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Voices of the Poor in Nepal

A Study Report

Submitted to Department of International Development (DFID), Kathmandu

Prepared By:

Hari P. Bhattarai

Nepal South Asia Center (NESAC)

Baluwatar, Kathmandu

April, 2003

Bhattarai, Hari Prasad NESAC, April 2003 2

Acknowledgements

This report is the main outcome of a research study carried out by the Nepal South Asia Centre (NESAC) for the Department for International Development (DFID)'s Kathmandu office. We are grateful to NESAC and DFID's Kathmandu office for providing us an opportunity to undertake the research. We thank the many organisations and individuals who supported the completion of this research work. We would particularly like to thank DFID Nepal's governance adviser Stephen Sharples, and assistant governance adviser Santosh Bisht for their cooperation, support, and suggestions. We also acknowledge the contributions made by Professor John Harris, London School of Economics, and Thomas Carothers of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace for their constructive suggestions and comments on the early drafts of this report. We would like to thank Bishnu P Shah for coordinating the project. Similarly, we acknowledge Professor Birendra Prasad Mishra, Devendra Raj Panday, Chaitanya Mishra and from NESAC for their valuable suggestions during the early phases of the research. We also thank Stephen Keeling for editing this document.

Our special thanks go to research assistants, Bipin Acharya, Lal Bdr GC, T Rawal, Surya L Yadav, Rakesh K Mishra, and Kamaludhin Ansari for building rapport with the study area communities and gathering the study data. Similarly, we thank Bhaskar Goutam for gathering information for the section of media analysis.

A number of NGO workers, Dalit activists, intellectuals, journalists, DDC and VDC representatives, government officials, and community people too numerous to mention, helped us to complete the research. We particularly want to extend our appreciation to the community people of Banke district who shared many of their insights with research team and provided us much pertinent information. This study could not have been completed without their valuable contributions. We heartily appreciate their support and acknowledge that the credit for the strengths of this study goes to all these supporters. We accept responsibility for any weaknesses this report may contain and state that the views expressed here are those of the researchers and do not necessarily match the views of any organisation that has been associated with this study.


Table of Contents

1 Introduction and Methodology ........................................................................................ 5

1.1 Introduction and Objectives......................................................................................... 5

1.2 Concepts and Definitions ............................................................................................ 5

1.3 Methodology ............................................................................................................... 6

2 Contextualising the Poor ................................................................................................. 9

2.1 Poor People’s Perspectives ........................................................................................ 9

2.2 Political Lives of the Poor............................................................................................ 9

3 State of Diversity and Political Participation of the Poor ............................................ 13

3.1 Political System ........................................................................................................ 13

3.2 Political Forces ......................................................................................................... 13

3.3 State of Diversity and Issues of Representation........................................................ 13

4 Modes and Arenas of Exercising Voices ...................................................................... 16

4.1 Political Parties and their Sister Organisations.......................................................... 16

4.2 Elections ................................................................................................................... 16

4.3 Print Media ............................................................................................................... 17

4.4 Development Interventions ....................................................................................... 20

4.5 Civil Society Institutions ............................................................................................ 23

4.6 Local Self-Government ............................................................................................. 23

4.7 Self-help Groups....................................................................................................... 24

5 Social Mobilisation and Political Empowerment .......................................................... 25

5.1 Dalit Assertion........................................................................................................... 25

5.2 Kamaiya Movement .................................................................................................. 26

5.3 The Importance of Social Change Movements.......................................................... 27

6 Conclusions.................................................................................................................... 29

List of Tables

Table 1 Distribution of respondents by residence, age, and sex .......................................... 7

Table 2 Distribution of sampled respondents by residence and caste/ethnicity .................... 7

Table 3 Distribution of respondents by knowledge about political parties........................... 10

Table 4 Voting respondents' preferences in 1999 and 1997 elections................................ 11

Table 5 Percentage of votes won by the political parties in the post-1990 elections........... 11

Table 6 Caste and ethnic composition of Banke DDC, 2002.............................................. 14

Table 7 Caste and ethnic composition of Banke VDC chairpersons & vice-chairpersons ......................................................................................................... 15

Table 8 Voting turnout for Nepal and the study areas ....................................................... 17

Table 9 Status of community forestry programme in Banke district .................................... 21

Table 10 Status of community organisations formed under PDDP in Banke ........................ 22

List of Boxes

Box 1 Chammars Political Empowerment 25


Abbreviations and Acronyms

BASE Backward Society Education CO community organisation CBS Central Bureau of Statistics CBO community based organisation CDO chief district officer CFUC community forestry user committee CPN-D Communist Party of Nepal -- Democratic CPN-UML Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) CSG credit and saving group DAG disadvantaged group DFID Department for International Development DDC district development committee DEVA Development Associates for Rural and Regional Development Studies DNF Dalit NGO Federation FUG forest user group FECOFUN Federation of Community Forestry Users of Nepal GFONT General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions ICMOD International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development IIDS Institute for Integrated Development Studies INGO international non-governmental organisation INSEC Informal Sector Service Center KCG Kamaiya Concern Group KLF Kamaiya Liberation Front LSGA Local Self Government Act MG mothers group NC Nepali Congress NESAC Nepal South Asia Center NGO Non-governmental organisation NPF National People Front NSP Nepal Sadbhavana Party NWPP Nepal Workers and Peasants Party PDDP Participatory District Development Program RPP Rastriya Prajatantra Party SJM Sanyukta Jana Morcha UG user group UNDP United Nation Development Program UPFN United People’s Front, Nepal VDC village development committee WTO World Trade Organisation


1 Introduction and Methodology

1.1 Introduction and Objectives

This study is an attempt to identify the barriers faced by poor and marginalised people in exercising their voices. The overall objective of the study is to assess the political participation of poor and marginalised people. This study analyses the ways in which they have been exercising their voices. Poor people express their voices as voters, as members of a group, and as political actors. This study, by looking at voting patterns and preferences, has tried to assess the nature of their political participation. It also looked at the linkages between social mobilisation and empowerment of the poor.

The research sought to provide answers to two main questions about the voices of the poor.

• How have they been able to participate in the institutions at various levels within the political parties, within the elected government bodies, and within local civil society institutions?

• How have poor people's own attempts at organising to press for change, changed their positions vis-à-vis the political system?

To explore these two questions the study investigated:

• the voting patterns and preferences of the poor and what determines their voting behaviour;

• poor people's perceptions of political processes;

• how the national and regional media have represented poor people's concerns and issues;

• the linkages between social mobilisation and the political empowerment of poor and marginalised people; and

• the state of diversity and political participation at the local and national levels of the political system.

1.2 Concepts and Definitions

Poverty -- This study defined poverty as being ‘…a state of want and disadvantage’, or a state of deprivation. In the Nepalese context, poverty is associated with ‘...lack of incomes and assets, physical weakness, isolation, vulnerability and powerlessness’ (Chambers 1987: 8-9). It is widely recognised that the poor are not only poor in terms of income but also in terms of exercising their voices to express their needs. Income-poverty is, in part, a consequence of poverty of political and social power (NESAC 2002). Similarly, it is often the lack of political and social power, which results in poverty.

Most of Nepal's poor people suffer from either geographic isolation or social exclusion, or both. Those people who suffer most from social exclusion are the so-called low caste dalits and the ethnic groups who are placed low down on the caste Hindu social hierarchy. The bulk of poor and marginalised people in Nepal are women, Dalits, and ethnic group people (Janajatis), and those people without land and on low incomes (Bhattachan 1997:113-14).

