, 10/20/48.

"The First of May," mass song

Dimitri Shostakovich

Composer. Un-Am. Act. Com., Index II, p. W38.

Signer. Scroll presented to Shostakovich: "We welcome your visit also in the hope that this kind of cultural interchange can aid understanding among our peoples and thereby make possible an enduring peace." NY Times, 3/28/49, p. 2.

LENA HORNE Singer-Stage, Screen, Radio

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born

Civil Rights Congress

Reported as: Speaker. Mass Rally. Daily Worker, 3/3/48, p. 7.

Speaker. Daily Worker, 10/6/47, pp. 5, 8. Speaker. Civil Rights Congress of N.Y. Conference, Manhattan Center, 10/11/47. Program. for World Peace, 4/19/49, p. 25.

Citizens Non-Partisan Committee for Re-Election of Benjamin J. Davis to the City Council

Supporter. Daily Worker, 9/25/45, p. 12.

130

New Masses Received award from New Masses Dinner Committee. New Masses, 1/23/45, p. 32 Contributor. New Masses, 9/16/47, p. 16.

People's Songs, Inc. Sponsor. Bulletin of People's Songs, 5/47.

Council on African Affairs

United Electrical Radio and Machine Workers of America

Sponsor, South African Famine Relief. Letterhead, 5/4/46.

Participant. Radio Program, "Fighters for Liberty," Daily Worker, 2/9/48, p. 13.

Southern Conference for Human Welfare

United Negro and Allied Veterans of America, Inc.

Outstanding women who received praise of Elizabeth Gurley Flynn

Communist Party celebration in honor of Benjamin J. Davis

Fund raiser. People's Daily World, 5/25/48, p. 5.

Affiliated. Daily Worker, 7/2/47, p. 4. Member, National Advisory Board. Letterhead.

Listed. The Worker, 3/9/47, p. 7.

Announced as performer by Communist Party State Committee, 5/6/45, Golden Gate Ballroom, N.Y.C. U.S. Senate Hearings on S1832, p. 593.

EARL ROBINSON Singer, Composer. Wrote score for "Ballad for Americans"; also for motion pictures "The Roosevelt Story" and "A Walk in the Sun."

People's Songs

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee

Congress of American Women

Reported as: Member, National Board of Directors. Letterhead, 1947.

Speaker. Spanish Refugee Appeal rally at Manhattan Center, 3/24/48. Daily Worker, 3/24/48. Sponsor of dinner, Hotel Astor, 10/27/43. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 942.

Entertainer. Greenwich Village Chapter Benefit Recital at Elizabeth Irwin High School, NYC, 4/5/50. Daily Worker, 4/4/50, p. 10.

131

National Council of the Arts, Sciences and Professions

American Committee to Save Refugees

American Peace Mobilization

American Rescue Ship Mission

Artists' Front to Win the War

Hollywood Democratic Committee

League of American Writers

Hollywood Writers Mobilization

International Workers Order

School for Democracy

National Council American-Soviet Friendship

Signer. Statement for Wallace. Daily Worker, 10/19/48.

Affiliated. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 357.

Member, National Council. Daily Worker, 9/3/40, p. 4. Sponsor. Tri-boro Stadium Rally, 4/5/41. Official Program.

Sponsor. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 491.

Sponsor. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 574.

Member. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 574.

Member. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 781.

Participant. Writers Congress at University of California, 10/1-3/43. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 789. Participant, seminar on Song Writing in War, Writers Congress at University of California, 10/1-3/43. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 788. Chairman of committee on Song Writing in War, Writers Congress at University of California, 10/1-3/43. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 792. Member, committee on Music and the War. Writers Congress at University of California 10/1-3/43. House Un-Am. Act Com., Appendix 9, p. 792.

Leader of the Chorus. Daily Worker, 3/27/40, p. 7.

Member of the faculty, instructor and guest lecturer. Catalog and program, 1/42.

Signer, Open Letter. Soviet Russia Today, 6/43, p. 21. Sponsor of the Congress of the National Council. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1201.

132

National Federation for Constitutional Liberties

Schappes Defense Committee

Protest Against "Badgering of Communist Leaders"

Signer. "Message to the House of Representatives" opposing renewal of Dies Committee, 1/43. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1254.

Sponsor. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 1201. Signer of "An Open Letter to Governor Thomas E. Dewey" asking pardon for Morris U. Schappes. NY Times, 10/9/44, p. 12.

Signer of Petition to President Roosevelt New Masses, 4/2/40, p. 21.

HAZEL SCOTT Pianist, Singer

National Citizens Political Action Committee

Reported as: Member, Women's Division. Vice-chairman, Campaign Committee, 11/4/46. Invitation to Luncheon.

Citizens Non-Partisan Committee for Re-Election of Benjamin J. Davis, Jr.

Participant. "Harlem's Event of the Year," 10/24/43. New Masses, 10/19/43, p. 31; House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 631.

Progressive Citizens of America; Citizens Committee of the Upper West Side

Affiliated. Leaflet.

Musicians Congress Committee

American Committee for Protection of Foreign Born

American Peace Mobilization

Artists' Front to Win the War

Joint Anti-Fascist Refugee Committee

Member, Advisory Board, 1944. Un-Am. Act. in California, 1948, p. 317.