Voices -- Voices are defined as the articulation and the assertions, demands, reactions, and forms of resistance made by the poor to change existing socio-political conditions in


order to improve their life circumstances. These voices are generally exercised in the arenas of government institutions and other political and civil society institutions. This study used local expression and concepts as far as possible to capture the context of exercises of voices of the poor.

Social mobilisation – This study defines the concept of social mobilisation as a way of organising community people to bring about change, be it concerning economics, politics, religion, culture or even health practices. Social mobilisation is one of the main means of political empowerment.

Empowerment -- Empowerment is both a process and a goal. It refers to the development of a certain state of mind -- of feeling powerful, competent and having increased self-esteem -- and the reallocation of power through the modification of structural conditions (UNDP 1998). The World Bank (2001) defines empowerment as “the expansion of assets and capabilities of poor people to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control, and hold accountable institutions that affect their lives." Empowerment is thus concerned with the process of the gradual upliftment of people to an improved state in terms of their voice and power, and the functioning and influence of their institutions, and organisation.

1.3 Methodology

This study carried out a literature review and a field study. Firstly, a detailed review was made of the literature pertaining to the voices of the poor in Nepal. It focused on finding out about voting patterns, voting preferences, and their determinants, and perceptions about current political processes. It also investigated media coverage, social mobilisation, political empowerment, cultural pluralism, and the political representation of poor and marginalised people as they relate to the voices of the poor. Besides, it sought to shed light on the process of change taking place in the exercise of political rights or voices by poor and marginalised people and role of various actors involved in that process of change. This study also analysed how the print media presents questions of poverty.

A research study was designed to complement and substantiate the literature review by collecting first-hand empirical evidence. The fieldwork for this research took place in November- December 2002. Detailed indicators and checklists were developed to guide information collection and relevant data were collected using various tools and techniques generally employed in social sciences.

Study site

Keeping in mind time constraints, the sensitivity of some of the research issues, and security concerns to do with the Maoist insurgency, the research team selected Banke as the study district. The research team's familiarity with this area was the main reason for selecting it amidst the escalating violent situation at the time.

Banke district has a number of distinctive features. It has quite a diverse population in terms of caste, ethnicity, and regional population although it is mostly populated with people of plains origin: deshi (Indian origin Hindus), the indigenous Tharus, and Muslims. Compared with Nepal's other 74 districts, Banke is well-off in terms of natural resources, per capita food production, and per capita budget allocation but only has a medium standing in terms of the indicators of poverty and deprivation, institutional and infrastructure development, and women’s empowerment (ICIMOD 1997). It has a low ranking for literacy with a high number of educationally disadvantaged people.


About one-third of Banke's population have been classified as poor and marginalised according to the two indicators of being members of an educationally disadvantaged group and being landless and marginal farm households (CBS 2001).

The main study respondents were 250 poor people. They were selected to give a mix of rural and urban-based people from a mix of the district's different caste and ethnic groups. The four VDCs of Indrapur, Paraspur, Kohalpur and Puraina and a few wards of Nepalganj Municipality were selected to carry out the field studies. The communities residing in these areas include a representative spread of Banke's poor and marginalised people.

Selection of the study respondents

The 250 study poor study respondents were identified in discussions with local government officials, political representatives, development activists, NGO workers, and local academics. They were identified on the basis of the amount of land they owned, their economic condition, food security, type of employment, educational status, location of residence, and house type. The selection was made to include representatives from all the significant poor and marginalised groups: landless, marginal landholders, wage-labourers, women, Hill and Tarai origin Dalits, Muslims, Tharus, and others. The respondents were selected from within these groups to give a spread in terms of age, sex, education and locality. Tables 1 and 2 shows the respondents' profile.

Table 1 Distribution of respondents by residence, age, and sex

Urban area Rural area Total Age

group Male Female Male Female Male Female

<40 years 31 70% 19 73% 55 52% 32 43% 86 58% 51 51%

>40 years 13 30% 7 27% 50 48% 43 57% 63 42% 50 49%

Total 44 100% 26 100% 105 100% 75 100% 149 100% 101 100%

Table 2 Distribution of sampled respondents by residence and caste/ethnicity

Caste/Ethnic Group Urban area Rural area Total

Brahmin/Chhetri and Tarai high caste Hindus 10 14% 31 17% 41 16%

Muslims 4 6% 24 13% 28 11%

Dalits (hill and Tarai) 25 36% 97 54% 122 49%

Tharu & other ethnic groups (Gurung, Magar etc.) 20 29% 12 7% 32 13%

Others Tarai (Chidhimars, Kusbadiya, Ghasiyars) 11 15% 16 9% 27 11%

Total 70 100 180 100 250 100

The study selected 30 other people as key informants. They were selected for having an in-depth knowledge and experiences on the subject of the research. They included local and national political party leaders, intellectuals, researchers, NGO workers, women and community activists, local government officials, and VDC and DDC ex-representatives.

Data collection tools and the research process

The study gathered information by interviewing the 250 poor men and women, and by holding meetings and focus group discussions with people from a range of backgrounds and interviews with key informants. The study team developed research tools in the form


of lists of issues to address and questions to ask. Personal interview schedules, checklists for key informant interviews and focus group discussions, and informal discussions were also developed.

The field research team was made up of five research assistants and a principal investigator. The field assistants were selected for their previous experience of carrying out social science research and for their familiarity with the study areas and its people. This familiarity reduced the time needed for rapport building. Before starting on the field research, the team met in Nepalganj – Banke district headquarters — to discuss the question-sets, objectives and research methodology. This helped to improve the research tools and to fine-tune the overall research process. The team then set about using these tools and methods to collect information.

Workshops

A district level workshop was organised after the field study had taken place. Concerned stakeholders were invited to discuss the preliminary findings. Useful and relevant comments and suggestions were incorporated into this final report. Finally, the findings of the study were compiled and presented at a workshop held in Kathmandu. The comments and suggestions from this workshop were also incorporated into this final report.

Study limitations

This study was conducted with the main objective of assessing the exercise of voices of poor and marginalised people in Nepal. It relied on collecting primary information from communities. Information gathered in this way depends on both the respondents and the interviewers' perceptions and views. In some cases, the data recorded may not have been representative of the general picture and some of the findings may not be conclusive and generally applicable across Nepal.

Despite these limitations, this research has highlighted a diverse range of issues to do with the exercise of voice by poor people, which should largely reflect the situation in similar areas of Nepal.


2 Contextualising the Poor

2.1 Poor People’s Perspectives

The group of poor men and women study respondents defined poverty and marginalisation in terms of the lack of:

• economic assets and means of livelihood (land, employment, house);

• adequate supplies of food and cash;

• access to development infrastructure (roads, bridges, electricity, irrigation); and

• education.

They also defined it as involving:

• external factors such as dependency, isolation, a lack of access to important persons and organisations, little or no presence in decision-making about societal affairs, and social stigma; and

• personal characteristics such as lack of courage and strength to speak, poor health, physical weakness, powerlessness, insecurity and vulnerability, indebtedness, state of exploitation and subordination, and low self-esteem.

They particularly emphasised the issues concerning the basic necessities sated in Nepali as 'gans, bas, kapas' (food, shelter and clothing). They also stressed their dependency, lack of power and lack of voice as core elements of their poverty. According to them powerlessness is reflected in having weak or no negotiating power in setting the terms for their labour or the prices for their products. This generally results in them being easily exploited by moneylenders, merchants, landlords, officials, and the police. As a result, the poor are usually compelled to sell their labour and products for a cheap price.

The group of poor people identified the following study area groups as being mostly made up of poor people: Dalits (ntouchables) including Kami, Damai, Sarki, Gaine, Badi, Chamar, Dhobi, Khatik, Pasi, Kori, and Bhangi; other low caste people such as Chidimar, Maganta, Ghasiyaran and Kusbadiya; the Kamaiyas (ex-bonded labourers), and the Muslims. However, they recognised that there were income-poor people who did not belong to these groups. Similarly, a few people from these groups are not income-poor. Women and income-poor people such as landless people and wage labourers who have little or no access to a means of livelihood are found across all castes, ethnic and religious groups.

2.2 Political Lives of the Poor

Nepalese society is segmented along the lines of gender, caste, sub-caste, regional, racial, ethnic, sub-ethnic, and religious identities. The caste hierarchy, which represents the status quo, is fundamentally rooted in Hinduism. Although the various ethnic groups have their own distinctive religious traditions, Hinduism has always dominated throughout Nepal's history. Since the unification of Nepal in the eighteenth century, Nepal's political system, like the social system at large, has been highly segmented, with a pyramidical structure dominated by a handful of families belonging primarily to the Brahmin and Chhetri castes (Joshi and Rose 1966). A large section of society belonging to the many ethnic groups and the lower parts of the caste system have been left out of the political process.


Poor people tend to be fatalistic in nature. Their state of poverty and illiteracy, and their lack of knowledge leads them to think that their fate is responsible for their misfortunes. They are therefore more likely than other people to accept their low status as predetermined. Such individuals readily accept powerful external forces as the prime movers in the world (Bista 1991). Such attitudes have not only encouraged their passive acceptance of the system but have also encouraged their exploitation.

The study investigated a range of subjects to test the poor respondents knowledge and involvement in politics.

Poor voters knowledge and preferences

To test the knowledge of the poor respondents about the political parties, the poor respondents were asked whether they knew the major political parties and their election symbols. Their responses are shown in Table 3. It shows that majority of the poor respondents in both rural and urban areas were more or less familiar with the major political parties. The two leading parties, NC and CPN-UML had wider presence among the poor people in the study area.

Table 3 Distribution of respondents by knowledge about political parties

Political Parties

Urban area Rural area Total

Nepali Congress (NC) 49 70% 120 67% 169 68%

Communist Party of Nepal-UML (CPN-UML) 35 50% 105 58% 140 56%

Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) 30 43% 66 37% 96 38%

Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP) 16 23% 12 7% 28 11%

Sanyukta Jana Morcha (SJM) 7 10% 2 1% 9 4%

Total (70) - (180) - (250) -

Source: Field Survey, 2002

The study found that a majority of the poor respondents were not interested in party politics. Only about 7% of the 250 respondents were involved in the activities of political parties as party cadre. Proportionately more rural than urban respondents said they were involved. Most of the involvement was limited to the two main political parties, the Nepali Congress (NC) and the CPN (UML). These figures suggest that poor people have little access to party cadres.


Table 4 Voting respondents' preferences in 1999 and 1997 elections

1999 General Election 1997 Local Election Political Parties Urban

N= 70 Rural

N= 180 Total

N= 250 Urban N= 70

Rural N= 180

Total N= 250

NC 16 41% 48 41% 64 41% 11 23% 53 38% 64 34%

CPN-UML 10 25.5% 46 39% 56 35% 24 50% 58 42% 82 44%

RPP 10 25.5% 16 13% 26 16% 11 23% 20 14% 31 17%

NSP 3 8% 6 5% 9 6% 2 4% 8 6% 10 5%

SJM - - 2 2% 2 1% - - - - - -

Total 39 100 118

100 157

100 48 100 139

100 187

100

Source: Field Survey, 2002

The study found that quite a high number of the poor respondents voted at the 1997 and 1999 elections. Sixty three percent of the 250 voted in the 1999 general elections and 75% in the 1997 local elections. More rural respondents (77% and 65%) than urban respondents (69% and 56%) voted in both the 1997 local and 1999 general elections. Slightly more women than men voted in both the national and local elections (national election: men 59%, women 68%; local election: men 71%, women 82%).

Table 4 shows that most poor respondents voted for the two main political parties, the NC and the CPN (UML). A majority favoured the CPN (UML) at the 1997 local elections and the NC at the 1999 general election.

Table 5 Percentage of votes won by the political parties in the post-1990 elections

Local Election National Election Political Parties 1992 1997 1991 1994 1999

NC 50 29 38 33 36

UML 26 50 28 31 31

RPP 10 12 5 18 10

NSP 5 1 4 4 3

Small parties & independents 9 6 25 14 20

Vacant - 2 - - -

Total 100 100 100 100 100

Source: Hachhethu, 2002, Election Commission, 1997

Table indicates that Nepalese people have preferred NC and the UML. The NC won a majority of the seats in the lower house in 1991 and 1999 -- with the UML as the strongest opposition party -- and won the largest number of seats (88) in the 1994 general election. The NC has won the highest percentage of the vote in all but the 1997 local elections. Thus, there is no significant difference between the voting preferences of the poor respondents to this study sample compared to Nepalese voters as a whole.

Almost half of the poor respondents believed that the electoral processes (voter list preparation, campaigning, and voting) were unfair.

Organisations of the poor

The group of 250 poor respondents said little about their 'own' organisations that cut across communities or that have succeeded in accessing the resources meant for the


poor. But they did know about a few NGOs and self-help groups that specialise in delivering services such as those related to community development, drinking water, roads, health services, and non-formal education to rural communities. Some of these organisations were said to focus their work on empowering women, children, Dalits, and ethnic groups.

Only 16 (6%) of the 250 respondents said they were members of NGOs, CBOs, or other civil society organisations. Of these only three held decision-making posts. The poor respondents thought that the NGOs had a more positive impact than government agencies because they tended to take a more participatory approach, be more poverty and gender sensitive, more sincere and responsive, and be more effective at implementing programmes. Only 17 (7%) of the 250 respondents said they were members of political parties. Of these, six were associated with NC, five with CPN (UML), five with the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), and one with the Nepal Sadbhavana Party (NSP).

The poor respondents said that the VDCs, DDCs, government line agencies, and civil society institutions in their area were dominated by rich upper caste Hindu men. They also said that they had little or no access to the government line agencies but comparatively good access to local government and civil society institutions. They also said that they received a poorer level of service from VDCs currently functioning without elected representatives.

The poor respondents mentioned a number of informal networks and associations including kin groups, and neighbourhood and burial societies which were found in their areas. They said that these informal networks were critical for their survival. These organisations are not connected with the state's resources, NGOs, or private sector institutions, and so in times of shared economic stress, such as famine and floods, their resources are heavily depleted. These informal and loose associations tend to be apolitical and generally confined to within a community. Nonetheless, they play an important part in providing basic services to their communities and to strengthening social cohesion.

A number of organisations have been formed to oppose discrimination against poor and marginalised people, principally Dalits, women, and ethnic people. They have raised issues such as demanding education in the local language, providing more support for cultural development, and decentralising decision making. However, it is debateable how far groups mobilised around a particular identity such as Dalit, ethnic, Madhise, Tharu, and women have been successful in tackling the problems of poverty that are rooted in the social structure.


3 State of Diversity and Political Participation of the Poor

3.1 Political System

The 1990 constitution was drafted by representatives of the Nepali Congress and the left parties who had led the People’s Movement of early 1990. These people lay the foundations for a democratic system whilst avoiding radical change. The most significant change was that the partyless system was replaced with a multiparty democratic system. The king became a constitutional monarch and power was transferred to a democratically elected government. The new constitution defined the multiparty system, constitutional monarchy, and popular sovereignty as the fundamental features of Nepal's new polity.

The 1990 constitution has directive principles which say that the state should take the responsibility of involving people in governance through a policy of decentralisation. In the same way, Article 46 of the constitution says that an electoral college made up of the members of local self government institutions elect fifteen members of the upper house of parliament.