Guest of Honor. "United Nations in America" dinner, NYC, 4/17/43. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 347.

Sponsor. American People's Meeting, NYC, 5/5/41. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 433.

Sponsor, 1942. House Un-Am. Act. Com., Appendix 9, p. 576.

Sponsor. Letterhead.

133

Civil Rights Congress

Sponsor. Dinner, NYC, 10/17/46. Program

PETE SEEGER Folk Singer

People's Songs

Progressive Citizens of America

Wallace for President Campaign

Reported as: National Chairman. Bulletin of People's Songs, 11/41.

Entertainer. "Show Time for Wallace." Daily Worker, 4/5/48, p. 12.

Led singing at rallies. Daily Worker, 10/18/48, p. 7; Daily Worker, 9/13/48, p. 6.

Communist Party

American Committee for Yugoslav Relief

Jefferson School of Social Science

Schools for Political Action Technique

People's Artists, Inc.

Committee for a Democratic Far Eastern Policy

Voice of Freedom Committee

"Stop Rankin" Meeting

American Youth for Democracy

Entertainer. Peter V. Cacchione Supper for benefit of Community Club No. 2, Thomas Jefferson Section, Communist Party, 3/31/46. Daily Worker, 3/29/46, p. 10.

Participant. Led singing at dinner, Hotel Pennsylvania, 10/24/46. U.S. Senate Hearings on S1832, Part 2, p. 543.

Instructor. House Un-Am. Act. Com. Index II, p. S49.

Instructor. Washington, D.C. school, 6/26-29/46. Official catalog.

Participant. House Un-Am. Act. Com. Index II, p. S106.

Entertainer. "Hail New China-Ally for Peace," mass rally at City Center Casino, 6/15/49. Handbill.

Participant. "The Case of the Loaded Mike," Town Hall, 10/22/49. Official program.

Entertainer. Hotel Concourse Plaza, 5/8/46. Daily Worker, 5/6/46, p. 5.

Entertainer. Vets conference, Central Plaza Annex, 5/25/46. Daily Worker, 5/24/46, p. 8.

134

May Day, 1950 Entertainer, "May Day Jamboree," 5/1/50. Daily Worker 4/30/50, p. 32.

APPENDIX B

A Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace, Arranged by the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions and Held in New York

City on March 25, 26, and 27, 1949.

135

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APPENDIX C

U.S. Congressional Record, 83rd Congress, First Session. Appendix Volume 99-Part 9. January 3, 1953, to March 23, 1953, pp. A169-A171.

167

[168]

U N I T E D STATES U j j l j j j t p ^ / O F A M E R I C A

Congressional "Record PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF T H E 8 ^ CONGRESS

FIRST SESSION

Appendix VOLUME 99—PART 9

JANUARY 3, 1933, TO MARCH 23, 1953

(PAGES AI TO AM40)

UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE, WASHINGTON, 1953

[169] CONGRESSIONAL REGORD — APPENDIX

witb them and continue a fair tod able trade poUcy. I think that this Is per-bftoa the more vital at all the elective aid which w« o8«r to X*atln America.

Cooperation between us and them can bring a brighter future and greater security to all concerned. It is Important that we do our part in uadentiadiac their difficulties and in balping them master these problems.

when wt have dona this X am confident that they will do their ahare.

While visiting in South America X met with numerous oflBclais, businessmen. news-paper reporters and private attsens cf these gres* countries. I was impressed with the spirit of cordiality, trttnrtthlp, t a d ooojws-tkm that I met 00 svery hand. X tried to heave ********** me that ssme feeling of friend-ship and oooperstton tram our country and people, to their countries and peoplee. It la my sincere belief that, except for a lew agi-tator* who hare a penooal i s to gxlnd. the mi—w at the people to the Booth at us •m ourtrtsnds, and will remain our friends se long as ws continue to treat them fairly.

The newspapermen of eerh country were particularly friendly and cooperative, and aa far as as I know* my interviews with them wen quoted accurately. There waa one kmc exception to thla. and X regret that X must

Ms oocaaion to correct the erroneous tnta which wer» attributed to me by

AOTP _*spapet» of Guatemala In an article in Hueetro DUrlo. dated De-

oambsr XI, lASa. X found thla article, and X ahall read It to you:

"United States Senator A u » Xuxavn « u in Ouaxemala on Deflamber 14 and U on a trip through Latin SmerVa to visit United States EmhaaiVaa Before leaving Guatemala Senator t s a m n made very im-portant statements to Mr. Bannall, rspre-esntatlve of the Beutera Agency, in which te attacked the United States which haw invested in Latf casing them at Vrploittng those and carrying away the prodta, not leaving thorn anything: in exchange for ttdr nat-

" ^ L e E r S I u a w e also *14 that he h»4 ho sympathy with the suHfflUatkm by United Otatae companies of the Un mines In Bolivia, and he confirmed his statement that the expropriation of those mines by the Bolivian Government was Justified. The United Fruit ocv. of Central America waa among the other

ta this class oC which the United States Senator made special mention.

"Senator gu joncs added that as a member of the Sensfe Appropriations Committee, he would support any request by Ouatemaia tm sconnmhi aid from the United States in otter to continue its program of highway ouMStiuttiuii nnrswistt Highway."

X am surprised and disappointed that a reporter would wrtte such a distorted version of my remarts to him. Nowhere during the en tm trip did X find any evidence that Atncr-lean oorporstions or individuals am expkXt-jng these Latin-American countries and carrying away the profits, not leaving them anything in exchange for their natural re-source*. Nor did I charge this behavior against any American oouosme during any of my press interviews on the trip. What X said to the prees in Ouatemaia. and to every praps conference tn other countries, waa that X had no sympathy for any tndtvltfuala or coffmrsttona, be they American, English. Dutch. Ftench, or fcsttn American, who would come into their oountrlee and exploit their natural icsomoss without leaving a fair ahare cf the profits behind them. X pointed out that there may have been a few Instances at exploitation of this kind in the past by BOOM few American "p ip in the busi-nees," aa 1 call them, which undoubtedly gave rise to the belief en the part cf some

businessmen as a whole; does not ccxxnte-

capital wanted from oar neighbors to the south was fair play and an equitable share of the profits.

The reference to the United Fruit Co. la likewise inaccurate and unwarranted. I did not accuse the United Frmt Co^ or any other American company cf these kinds of prac-tices. As I pointed out In a apesch before the Senate last yesr, American business enter-prises in Ouatemaia are facing an unfriendly government which appears to be operating under the Inftnmoe of a small Communist minority, a continuation of that policy in Guatemala Is bound to lead to withdrawal of American business enterprises tram this Central American country, and if this should happen, it will stymie the growth and de-velopment of this beautiful land far gener-ations to cosae.

May I again thank you for thla opportunity to nil draw you. It is my desire to make an extended report of my vtait to the oountrlee to the south of us In the near futuie and X hope that each cf you will have occasion to read Ik We have good neighbors to the south of us and wa should continue to cultivate their friendship to th i end that we ahsil become one In our corsynin life and In *K* of real democracy.

19. ms

live tn trying to detekiy the natural re-sources of Tr**1" America. But X »<•« that the American Oovernment. and X was sure that I was peaking also for amertran

Aaron Copfssd and Iaaaguial Concert

EXTENSION OF REMARKS

HON. FRED L BUSBEY

XZt THE BOU8X OF Trite*.

Mr. BUSBET. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Port at January 15, 1959. In an article by Paul Hume, repents that certain statements credited to Abraham Titwvln in hit «wwntl TTT*f *r* tO COQ* gress on December 1, 1382, will not be beard at the inaugural concert at Con* jrtltutton Hall on Sunday evening because of an objection by Representative Pkzb K. Btrsssr.

To keep the record straight and fn order that there be no room for the

Jgt Q| at the facts. Excerpts from various speeches and • i imif of Abraham lin-coin hare been 1—mi hind and riven the title of "A Lincoln Portrait." This was set to musle by one Aaron Copland. X do not question the authenticity of the words of the portrait, and as X have but a pawning knowledge of music, I cannot and do not offer any comments on the quality of Mr. Copland's work.

However,. when I Irameri that this piece of music was to be played at the Inaugural concert X voiced my objec-tions with all the vigor at my cwnmsnd. My objections were based en but one thing the known reoaid of Aaron Cop-land for activities, afflllattnm, and sym-pathies with and far causes that seemed to me to be more tn the interest of an alien Ideology than the things represent-ative of Abraham Tinnnttv

The article In the Washington Post makes much ado about the fact that the Air Faroe Symphony played some of Cop-land's music last Tuesday night; that the lincoln Portrait had been heard at Constitution Ball and other places; that the musical piece had been recorded by the New York Philharmonic Symphony;

and Copland's musical accomplishments and honors. Be that as it may; yet no-where has It been shown that any of these people were aware of Copland's record of questionable affiliations. I do not detract one lota from Copland's musical ability, but 1 do stand flxm in my conviction that the Inaugural coo-cert of President-elect Elsenhower Is no place for Copland's music.

For nearly 20 years, the Communist Party devoted time and effort to infiltrat-ing the various departments of our Fed-eral Oovernment while the Democrats were In control of the executive branch, as well as the Democratic Party. You may rest assured the Communists will continue their efforts to Infiltrate our Government agencies under the Repub-lican Party. I fought this Infiltration of government under the Democratic Party and I assure you I will continue to fight this Infiltration under the Repub-lican Party, or any other administration.

General Elsenhower and Senator Nxxo* were elected President and Vice President, along with a Republican Con-gress on the following main Issues: Crime, corruption, communism, and Korea.

Experience has taught us that the real Communist Is not always easy to identify, but the same experience has taught us that the nonparty member, or so-called fellow traveler Is more easily Identi-fied by his record of activities and affilia-tions. X agree that any person could have been affiliated with or supported one of the many Communist fronts that have mushroomed over a period of years without being aware that he was giving aid and comfort to the Communist Party, but I insist that as the number of such activities or sffiHstioni Increase, any presumption of the Innocence of such a person must necessarily decrease.

With an the music of fine, patriotic, and thoroughly American compose* s available to concert coounitteo of Inauguration Committee, 1953, I not only questioned the advisability of using music by a composer with the long rec-ord Of gf frff, Copland, as reported by the House Com-mittee on Un-American Activities, but protested the use of his music.