The Local Self-governance Act, (1999) (LSGA) and its related regulations (1999) empowers local government bodies to decide on local development issues. The preamble to the act highlights the importance of popular participation and emphasises the participation of ethnic communities, indigenous groups, women and socially and economically deprived people.

3.2 Political Forces

The political parties are the major political forces. The constitution transferred political power from the king to the elected representatives of the people. It made the elected politicians and their political parties primarily responsible for the implementation of democracy and social change.

Only a few of the more than 100 political parties that have come into existence have won seats in the legislature since 1990. These are the Nepali Congress, the Communist Party of Nepal (UML), the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, the Nepal Sadbhavana party, National People Front (NPF), Nepal Worker's and Peasant's Party (NWPP), Communist Party of Nepal - Democratic (CPN-D), and United People’s Front of Nepal (UPFN). The only other significant party has been the Nepal Communist Party (Maoist) which is a radical communist force that has been working outside parliament since 1996 by waging an armed movement against the government. The monarchy represents the traditional political force in Nepali politics.

A tripartite political force has been clearly visible in Nepalese politics since 1990. They have been the traditional supporters of an active monarchy, the political parties working in the parliament, and the political forces active outside of parliament.

3.3 State of Diversity and Issues of Representation

Nepal's 2001 census officially recognised 101 ethnic and caste groups, and subgroups, and documented 93 living languages (CBS 2001). It also recorded that the eight religions of Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam, Kirat, Jain, Sikh, Christian, and Bahai are followed in Nepal. This wide-ranging diversity of castes, races, ethnic groups, religions, languages, and regional identities make the Nepali state a complex cultural mosaic. A truly democratic system should guarantee the participation of all sections of the population in the political process without discrimination. But in reality, the Hindu caste


Brahmins and Chhetris and high class Newars, who make up just over a third of the population, have preferential access to the state's resources than the rest of the population. The members of these three groups occupy almost all important decision making positions. One study found that in 1999 these groups held more than 80% of leadership positions in important governance institutions such as the judiciary, executive, legislature, and public administration (Neupane, 2000).

The data presented in tables 6 and 7 suggest a similar trend of political participation from the study areas. Although Dalits, other low castes, and other disadvantaged groups make up about 20 per cent of the study area's population, they are very poorly represented in the institutions of local government, and political decision making bodies. The table 6 presents the caste ethnic composition of Banke DDC.

Table 6 Caste and ethnic composition of Banke DDC, 2002

Caste/Ethnic Group Number Percentage Total Population in Banke

Brahmin/Chhetri 9 56.25 80684

Muslims 3 18.75 81417

Tharus 3 18.75 63344

Kurmi 1 6.25 10910

Total 16 100

Source: Field Study, 2002

Table 6 shows that Brahmins and Chhetri hold more than half of Banke DDC positions.

Dalits and other low caste people were not represented at all despite the fact that they

make up a significant portion of the total population (see Table 7). Only one women, of

high caste hill origin, was on the DDC occupying the position reserved for a nominated

woman.

Table 7 shows the caste and ethnic composition of all elected VDC chairpersons and

vice chairpersons for the 47 VDCs in Banke district. It also indicates the domination of

high caste people in the leadership of local body. They occupy more than fifty percent of

the total leadership position. But due to their numerical strength, disadvantaged groups

also have comparatively fair access to lower level leadership in local bodies. It seems

that local level position is usually distributed according to population strength in a

particular location.


Table 7 Caste and ethnic composition of Banke VDC chairpersons & vice- chairpersons

Caste/ethnic Group Number Percentage Total Population in Banke

High caste (hill origin) 26 27.65 80684

High caste (Tarai origin) 22 23.48 41812

Muslims 20 21.27 81417

Tharus 8 8.51 63344

Dalit (hill origin) 3 3.19 24361

Dalit (Tarai origin) 4 4.25 27623

Magar and Gurung 2 2.12 24098

Newar 2 2.12 5171

Vacant 3 3.19 -

Other 4 4.25 - Total 94 100.0 -

Source: Field Study, 2002

All of the four MPs elected from Banke district at the 1999 general election were high

caste Hindus. In this Tarai area it has been hill origin high caste people who have

dominated all domains of political leadership in the VDCs, municipality, DDC, and

parliament.

The above discussion makes clear that representation of poor and marginalized people

in the decision making bodies at all levels is clearly disproportionate. Banke's poor and

marginalised people have poor representation in the DDC and have no representation in

parliament. No people from these groups occupied leadership positions in district level

party organisations. Only a very few had government jobs or any other kind of secure

employment.

Research conducted by DEVA (2000) and IIDS (2000) has shown that women, poor, low

caste, Dalits, and ethnic group people are frequently underrepresented in politics. While

their representation has been increasing, there are still significant caste, ethnic and

gender imbalances, particularly in regions with a higher incidence of poverty and below

average rates of literacy.


4 Modes and Arenas of Exercising Voices

Since 1990 in Nepal, a number of institutional mechanisms have been developed through which poor and marginalised people can articulate their voices. These include the electoral system (occasional elections, public opinion polls, and referenda), political parties and their sister organisations, the mass media, local government institutions, non-governmental organisations, community based organisations, ethnic and caste group organisations, trade unions, public meetings and hearings, user groups and self-help associations, consultation procedures and participatory development processes.

The major issues on which the poor and marginalised people have exercised their voices have been about land, livelihoods, social exclusion, political participation, equal excess to resources, freedom from bonded labour, and government accountability. Adequate and secure livelihoods have been the central concern of poor people whilst social exclusion and untouchability are of equal concern for Dalits.

4.1 Political Parties and their Sister Organisations

No political party in Nepal is exclusively associated with the poor. However, the CPN (UML) has been most associated with the concerns of poor and marginalised people, and it has had more local leaders from the poor and marginalised people parts of society (Hachhethu 2002).

In the study area, except for the NSP, all the other political parties' leadership positions were dominated by hill origin upper caste Hindus. The NSP is the party of the Tarai upper castes. The representation of the poor in all parties was marginal. The UML had the most balanced socioeconomic composition, as it had a number of lower caste and poor people as grassroots leaders. The RPP and NSP were heavily dominated by better-off people. People from the Dalit, low caste, and ethnic groups from both the Tarai and the hills did not occupy the power structure of the political parties. It was also found that women and poor and marginalised people had occupied very few decision-making positions of political parties in the study area.

The leadership structure at the upper levels of Banke's main parties was appeared elitist. The leadership at the lower levels was broader based and more representative of the diversity of social and cultural groups. All the same poor people were not proportionately represented.

The 250 respondents were asked whether there were any political parties that particularly worked to benefit poor people in their area. Almost two-thirds of them replied that none of the parties worked effectively for the poor, whilst more than half of respondents stated that there was no 'pro-poor' political party. Only 48 (19%) of them said that the CPN (UML) had done comparatively well for the poor whilst 39 (16%) said the same for the NC.

The political parties and their sister organisations have organised some activities to voice the concerns of poor and marginalised people. But these have been limited to a few seminars, gatherings, and rallies that have had little effect on changing the structural relations of power.

4.2 Elections

All citizens in Nepal above the age of 18 have the right to vote. Periodic elections, opinion polls and referenda are some of the main channels through which the voices of poor people have been exercised. Voter turnout in the elections held since 1990, the


study areas, and the study samples has been generally high (Table 8). However, poor people's turnout in both the national and local elections was slightly lower than the average turnout for the country as a whole (tables 4 and 8) But elections are occasional and address only the broad issues. Besides, the persistence of electoral malpractices is wide (Bhattarai, 2002) and such practices may not make elections truly reflective of poor people’s voices.