To the credit of the concert commit-tee, X want to congratulate them on im-mediately eliminating Aaron Copland's music from the program after receiving my protest

I sincerely believe the Republican Party would have been ridiculed from one end of the United States to the other by the press, columnists, and radio com-mentators If any of Copland's music was played at the inauguration. Whether or not X was Justified In the stand I took, X win leave to you. after you have care-fully read the record of Aaron Copland, as furnished to me by the House Com-mittee on Un-American Activities, which is as follows:

The public reocrda. files, and publications of the crwimtttee contain the following in-I W H W W U H VkMMWWm f l l i § 4»BB*sas w v p « i iwmt e

Aaron Copland signed a protect to the baa on a Communist spsach as shown in the Daily Worker of October S3. 1SSS. pege 1: he a statement to President Booee--veit the Communist Party (DaUy Worfesr. March S. 1*1. p. S); as a com-poser, he signed a petition to the Attorney

A170 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — APPENDIX [170]

General In bebslf of Hsnns Eisler, a Com-munis t (Daily Worker. December 17. 1947, page 7): and a release. Ali-EUler Program a t Town Hall on February 28. New York, listed h im aa a •ponsor of tbe Hann« Eisler concert held February aa. 1948.

A mimeographed sheet a t tached to a le t ter-bead of the American Committee for De-mocracy and Intel lectual Freedom, da ted January 17. 1940. ah owed Aaron Copland aa • signer of a peti t ion sponsored by t h a t organisation. The American Commit tee fo r Democracy and Intel lectual Fieedom waa cited aa a Communist f r o n t which defended Communist lee ihais by the Special Commit* tee on Un-American ActiTltlea, Report J u n e 25.1012, pa«« IS. and March 20,1944, page 87.

The program of t he F i f t h National Con-tsrence of the American Commit tee for Pro-tection of Foreign Born, bald a t Atlantic City, If. J „ March 29-20. 1041. named Mr.

as a sponsor; a le t terhead of t h e New York Committee for Protection of For-eign Bora, January 2, 1941. abowed b im as a sponsor: and . the invi tat ion t o t h e United Nations in ftirtrf* d inner , held under auspices of the American Committee, April 17, 1043, New Tor* City, listed h i m aa one of tf*r sponsors of the dinner .

The American Committee fo r Protection ctf Foreign Born was cited as subversive and Communist by former Attorney Osneral Clark in letter* t o the Loyalty Review Board (press releasee of June 1. 1948. a n d S i p t e m -ber 21. 1948). The Special Commit tee o n Un-American Activities deeerlbed t h e o r -ganisation aa one of t h e oldeet auxiliaries of the Communist Party in the United States 4 Report of March 29. 1944. p. 165; also cited In Report, J u n e 28. 1942. p. 12).

New Masses. November 16.1937. page 2. r e -ported t h a t A i r a o Copland traa a Judge or a ecng contest given tmder ausptoee of t h e Hew T o r t City division of t h e American l e a g u e Against War and Fascism.

The Amsrtoan League Against War and

toy former Attorney General T o n CUrk in lists furnished t h e Loyalty Review Board, raiseaart December l 1947, a n d Sep-tember 21, 1948. I t was cited as a Commit-n ie t - f ront organisation by t h e Attorney Gen-eral ( O o M n m o a u t Bnooan, volume 88. pa r t 8, page 7443).

. League Against War and was arcmaund a t t h e A n t United

i Against War which waa held S9 t o October L.

a t P i t t s burgh. Ho-vember 98-28. 1937. t he name of t h e c rgan -

i changed to t h e American Laague - , , e e t t h a d

imlt tee o n Un-Amertaui Aettvitiea, report, March 2.1940, p. 10: J a n e 2ft, 1942. p. 14.)

The program. Artists4 F ron t TO Win t h e War. October 18. 1942, page 4. and t he Octo-ber 7. 1942. Issue of the Dally Worker (p. 7) listed Aaron Copland aa a sponsor at t h e organisation. Artists' Front To Win t h e War. This organisation was cited as * Com-munis t front by t h e special commit tee , r e -par t . March 29, 1944. page 96.

Aaron Copland waa a commit tee member and /o r sponsor of the Citlsens Commit tee for Harry Bridges according to a le t terhead of t ha t organisation, da ted September 11.1941.

The a t i a e n s Orwnmtttse f o r Harry Brldgwe was cited aa Communist by t h e Attorney General in a letter to t h e Loyalty Review Board, released to t h e press April 27, 1949. I t was cited aa a Communis t f r o n t , "located (tt 1828 Broadway, New York City, which waa itarmed to oppose deportat ion of Harry Bridges, Communist Par ty T n f r r v r and leader of t he disastrous San Vtanelaoo gen-eral strike at 1934 which was ^ t h e Communist Party.** (Special report, March 29, 1944, pp. 90 a n d 94.)

A letterhead of t h e OnmwUftee of Profes-sional Orocrps for Browder a n d Ford, dated September 23. 1938, and t h e September 2. 1988, Issue of the Daily Worker, (p . 2) listed

Aaron Copland as a member of t ha t o rgan-ization. The Committee of Professional Groups for Browder and Ford was cited as a Communis t front , which operated when those two candidates were running for Pres-ident and Vice President, respectively, on the Communis t Party ticket by the Special c o m -mit tee on Un-American Activities. (Report, March 29.1044. pp. 42 and 181.)