Table 8 Voting turnout for Nepal and the study areas

Voting rate (%)

General elections Local elections

1991 1994 1999 1992 1997

Nepal 65% 62% 66% - -

Banke District 64% 64% 71% 72% 76%

Nepalganj Municipality - - - 59% 70%

Kohalpur VDC - - - 66% 51%

Parspur VDC - - - 90% 87%

Indrapur VDC - - - 82% 83%

Puraina VDC - - - 80% 86%

Source: Election Commission, 1991, 1994, and 1999

Poor and the marginalised people often treat elections as festive occasions which gives the impression that they are consciously participating in them. However, in reality, most poor voters are mobilised to vote by money, muscle and feudal-type allegiances. Illiterate and poor people, many of whom are Dalits or members of ethnic groups, are the prime victims of these kind of electoral malpractices. They participate in all steps of the electoral process from registering their names to casting their votes. In reality, their votes have often been directly or indirectly hijacked in favour of a particular candidate. In this way these groups are the victims of what Sen (2001) has termed as 'unfair inclusion' (rather than outright exclusion) in the electoral process.

The 250 poor respondents cited the following factors that influenced which candidate they voted for.

• the style of election campaigning (almost three-quarters);

• the use of money (more than two-thirds);

• the parties' election manifestoes (almost three-fifths);

• the use of state/bureaucratic power (more than half); and

• bullying (one-third).

The respondents on average said that a combination of three of the above factors influenced their voting decisions.

4.3 Print Media

The study carried out a review of how the print media covers poverty. The review assessed the content of the following Nepali-language newspapers and magazines published over the 12 months from 16 August 2001 to 15 August 2002.

• The two leading daily newspapers, Kantipur and Gorkhapatra (alternate monthly issues of each was scrutinised to give a total half yearly coverage of each one).


• Weekly newspapers Desantar and Janastha.

• Leading newsmagazines Himal and Nepal.

• Mulyankan monthly magazine and Bikas quarterly magazine.

• Janamant bi-weekly newspaper from Nepalgunj, Banke (from 20 August 2002 to 11 February 2002)

The review picked out reports and articles from these publications that related to poverty. These included reports and articles that more or less specifically related to poverty including ones about poverty alleviation programmes, local skill building efforts, literacy and public health programmes, women, Dalits, and Janajati. The review assessed issues such as the level of debate, the type of content, and the trend of discussions of poverty in the print media. The findings are given below under seven themes.

Poverty makes few headlines

Of the more than 350 articles concerning poverty published in Kantipur and Gorkhapatra in the 12 month review period only nineteen figured on the front page. Inclusion on the front page was mostly linked to ‘media-worthy’ events such as the SAARC summit, government announcements, and the Nepal Development Forum. These articles, as well as being event-driven, were also personality-oriented. Only the voices of top level government and other prominent persons were reported. The majority of poverty-related stories were tucked away in the inside pages.

Poverty did not make any headlines in the weeklies Desantar and Janasata or in biweeklies Himal and Mulayankan. Nepal newsmagazine, however, did carry features on its front pages on life in inaccessible areas and difficulties experienced by those affected by the Maoist insurgency.

What the media presents about poverty

The review showed that the print media provides very little coverage to poverty related issues. What was covered was mainly policy-oriented and based on press-handouts rather than the people’s voice as such. Even the coverage like this was dominated by trade issues rather than about agricultural labourers, marginal landholders, and landlessness. For example, announcements by consortia of industrialists and businessmen frequently appeared in the publications under review. They frequently published tourism entrepreneurs' concerns about the declining number of tourists, but gave hardly any little attention to poor farmers' problems. Also, the reporting had a clear urban bias.

Kamaiyas and women -- most coverage

Of the many themes relating to marginalised groups it was the Kamaiyas (ex-bonded labourers) and women who received the most coverage.

The print media played a crucial role in publicising the movement to outlaw the Kamaiya system of bonded labour. It was outlawed in mid-2000. The coverage in the review period mainly concerned the rehabilitation of ex-Kamaiyas, their livelihoods, health, and education. Reporting from the first year of the post-liberation period highlighted the limitations of the government’s efforts. There was some criticism of the movement itself and the lack of coordination between the various NGOs. Some of this criticism questioned the government’s decision to free the Kamaiya and levelled accusations


against 'well-meaning but disorganised social workers' who had worked to liberate the Kamaiyas.

The media coverage on women covered a wide range of issues including women’s health (life expectancy, fertility rate, and maternal mortality), education, sanitation, and other subjects, all issues that are directly related to poverty. The Nepalgunj based publication Janamat published several features on women's issues. Almost all of them were published on courtesy of written by Mahila Lekhmala, a publication of private media house called Sancharika Samuha, and none were written by the publications journalists as independent initiatives to generate fresh content. Some of the publications studied showed clear instances of gender bias.

There was only a small amount of coverage of Dalit issues during the review period. Bikas magazine provided the most because it is associated with the Sustainable Development Forum that works for Dalit's rights. Himal and Nepal followed the pattern of conventional news magazines and only give space to Dalits to report ‘newsworthy’ incidents.

Janajatis – least coverage

The review found that issues relating to Janajatis (ethnic groups) received the least coverage amongst the marginalised groups. There was no Janajati and poverty related coverage in the dailies. The Janajati coverage was mostly limited to exotic groups like Praja, Chepang and Rautes.

Neglect of remote areas

There was little coverage about remote areas in the publications under review. The print media is overwhelmingly event driven, with many entertaining features, and policy-oriented opinion pieces. The explanation that publications have difficulties in getting hold of news from these areas does not hold water as these areas do receive coverage on issues related to tourism, the Maoist insurgency, and famine.

Focus on 'glamour'

Poverty coverage tends to be event driven. It only usually happens when the poor make news as shown in the following examples from the publications under review.

The Kamaiya issue only made news after the movement to abolish the Kamaiya system was well underway. Until then the average reader of Nepal's press was unaware of the conditions of Nepal's bonded labourers. An event, not the issue which had existed in five Terai districts for over fifty years, created the news. Bonded labourers exist in other parts of Nepal, but their plight has not been considered as newsworthy by the press.

This is equally applicable with Dalits, Janajatis, and women. Dalit movements such as the Chamar rebellion in Siraha, and the forced entry into temples in western Nepal, and samuhiik bhojans where upper castes and Dalits dine together were reported in the review period. There were also occasional reports of atrocities on Dalits and reports of meetings and conferences.

With Janajatis it is usually the novelty factor that dictates the news. Praja people live in caves, and Raute people live in the forest. Such groups are easily identifiable, different, quaint, and pre-modern, and features about them excite readers' curiosity and are eminently newsworthy. This approach stresses their ‘otherness’ rather than their poverty and marginalisation. The problem of 'internal colonisation' faced by many of Nepal's ethnic groups, and their long-standing social, cultural, political, and economic marginalisation remain unreported.


Poverty dialogue

The Nepali Press mainly focuses on poverty in relation to infrastructural development and growing/decreasing income levels of Nepalese people. It carries little coverage aimed at improving the lives of the poor. Over the 12 month review period there were only a few features that covered the socio-political dimension of poverty and suggested alternative approaches to the study of poverty beyond the economic dimension.

The only poverty related themes debated in the review period were the HMGN budgets and five-year plans. The publications focussed much more on modern technological advances such as sophisticated developments such as telemedicine rather than on the more mundane but for Nepal much more relevant high doctor-patient ratios and poor medical facilities. The absolute numbers of illiterates and school drop-outs, the quality of government schools, poorly qualified teachers, the lack of textbook and proper buildings are neglected.