Aaron Copland waa listed as a representa-tive individual in a booklet. These Ameri-cans Say I issued by the Coordinating Com-mi t t ee To Lift the Embargo, which was cited as one of a number of f r o n t organizations, se t u p during the Spanish Civil War by t h e Communis t Party in t h e United States and th rough which the par ty ea rned on a great deal of agitation. <8pedal Committee, Re-por t , March 39, 1944. pp. 127 and 138.)

H i e American Music a 111 a w e of the Friends of t h e 1* frw— w* fiwjwiw were en t e r -ta ined by Aaron Copland, aa shown by the March 28. 1938 LOTUS of t h e Dally Worker ( p . 8 ) . " I n 1937*1938, t h e C o m m u n i s t P a r -t y threw Itself wholeheartedly in to the c a m -paign for the support of t he Spanish Loyalist cause, recruiting men and organising mul t i -far ious so-called relief ocganlrat ions« Among these was t h e above Communis t -f r o n t organisation. (Special Committee. Report , March 29.1944. pp. 82.125; also cited I n R e p o r t of J a n . 3 ,1940 . p . 9 . )

The Dally Worker of April 6. 1937 (p. 9) reported t h a t Mr. Copland was a member at t h e advisory board of Frontier FUms. F ron-t ier Films was a ted as a Communist f r o n t by t h e Special Committee on Un-American Activities In Its report of March 29, 1944, pages 49. 23. and 147.

Anion Copland was a sponsor of The Cen-t u r y of t he Common Man dinner, held by t h e J o i n t Antt-Paedflt Refuges Committee, October 27, 1943. In New York City. This organisat ion was cited es subversive and Communis t toy the Attorney General (press releasee of Benefit her 4.1947. a n d September 21. 1948). I t was cited toy t h e special com-mi t t ee as a Communis t - f ront organisation headed toy Bdward X. Baxaky (report, March 2 9 , 1 9 4 4 , p . 1 7 4 1 .

B e was a member of t h e National Com-mi t t e e for People's Rights as ahown on a, leaf -le t . News Too Don** Get, dated November 18, 1928. The National Committee for the De-fense of Political Prisoners, "substantial ly equivalent t o Internat ional t a b o r Defence, legal a r m of the Communist Party, I t s n a m e I n January 1928 to National Com-mi t t ee for People's Rights s t a n d s ! change wi

t h e National Committee fo r t he Defence of Polit ical Prisoners.** "The organisation tmder Its new name remained entirety under t he control of the Communist Party.** (Special Committee. Reports, J u n e 28,1942, p . 20; and Mar. 29. 1944. pp. 48, 122.)

I t was cited as "among a m a m of organisa-tions'* which were "spasmed for t he silsgsil Purpose of defending dv f l liberties in gen -era l tout actually Intended t o protect Com-m u n i s t subversion f rom any penalties under t h e law** toy the m m m t t t e e in Its report Mo, 1112. September 2, 1947, pege 2.

A let terhead of t h e National Committee f o r t h e Defense of Political Prisoners da ted October 21. 1938, also sImjoou h im to be a m e m b e r of t h a t organisation, which was cited as subversive and try t h e Attorney General in lists furnished t h e Loy-a l t j Review Board. rslocssrt nsnsmliw 4. 1947. a n d September 21. 1948.

"Substantial ly equivalent t o In ternat ional

( i t) eaters t o financially a n d

pie's Rights" (Attorney General. Concyts-siohax* Rboosp. volume 88. par t 6. page 7446).

"The organization was cited as a Commu-nist f ront , together wi th its successor or -ganization. National Committee for People s Bights. The executive secretary of the above was Joseph Geld era, well-known Commu-nist.* (Special Committee. Reports. J u n e 25, 1942. p. 20; and Mar. 29,1944. pp, 48. 182.)

Aaron Copland has been ahown as a spon-sor of t h e National Council of American-Soviet Fr iendship on t h e Call to t he Con-gress of American-Soviet Friendship. November 6-8, 1942, page 4; on a let terhead of the organisat ion da ted March 13. 1946; and a m e m o r a n d u m Issued by t h e organisa-tion March 18. 1948. The .Daily Worker of J u n e 21. 1948 (p. 2) reported t h a t Aaron Copland, composer, signed a s ta tement call-lng for a conference with the Soviet Union sponsored toy t h e National Council of Amer-ican-Soviet Fr iendship. The pamphlet . Bow To Bad t h e Cold War and Build t h e Peace (p. 9 ) . Issued toy t h e National Council • • • named Aaron Copland as a signer of a s t a t e m e n t In praise of Henry Wallace's open le t ter t o Sta l in In May 1948L He also signed a n Open Letter t o the Mayor of Stal in-grad. released toy t h e National Council, as shown in Soviet Russia Today for J u n e 1943 (p. 31) . The repor t to members at t he NCASF toy t h e Director. March 7.1948. named Mr. Copland as vice chai rman of t h e mus i -cians commit tee of t h a t organisation. Mr. Walter 8 . Steele In h is testimony before the Committee on Un-American Activities dur ing public hea r l n j s , Ju ly 21. 1947, s tated t h a t Aaron Copland spoke a t an American-Soviet cul tural confersnce held by t he National Council l a New York City, November 18.1948. The National Council • • • was cited as subversive a n d Communis t toy t he At tor-ney Oeneral of t h e United Sta tes (press r e -leases of Dcoomhor 4.1947, and September 21. 1948). I n a r epor t of t h e special committee

• • • da t ed March 29,19*4. t h e National Council was ci ted ae having been, " in recent months , t h e Communis t Party 's principal f r o n t fo r al l t h ings Russian."