Discussions in the press about the World Trade organisation (WTO) focused on whether trading as a WTO member would help Nepal mitigate poverty. This debate solely revolved around whether in a general sense Nepal would lose out by not joining the WTO. Most of the pieces sermonised without offering any concrete solutions to Nepal’s rampant poverty.

4.4 Development Interventions

A number of development interventions have built in mechanisms that facilitate people's participation. For example, the Participatory District Development Program (PDDP) and the Community Forestry Development Programme have both provided poor and marginalised people with ways of influencing how the programmes are run. The opportunities given to poor and marginalised people to express their concerns, to analyse their needs and problems, and to arrive at solutions is seen as vital to motivate them to actively engage in community development activities.

Community forestry programme

The community forestry programme began in Banke district in 1995. It has the principal objective of empowering local organisations to preserve their forests and use the forest products productively and sustainably. It also promotes livelihood opportunities for forest users and particularly for poor and marginalised people.

The community forest process begins by identifying, forming, and registering a forest user group (FUG). It starts with discussions amongst potential users along with a community forestry extension worker to identify the forest boundaries and the forest's users. The user group is formed and then enters into an agreement with the district forest office which includes developing an operational plan to govern forest conservation, development, management and benefit sharing. These operational plans require an elected executive committee to be formed which should include the representation of women and Dalits.

The main institutional innovation in community forestry has been the forest user groups. These groups are the supreme bodies within community forestry. They are made up of all the user households usually with equal responsibility for conserving the forest and for sharing their forest's produce. User committees are elected through consensus. However, they cannot make policy decisions. It is the annual user group conventions that set the goals, identify the activities, and formulate strategies for the coming year. The committees' job is to execute annual plans.


By 2002, 55 forest user groups had been formed in Banke. Of these, 45 had been handed over to community management. These forests covered 3,856 hectares with a total of 6,438 user households and 42,690 individuals (Table 9).

Table 9 Status of community forestry programme in Banke district

No. of FUGs No. of CF User HHs

Population of CF Users Representation in CFU committees

Woman managed

DAG managed

Other

Total DAG Other Total Male Female Total Women (%)

DAG (%)

5 3 37 45 2,156 4,282 6,438 20,862 21,828 42,690 30.23 40.47

Source: District Forest Office, Banke, 2002. Note: FUG – forest user group, DAG – disadvantaged group

Table 9 shows that the women and disadvantaged groups have comparatively good access to community forestry in Banke district. The disadvantaged groups make up more a third of total user households and are managing three community forests by themselves. These groups have generated funds from the sale of forest products and have used this money to provide credit to user group members. These funds have provided revolving credit at a relatively low level of interest compared to other local sources of credit.

Forest user groups have emerged as the major local institutions that decide on the use and management of many of Nepal's accessible forests. They have become important village level development institutions. Basanti Adhikari, a member of the Federation of Community Forestry Users of Nepal (FECOFUN) Banke told the researchers that user groups have accommodated the diverse interests and needs of their users and have organised various development activities such as supporting schools, and building irrigation channels, roads and bridges. Furthermore, she claimed that in several cases, democratic practices adopted by forest user groups had set an example for other local social and political institutions.

The members of Banke FECOFUN told the research team how community forestry had developed user’s confidence and power to manage their forests' resources, and had developed their capacity to articulate their own interests, priorities, demands and to act independently for the betterment of poor people and women. Besides, many community forests have generated considerable financial resources. This has given local people the opportunity to make independent decisions on their development priorities.

However, as elsewhere in the country, community forest in Banke has often tended to benefit better-off people more than poorer households. The socioeconomic status, gender, caste, and ethnicity of individual community members have limited the opportunities available to weaker members to benefit from their community forests. Also, many forests' operational plans stress forest protection rather than use. This favours only the larger and wealthier households as they produce intermediate forestry products that are inputs into forestry-based farming system.

Participatory District Development Program

The Participatory District Development Program (PDDP), with technical assistance from UNDP, started to be implemented in Banke in November 1995. It seeks to empower people to take greater control over their own development and to improve their skills at mobilising and channelling resources to reduce poverty. It takes local communities and local government bodies as its partners. In Banke it covers 20 out of the total 46 VDCs.


The programme is based around forming broad–based, multipurpose community organisations (CO). These organisations are self-governing and managed by village cadres who are selected from amongst the group members.

Through a participatory planning process, the community organisations identify household-level portfolios of opportunities and develop community investment plans to develop local infrastructure. These plans are linked with the local government planning process. They usually feature saving and credit activities to enable members to carry out the planned activities. PDDP has also established a corps of village specialists who are skilled in different areas of service delivery. These broad-based organisations are useful in promoting functional (sectoral) groups as their offshoots are linking functional activities with related agencies. The system is designed to ensure that each level of the planning process is managed and sustained by members of the community organisations. The programme requires 50% of community organisations to be made up mostly of women and underprivileged/oppressed people. PDDP has worked mostly through social mobilisation to empower group members both economically and by promoting democratic practices.

Six hundred and twenty-six community organisations representing 14,206 member household had been formed in Banke by September 2002 (Table 10). There has been good women's participation in the membership, decision-making, and leadership of Banke's community organisations. For example, just under half of the chairpersons were women at the time of the research. The programme has encouraged and provided spaces for women to take part in decision making and to play a catalytic role in helped to establish new groups and co-operatives. It has played an important role in bringing women out of the household domain to take part in VDC planning and other community activities. It has also led to some women becoming quite dynamic and starting to play an active role in influencing decisions. Many of the associated saving and credit activities have been successful whilst the group-based collateral credit capital part of the programme has helped many landless and poor families to improve their economic conditions.

Table 10 Status of community organisations formed under PDDP in Banke

Composition Description

Male Female Mixed

Total

Community organisations 163 206 257 626

Members 8,015 7,882 - 15,897

Chairpersons 353 273 - 626

Managers 418 208 - 626

Member households - - - 14,206

Source: PDDP, Banke 2002

The programme has played a significant role in empowering poor and marginalised people. Group membership has encouraged community people to rise above petty individualism to work for the benefit of their communities. Many of Banke's community organisations, such as those in Sitapur, Bankatuwa, Binauna, and Baijapur, are emerging as self-governing institutions involved in building roads, community buildings, schools, temples, and bridges and in maintaining footpaths. Some of them have become strong advocates for literacy and social justice, and against alcohol abuse and caste discrimination.


Some community organisations, including ones in Sitapur and Udarapur, have started to establish links with their VDCs and DDC, and have started networking with local NGOs and the local self-help groups (forest user groups and irrigation user groups). As a result, they have succeeded in tapping into and mobilising resources in cash, kind, and expertise from these bodies. This has provided further opportunities for them to carry out local development works. These organisations have influenced the local governance process and are increasingly putting pressure on local bodies and the district line agencies to be more responsive towards community needs.

Some of the community organisations are heading towards legal registration as local cooperatives or NGOs. Some of the saving and credit groups formed under the programme are evolving into credit cooperatives. While the original purpose of these groups was to provide local micro-credit, they have also created spaces for poor and marginalised people to deliberate and raise their voices on issues that affect their lives.

However, the program, has not been universally successful. Many of the community organisations operate in line with the existing socio-economic structure and power relations where the very poor, women and Dalits are marginalised. In some cases people from these groups are excluded from group activities. Occasionally the very poor, women, and Dalits are discriminated against whilst benefits are shared out. The existing exploitative power structure has meant that in some ways community forestry and PDDP have not contributed significantly to uplifting poor and disadvantaged people. In other words, their services did not reach the target groups i.e. the poorest of the poor but were grabbed by rural rich and those who already had at least something.