I t Is no ted l a t h e Dally worker of Octo-ber 19.1942. page t . t h a t Mr. Copland signed a s t a t emen t In suppor t of Henry A. Wallace, Issued toy t h e National Council of the Arts. Wcieniw. a n d P r o f w l o d s ; and the February 28, 1949, l a m of t h e earns newspaper r e -ported t h a t h e spoke a t a meeting of the

Mr. Copland was a spon-sor a n d speaker a t t h e Cultural and Scientific Confersnce for World Peace, held under the

t h e National Council* in New York City, March 28-27, 19«9. aa ahown on

program and the Dally Worker of Pebruary 21. 1949 (p. 9) a n d March 12, 1949 (p. 9 ) .

On December 19. 19*0 (p. • ) , t he Dally Worker pr in ted a a appeal aponeored toy the National Federat ion for Consti tutional Lib-erties for " Immedia te nismlsssl of charges f *nst S a m Adsms Darcy, Communist leader * * * * * Aaron Copland. York City, was as es **gTfft t h e appeal .

On Ju ly UL 1942. t h e National Federation for Const i tu t ional Liberties sponsored a n open le t te r t o t h e President of t h e United States, urging h i m t o roormstrtar a n order of Attorney Oeneral Blddle for deportat ion at Harry Brtdgee; t h e Ist ter called a t tent ion to the f ac t t h a t I t Is equally ssesiuiat t h a t the Attorney General 's ill-advised, arbitrary, and unwarranted findings relative to the Com-munis t Pa r ty toe reednded ." thcee who signed t h e open let ter was Aaron Cop-land. Identified a s a oompossr of New York City. The na t iona l federation * • • published t h e open letter in pamphle t form. . ^ 1 9 4 2 ^ ^

or cases publicised by t he Communist Par ty . * * * I n January 1928 i ts changed to the f s t l o n a l Committee f a

*The not ional council and t he cul tural and scientific conference went both cited as Communis t - f ron t organisations by the Com-mittee o n Un-American Activities in Rept . No. 1984 Of April 19, 1949.

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — APPENDIX [171] Hundred Prominent Americans Ask President To Rescind Bid die OecUlon."

Hue National Federat ion for Consti tut ional Liberties baa been cited u subversive and Communist by tbe Attorney General of the United States (press releases of December 4. 1947. and September 31. 1948); In 1M2. t b e Attorney General ci ted tbe National Fed era-t iaa as - p a r t of wbat Lenin called tbe solar system of orgaxuusattons. ostensibly having n o connection wi th t b e Communist Party, by which Communis t s a t t e m p t t o create sympathisers a n d suppor ters of tbetr pro-gram. * • • ( I t ) was established as a rwu l t of a conference on const l tu t lanal liber* ties bald in Washington, D. G* J u n e 7-9. 1940. • • * Tbe of Communis t leadeis iiuch m 0 a m Darcy a n d Robert Wood, par ty e e a w r t e s lor Pennsylvania a n d Oklahoma, have been m a j o r efforts of t b e federat ion." (CQ«eKiM»JUi. Broosw. voL M, p t «, p . 744*.)

"There eaa be n o i sssonsMs doub t about HJm f~* t b a t t b e National Federation fo r Const i tu t ional Liberties—refardless of i t s h igh-sounding name—As one of t b e viciously subversive organizat ions of t b e Communis t Far ty ," (Special committee, report , March 29, 1944, p . 60; also cited in reports, J u n e 25, 1942, p. 20; and Janua ry 2. IMS, pp. 9 a n d 12.) T b e Commit tee on On-American Activities found t b a t i t was among a " m a w of organi-sat ions" which were "spawned fo r t b e a l -leged purpose of defending civil liberties In ganeral b u t actual ly in tended to protect Communis t subversion f rom any penalt ies under t b e l a v . " (Rept . No. 1115, Sep tem-ber 2, 1947, p . 9.)

Aaron Copland was a n enter ta iner a t a l«e« Masses benefit as shown by t h e February 1. 1936. issue of t b a t perlodicaL l lew Masses was ci ted as a Communis t periodical by fo rmsr Attornsy Oeneral Blddle (Cosraaxs-siocmju Banoes, voL SS, pt- i . p . 7 4 a ) . I t la a ns t ions l circulated weekly Journal of t b e CCnwmnlst F*r ty • • • wboee owner-s h i p was vested tn t h e American F u n d f o r Public Service (Gar land F u n d ) , (Special committee report , March 29.1944, pp . 49 and UK; also cited In reports . J anua ry 9, 1839, p . •D; and J u n e 25. 1942, pp . 4 and 21.)

Be was a member of t h e Nan-Part isan C o o m l t t e s for t h e Bselect ion at Congress m a n Tito Marcantonio a s shown on a le t te r -Jaead of t h a t organisat ion, da ted October 3. I t M , Tbe Kon-Part laan Commit tee • • •

a Communis t f r o n t by t he l a Ua repor t of March

2SI, 1944 (p . 122). Zt was repor ted tn t h e Dally Worker fo r

Ju ly 19. 1942 (p. 4) t h a t Mr. Copland was one of those who signed t h e Open Letter tn Oafenee of Bar ry Bridges, which was cited a s a Communis t f r o n t by t h e special com-mi t tee (report , March 29, 19*4, pp . 97. 112, 129. and 166).

An advert isement of t h s Belcbstag F i r s Ti la l Anniversary Commit tee appeared in t he How T a r t Times of December 22.1949 (p. 40),

Aaron Copland aa one or t h e signets of the i r declarat ion. T h e R e V h i t i g Fire Trial • • * waa ci ted a s a Com-m u n i s t f r o n t which was formed tn Dsosiwber 1949. by pus i i tnen t Communis ts and Com-n n n l s t syxnpathlasrs t o •bomw Georgl Dlmi-trov. former bead of t h e Communis t I n t e r -nat ional . (Special commit tee , Marcb 29. 1944. ppt 112 a n d 156.)

Mr. Copland was ahowa as a sponsor of t h e Bchappes Dafenes Commit tee o n a n unds ted let ter heed a n d a pamphlet , I n t b e Case at Morris U. Schappee (p . 10) . T h e Schappee * Defense Commit tee was cited s s Communis t by t he Attorney General In h i s le t ter t o t he Loyalty Bevlew Board, released April 27.

1936 bis superior on t b e college facul ty re-fused to recommend h i m fo r reappoin t -men t . This action led to prolonged agi ta-t ion by t b e Communis t Par ty ." (Special commit tee report, March 29. 1944. p. 71.)

In addi t ion to tbe foregoing in format ion concerning Aaron Copland, t b e following references t o h i m appeared In public h e a r -ings before th is commi t t ee concerning B»wn« E u i e r :

**Mr. S n v u M i X have a n article here wri t ten by you. which appeared in Sovet-skoe Iskuastvo. Ju ly 29, 1935. page 2. and I t has your picture a n d la p r in ted In Rus -s ian . T h e t i t le is T h e Destruct ion of Art ' * * *. Ton s ta te ( r e a d i n g ) : *stUL I a m a n opt imis t wi th regard t o t b e f u t u r e be-cause 2 believe in t he Inexhaust ible s t r eng th of t b e organised tnsssse T b e da rk epoch of fascism makes i t d e a r t o - e a c h hones t a r t i s t t h a t does cooperat ion w i th t h e work-ing mars as Is t he only way Issuing to crea-tive a r t . Only In a revolut ionary s t raggle will a a a r t i s t find h i s o w n individuali ty.

In America where t b e recognised com-poser. Aaron Copland, h a s composed a mass song, t be Firs t of May. • • • Revolu-t ionary music Is now m o r s powerful t h a n ever. I t s political a n d a r t i s t i c Importance Is growing d a l l y / *

Xn f u r t h e r qiwetlnnlng Mr . Ba le r . Mr. Str ipl ing introduced a t rans la t ion of a n interview wi th f lMrr , w h i c h appeared In t h e Evening Moecow of J u n e 27, 1935, a t which Urns Mr. Xtsler s t a t e d :

**X a m extremely pleased t o repot 1 a con-siderable s h i f t t o t h e l e f t among t h e Amer-ican ar t is t ic intel l igentsia . L don ' t t h i n k I t would be a n exaggeration t o s t a t e t h a t t h e beet people In t b e musica l world of America (with very f ew exceptions) share a t present extremely progressive Ideas.

"Their n a m s a r They a r e Aaron Copland." (TTee rings regarding B a n n s Staler, Sep tem-ber 24. 25. and 26. 1947. pp . 9*. 99. 99.)

Mr. Copland signed a s t a t e m e n t to t h e President of t h e United Sta tes , u rg ing a dec -la ra t ion of war o n F i n l a n d which was s p a n -

by t h e American Ocwmcll o n Soviet

Tfee American Oouncfl o n Soviet Relations

Xt w strictly Communis t ob)eettve, namely, t h e defense of a ee l f -admit ted Communis t who was convicted of pe i ju iy In t b e cour ts of Mew York." Morris 0 . Schappee "*was o n t he t e a m i n g staff of t h e College of t h e City of new Tork f a r a period of 19 years. Xn

to t h e Fr iends of t h e Soviet Union" by t h e Attorney Oenera l i n l i s ts fu rn i shed t h e JUoyalty Review Board, raisessd J u n e 1* 1949, a n d September 21, 194A.

Mr. Speaker, X snlrmnly pledge that X am going to do everything m my power to keep the Republican administration under President Eisenhower from be-coming tilmtrtl ag was Party.

There la no room for anyone In Gov-ernment or either political party where there is any question as to that Individ-ual's loyalty and patriotism.

Mr. Paul Home, music editor of the Washington Post, has missed the point entirely. Mr. Hume seems to think that, because of the fact that Mr. Copland received a Pulitzer prize In 1945. a Gug-genheim fellowship and the Hew York music critics' award, the concert com-mittee should not have canceled his score, A Unroln Portrait.

The real issue involved Is whether the Republican Party should lay itself wide open at the beginning of Its administra-tion by permitting music to be played by a composer who has been cited as having been associated in various ways with numerous Communist and Comma-nlst-front organisations, each of these organizations having been so designated by either the Attorney General of the United States or the House Committee on Un-American Activities.