4.5 Civil Society Institutions

Nepal's many civil society organisations have focussed their work mostly on working for development rather than for political activism. In late 2002, there were 380 NGOs working in Banke carrying out social, cultural, economic and human rights activities. Most local NGOs were working in community development activities, followed by women and disadvantaged group empowerment, human rights, environment protection, and child rights.

The poor respondents were asked about the makeup and performance of Banke's NGOs. A large majority of the 250 respondents said that the civil society institutions were dominated by well-off high caste Hindu men. They also believed that only a few of these institutions had been successful in raising issues and acting for change. They also said that they tended to be politically partisan and not very active. On the other hand a number of respondents believed that these NGOs were having an overall positive impact. At the local level, they are providing spaces for poor and marginal people to articulate their demands and voices. They have formed networks and coalitions with seven district networks and coalitions formed in Banke. These are the NGO Mobilisation Committee, NGO Federation, NGO Co-ordination Committee, Development Forum, Dalit NGO Network, Liberated Kamaiya Support Committee, and National Federation of Nationalities. The NGOs are more or less acting as intermediaries, either advocating on behalf of poor people or developing the capacity of the poor to exercise their political rights and to represent their own interest in the democratic processes.

4.6 Local Self-Government

The local government bodies, the VDCs, municipalities, and DDCs, have been involved as the agents of local development to bring qualitative change among local people. They are committed to involving every section of society including women, poor, and


underprivileged people in their decision-making processes. In some VDCs, the local bodies have been implementing local projects through users groups and community based organisations. These user groups were set up to ensure that management happens to suit local needs.

More than two-thirds of the 250 poor respondents said that they often consulted their local government bodies. They said that all types of people frequently visit these institutions whether they are rich or poor, high or low caste, male or female. These institutions are crucial for people's daily lives. On the overall functioning of those institutions, a majority of respondents said that they were more responsive and efficient than the government's line agencies. However, this is not the case everywhere. The lack of accountability, lack of knowledge, favouritism towards afno manche (relatives, friend, party workers), inefficiency, and isolation from the local people has seriously affected the preference and performance of local bodies.

4.7 Self-help Groups

Self-help involves the voluntary action by a group to satisfy their economic, social, and cultural needs and aspirations with a minimum of external support. The two main kinds of self-help groups are the indigenous self-help groups and the 'induced' self-help organisations. Most of the indigenous self-help groups are group-specific whereas the induced self-help groups have formed as a part of HMGN, donor or NGO supported development interventions.

There are both indigenous and induced self-help groups in Banke district. The ethnic group, Dalit, and Muslim organisations are examples of indigenous self-help groups. They have been demanding better treatment and improved access to the country's resources. Their principal platforms have been to promote collective and individual identities, political and cultural equity, and to improve capabilities.

The 'induced' community groups include the user groups, community organisations, mothers groups, community development committees, civil society organisations, children forums, and credit and saving groups. It was reported that these local self-help groups existed across Banke district and were engaged in a range of activities including natural resource conservation and management, infrastructure development, adjudicating disputes and institution building.

Some of these groups were found to have been functioning well. Their work with Dalit groups, principally with Badi caste members, and on Kamaiya issues has shown considerable promise. In some cases, these groups have emerged as local community organisations and as parts of local coalitions, whilst some have transformed into cooperatives. For examples, more than seven of the PDDP community organisation in Banke district are heading towards being registered as cooperatives. These organisations are creating spaces for poor and marginalised people to deliberate and raise their voices on issues that affect their lives.


5 Social Mobilisation and Political Empowerment

There is a direct relationship between social mobilisation and political empowerment. There have been several examples in Nepal of social movements that have increased the political rights of poor and marginalised people. Dalit assertion and the Kamaiya movement are two prominent examples.

5.1 Dalit Assertion

Dalits are the largest poor and marginalised groups in Nepal. However, they have never had a national movement (Vishwokarma 2002), but only small, localised, and mainly urban based movements. These have worked to improve Dalits' social and economic status and have not targeted the caste system which is the main structural cause of their oppression and poverty.

More assertive Dalit voices have surfaced since 1990 and the restoration of democracy. Educated Dalit leaders, activists, lawyers, and teachers have formed a number of voluntary Dalit organisations. The Utpidit Jatiya Utthan Mancha, Nepal the Rastriya Dalit Jana Bikas Parishad, and the Nepal Uttpidit Dalit Jatiya Mukti Samaja are three such organisations.

Eighteen Dalit NGOs were operating in Banke district in late 2002. The main focus of their work has been fighting caste discrimination and social exclusion. However, these were exclusively representing Dalits who had migrated to Banke from the hills. None of these organisations represented the Tarai Dalits who make up nearly 10% of the district's population and tend to be more disadvantaged than the hill Dalits. Tarai Dalits are among the poorest of the poor.

Dalits, through their organised efforts, have been trying to assert their rightful place in society, their social dignity, and greater access to political institutions and social resources. They have been pushing for change to overcome their poverty, untouchability and negligible representation in governance. Their presence in public affairs has been slowly increasing since 1990. During 2002 Banke's Dalit organisations began to work together. They held a workshop, and started campaigning and demonstrating on the need to build local Dalit organisations and to take forwards political issues such as ending untouchability and improving Dalits' access to local resources. Immediately after the declaration of parliamentary elections in June 2002, they organised rallies, processions, discussions, and a meet-the-press programme in Nepalganj to demand the adequate representation of Dalits by the political parties whilst selecting their candidates. (The elections were subsequently cancelled). A similar case from eastern Nepal is described in Box 1

Box 1 Chamars political empowerment

The Chamar Movement, which was at its height from 1999 to 2000, was a campaign against the discrimination practised against the Chamars, a so-called untouchable caste. The local NGO, Sarsaswati Community Development Forum (SCDF) initiated this movement in Siraha district. The Chamars first formed their own community organisations, which then provided literacy and consciousness raising trainings to their own people. Attending these programmes led to the Chamars realising that the hereditary transfer of their socially degrading occupation of disposing of animal carcasses was a central cause of their low position in society. They decided to refuse to dispose of dead animals. In reaction, the so-called high castes imposed social and economic sanctions against them. The Chamars, through their own efforts and support from SCDF, human right activists, and media persons, held their ground. The


case went to the court which ruled in their favour.

One important outcome of this raised political consciousness was that the local Dalit organisations planned to put forwards their own candidates in the 2002 midterm general election. They started working to build up women, youth, and other kinds of organisations in their communities. A large pool of activist leaders was built up (Source: Bhattarai et al, 2000).

In 1997 Nepal's Dalit organisations formed their umbrella organisation called the Dalit NGO Federation (DNF). By late 2002 more than 100 Dalit NGOs had become affiliated to DNF. Its branches and local coalitions are emerging at the regional and district levels. This cooperation has led to an increase in local activism and increased campaigning for Dalits rights through local political parties. They have organised sit-ins, demonstrations and lobbied other organisations to recognise their cause. Initially, DNF did not have enough power to make its presence felt. Since then it has grown and now has significant influence with national and local government. DNF representatives are often invited to participate in government planning processes.

DNF has a regional office in Nepalganj, Banke. About 20 Dalit organisations from the mid-west and far western development regions are affiliated to DNF. DNF Banke has been particularly active over atrocities against Dalits. Dalit victims have started to first go to DNF for assistance rather than to the state institutions and the courts. DNF Banke has been providing legal aid and some social service help to the community. In the political field its main role has been holding rallies on importance Dalit issues to pressurise the government, political parties and civil society to solve their problems.