APPENDIX D

Testimony of Hazel Scott Powell Hearings Before the Committee on Un-American Activities, House of Representatives, 81st Congress,

Second Session. September 22, 1950.

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APPENDIX E

Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations, House of Representatives. 84th Congress, Second Session.

March 14, 1956.

182

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"Government Sifting Music Biz for Red Activities," Billboard 65, no. 13 (2 May 1953), 14.

"'Guilt by Association' Rimsky-Korsakov Opera Banned on Canadian Air," Variety 186, no. 12 (28 May 1952), 2.

"Hollywood Job for Larry Adler," New York Times, 1 November 1962, 34:7.

"Immigration Screen Bars Six Tooters of Toronto Symphony from United States," Variety 184, no. 11 (21 November 1951), 39.

Jacobi, Frederick. "WPA Shows with Music," Modern Music 14, no. 1 (Nov.-Dec., 1936), 42-44.

Kahn, EJ. "The Greenwich Tea Party," New Yorker Magazine 26 (15 April 1950), 109-124.

Larkin, M. "Revolutionary Music," New Masses 7, no. 7 (1933), 27.

Marx, H. "Musician fired for alleged communism," Music News 40, (May 1950), 11.

McSiegel, S.R. "How I Caught Music Redhanded," Down Beat 20, (July 1953), 2.

"Music Publishers to Probe State Department Blacklist on Gershwin, et. al.," Variety 191, no. 2 (17 June 1953), 1.

202

Navasky, Victor S. "Naming Names," American Film 6, (Nov. 1980), 69.

Nevard, M. "Reds in British Musical Blamed for 'Porgy' Permit Problems," Down Beat 19 (19 November 1952), 2.

"No Let-Up in Anti-Red War," Billboard 62, no. 41 (14 October 1950), 1.

"Ouster of Ex-Red Gets Okay of AFM; Mandel 'Shocked'," Billboard 62, no.43 (28 October 1950), 4.

"Outfit Fighting United States Bar of Six Canadian Tooters Labeled 'Red' by Union," Variety 187, no. 1 (11 June 1952), 46.

Peyser, Joan. "A Composer Who Defies Categorization," New York Times, 1 JUly 1985, II, 15:3.

Porter, Russell. "Musician Asserts Reds Ruled Jobs," New York Times, 12 April 1957, 20:1.

"St. Louis Orchestra Would Like to Substitute for Symphony of Air Tour," Variety 202, no. 5 (4 April 1956), 60.

Seeger, Charles. "On Proletarian Music," Modern Music 11, no.3 (March 1934), 121-127.

. "The Arts in International Relations," American Musicological Society Journal 2 (Spring 1949), 36-43.

Solomon, Irving. "A decade to defeat decadence, 1933-1943 (Works Progress Administration Music Program)," Musical Courier 151 (1 February 1955), 46-48.

"Spreading the Word," Time 60 (21 July 1952), 81.

"Symphony of Air Fights Back on Red Charges that Nixed Second Overseas Tour," Variety 202, no. 4 (28 March 1956), 72.

Taruskin, Richard. "Prokofiev Hail . . . and Farewell?" New York Times, 21 April 1991, H24.

Taubman, H. "Strange Thanks: Symphony's Asian Tour Repaid With a Slap," New York Times, 8 April 1956.

"Tooters Union Nixes Aid as Two Toronto Symphony Executives Resign Over

203

'Red' Ousters," Variety 188, no. 5 (8 October 1952), 55.

"Top Canadian Tooter Board Nixes Appeal of Symphony Sidemen Tagged as 'Reds'," Variety 188, no. 9 (5 November 1952), 9.

"What is a Pro-Communist?," Newsweek 35 (8 May 1950), 24.

"Why Some Americans Can't Get Passports," US News and World Report 39 (26 August 1955), 79-81.

Wiener, Jon. "Not Necessarily the First Lady," Nation 145 (3 October 1987), 337.

Woolf, S.J. "In the Groove with Bach and Beethoven," New York Times Magazine, 17 June 1945, 16.

GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS

Hearings Regarding Hanns Eisler. Sept. 24-26, 1947

Hearings Regarding Communist infiltration of the motion-picture industry. Oct. 20-24, 27-30, 1947.

Testimony of Hazel Scott Powell Sept. 22, 1950.

Investigation of Communist Activities in the New York City Area (Part I, Part III), May 4, 1953, May 6, 1953.

Investigation of Communist Activities in the Los Angeles, Calif. Area (part VII). April 16, 1956.

Investigation of So-Called "Blacklisting" in Entertainment Industry-Report of the Fund for the Republic, Inc.-Part 3. July 18, 1956.

Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc., and related fields (part I). April 9, 10, 1957.

Investigation of Communism in the Metropolitan Music School, Inc., and related fields (part II). Feb. 7, 8, April 11, 12, 1957.

204

A Review of the Scientific and Cultural Conference for World Peace arranged by the National Council of the Arts, Sciences, and Professions and Held in New York City on March 25, 26, and 27, 1949.

Congressional Record, 83rd Congress, First Session. Appendix, Vol. 99-Part 9, Jan 3, 1953, to March 23, 1953.

Hearings Before the Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations House of Representatives. 84th Congress, Second Session. March 14, 1956.