5.2 Kamaiya Movement

The Kamaiya system was a form of bonded labour practised in mid-western and far-western parts of Nepal in Dang, Banke, Bardia, Kailali and Kanchanpur districts. From time to time a few courageous Kamaiyas had unsuccessfully revolted against their inhumane treatment by their landlords. The pre-1990 Kamaiya revolts at Tikkar-Kanda (Tikkar revolt) and Rajapur in Bardiya and the Kanra Movement were precursors of the post-1990 movement for Kamaiya emancipation (Ban 2002).

The Kamaiya system became a subject of public concern at home and abroad when a 1992 study by the Informal Sector Service Center (INSEC) revealed the system's gross abuses of human rights. Later, INSEC lodged a writ petition with the Supreme Court demanding that the system be outlawed. But the court did not rule in INSEC's favour. These moves prompted the government to act to mitigate this problem. It collected information on the Kamaiyas and launched alternative employment schemes for them through the Land Reform Office.

At the same time a number of NGOs launched literacy and awareness raising classes, skill oriented training and income generating activities for Kamaiyas. The General Federation of Nepalese Trade Unions (GFONT) and the newly formed Kamaiya Liberation Front encouraged Kamaiyas to unite to fight for their freedom. The federation initiated an Appeal Movement calling upon landlords to free their Kamaiyas. However, the movement failed to bring encouraging results (Dhakal et al 2000).

The Kamaiya Concern Group was formed in 1997. It was made up of the NGOs, INGOs and GFONT and was formed to pressurise the government to abolish the Kamaiya system and to arrange for the Kamaiyas to be rehabilitated.


These efforts did not directly achieve their aims, but were instrumental in drawing the attention of government and the international community to the issue. The community development activities led to many Kamaiyas becoming more literate, aware and skilled. But the government did not end the Kamaiya system nor were the Kamaiyas freed.

These experiences suggested that there were three hindrances to Kamaiya emancipation:

• the government would not end the Kamaiya system just because the Kamaiyas asked for it;

• it was not easy for the Kamaiyas to organise their movement themselves because they were all very poor and had no free time; and

• it was not a lack of consciousness but the lack of organised efforts that was holding back the movement.

The community development activities continued but with the realisation that they alone could not remove the structural impediments to the Kamaiya's ability to advance in society. The need was clearly for an organised movement led by the Kamaiyas themselves. The problem was that the Kamaiyas lacked many of the skills and leadership traits necessary to lead such a movement.

Meanwhile, on May Day 2000, 19 Kamaiya bonded labourers who 'belonged to' ex-minister Shiva Raj Joshi at in Kailali district, lodged a complaint with their VDC demanding their freedom and to be paid a minimum wage. This petition was the first milestone of what came to be known as the Kamaiya Freedom Movement. This complaint was lodged under the leadership of Yagya Raj Chaudhary, a central committee member of BASE. BASE is a leading NGO which campaigns on behalf of the Tharu people (most Kamaiya were Tharu). Yagya Raj Chaudhary was himself a former Kamaiya (Ban, 2002).

A Kamaiya Freedom Movement Mobilisation Committee was set up in Kailali. It was made up of two Kamaiyas and representatives from 13 NGOs working for the Kamaiyas. This led to the formation of similar committees in four other districts. Many Kamaiyas now began to join the movement. It was led by the NGO representatives from the mobilisation committees. The movement was a joint effort of many people. This gave the movement strength to continue even though the landlords and many of the local administration offices opposed it.

The movement now attracted support from INGOs who started pressurising the government to grant freedom to the Kamaiyas. The opposition political parties, human rights activists, intellectuals and the media all supported the movement. The system was publicised internationally as a remnant of slavery. Eventually, the government was forced to act and granted the Kamaiyas their freedom on 17 July 2000. It also announced that freed Kamaiya would be rehabilitated by mid-January 2001.

5.3 The Importance of Social Change Movements

The Dalit and Kamaiya cases provide examples of how the formation and development of organisations have provided the means for the poor to raise their voices to improve their lives. They show that traditional approaches to development do not usually address the structural problems of power relations that keep poor people poor. They do have an important role to play in empowering such people to press for change by building their awareness and confidence, and their analytic, organisational and problem solving skills.


These allow poor people to act for change and give them the capacity to help other poor and powerless people.

Organisations play a vital role in raising concerns, demands, and voices of the weak and poor sections of society to fight against oppression, poverty, and marginalisation. Poor and marginalised people can only breakdown the barriers to their progress by organising strongly. One Dalit activist has said that

Political action is the only way to make the poor visible and audible. Political power can be gained through organising the poor. Therefore, organising is very important to give poor and marginalised the strength to speak.

Poor people need a strong organisational base to lead the struggle to break down the unequal power relations that are at the root of their problems. The Kamaiya movement was successful in liberating Kamaiyas and surfacing their voices. However, it has had difficulties in sustaining its achievements. The movement has suffered from the lack of a dynamic and visionary Kamaiya leadership and a strong organisational base to build on its achievements to assist the freed Kamaiyas to build reasonable standards of living. The need is [for these communities] to expand their participation in decision–making by educating their people to make them able to identify and analyse problems, define their own solutions, exercise their rights and become able to use the political realm for their benefit.


6 Conclusions

The exercise of their voices by the poor has taken many forms in Nepal. The more

assertive voices from women, Dalits, and other marginalised groups have called for

changes to the constitution and laws as well as the proper implementation of existing

legal provisions. These voices have also called for changes in policy and programme

emphasis to encourage these groups' development and economic status. Demands

have focused on promoting collective and individual identities, political and cultural

equity, and improving their capabilities.

The many self-help groups have worked to advance their concerns through advocacy

and by pressing the government to provide improved services, by seeking better law

enforcement, by proposing more favourable policies, by creating alliances, and by

pressing for better access to resources. The Dalit and Kamaiya movements have shown

considerable promise. Many self-help groups have emerged as local community

organisations and as part of local coalitions. Some have transformed into cooperatives.

The political parties and their sister organisations have organised poor and marginalised

people within their structures. This provides political spaces for poor people to raise their

concerns. But these initiatives have mostly been limited to a few seminars and

occasional rallies which have not been able to transform the structural relations of

power. This will only happen when poor and marginalised people organise politically by

starting their own movements. Nevertheless, the political parties have great potential to

encourage social mobilisation and empowerment to form concrete forums for exercising

the voices of the poor.

Factionalism among the poor and marginalised is a major constraint for the joint

articulation of their interests. Dalits are divided into hill and Tarai and the various sub-

caste groupings. Many of the disadvantaged groups are divided on class, language,

religious and ethnic lines. This has meant that although they have common problems

they have been unable to cooperate to address them jointly. The Dalits and Janajatis

face similar problems of discrimination and exclusion from society's resources, but they

have never united for change. Entrenched political and economic interests have

exploited the Dalit, lower caste and Janajati movements to divide them and prevent them

from challenging the status quo. The politics of 'cultural difference' is hampering the

evolution of an organised, integrated, and consolidated struggle against poverty,

exploitation, and exclusion.

Dynamic and visionary leadership is an essential conditions for poor people to be able to

exercise their voices. Strong and vibrant social organisations can exert pressure on

governments to become more responsive towards poor and marginalised people.

In summary, the major constraints to the poor exercising greater voice are the following.

• The benefits from many development projects have gone mainly to local upper caste

elites. Poor and marginalised people have demanded their rights to benefit from and

take part in development interventions.


• Lack of organisation has been another constraint. Most poor people do not have their

own organisations to serve as the local counterparts of outside development

agencies. Most village organisations remain dominated by better-off people.

• The concerned agencies have failed to give enough attention to finding out about the

needs and priorities of poor and marginalised people.

• The poor and marginalised sections of society have not united to push forwards their

common causes. The different groups who face a common problem have not

cooperated to pool their strengths.


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