vsebina - knjigarna fdvvisual communication | static, undergraduate aisha al-ansari: sold ana...

UvodIntroduction

Oliver Vodeb: (Ne)vidnost komuniciranja - Trije režimi (ne)vidnosti:

komuniciranje, produkcija, vrednotenje

Oliver Vodeb: (In)Visibility of Communication - Three Modes of (In)Visibility:

Communication, Production, Evaluation.

Bruno Latour: Why Has Critique Run Out of Steam?: From Matters of Fact

to Matters of Concern

IMemefest 2002

Festival Outlines: All Categories

Naomi Klein: The Brand Expands from No Logo

Festival Submissions

Communication Studies | undergraduate

Alenka Lahajnar: Benetton-Toscani učinek

Nejc Pohar: Disney ni Disney ni Disney

Sociology | undergraduate

Gal Kirn: Radikalen pogled: Oglaševanje skozi teorijo propagande in ideologije

Sociology | postgraduate

Katja Petrin, Urška Prusnik: Identities for sale. Buy now.

Metka Kuhar: Komodifikacija državljanstva in demokracije

Nikola Janović: TV-zaslon: Ideologija in kultura vidnosti (postmodernizma)

Jernej Zajc: The logo as a highly propagatve meme

Visual Communication

Sašo Dornik, Katja Petrin Dornik: Readbook

Primož Mahne: Adidas

Darja Gudac, Matjaž Valenčič: Labour power

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IIMemefest 2003

Festival Outlines: Communication Studies and Sociology

Thomas Frank: The Conquest of Cool



Jaka Ažman: Cool fenomen (cool – mantra razvitega potrošniškega

kapitalizma)

Špela Stražišar: Be onformable in spirit

Communication Studies | postgraduate

Jana Jovanovska: Črno-belo v barvah


Sanja Matkovič: Society responds to the address of the media:

Market’s trendy poisoning

Festival Outlines: Visual Communication

First Things First Manifesto


Visual Communication | static, undergraduate

Martin Bricelj: Bush Contra People

Kostis Basiliadis: Advertising Communication

Visual Communication | static, postgraduate

Paulo Hartmann: Gulity?

Ingrid Picukane: New!

Giorgia Aiello: The Other Side of Seattle’s Peace March

Henrik Daugaard: Zebravissimo

Michael Shaw: Bagnews.com images

Joon-Young Jung: The D.M.Z.

Visual Communication | moving, undergraduate

Michele Aquila: War_tm

Marco Perugini: Paper Sky

Visual Communication | interactive, undergraduate

Atmospheric Henry Ross: Erotech Industries

Visual Communication | interactive, postgraduate

Tyler Jacobsen, Nathan Martin: Re-code.com v. Wall Mart

IIIMemefest 2004


John Arquila, David Ronfeldt: Cyberwar is Coming!



Pika Založnik: Konstrukcija kibertonizma

Mija Lorbek: Nevarna kibernetska prihodnost

Aleksander Sašo Slaček Brlek: Razuno nasilje in nasilni razum

Communication Studies | postgraduate

SImon Delakorda: Od kibernetske vojne k elektronski participaciji

Marko Ivanišin: Juggling with war to have peace?

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Matej Delakorda: Kibernetska vojna - bitka za svobodo

Matic Kavčič: Kiberprostor v sociološki perspektivi

Alenka Bezjak: (Kiber)vojna kot globalen režim


Jeff Shantz: Netwar and cyberwar in the killing fields of the democratic

republic of Congo

Nikola Janović: Technotricks (Design. Everyday life. Spectacle)


Tony Credland, Brian Holmes, Sandy Kaltenborn: Design is not enough!



Héctor Espinosa: Ethnicseries


Fabian Frenzel: Ceci n’est pas ...


Yes Duffy: Urban swings

Martin Bricelj: Projekt 024

Brigida Campbell: IMF

IVMemefest 2005


Douglas Rushkoff: Nowhere to hide



Franja Pižmoht: Prikriti piarovec, ki se ne more skriti


Kaisa Saarenmaa: Call me Ishmael


Steffen Schröter: Advertisement as a phenomenon of inner and outer

reference or who is the rabbit and who is the hedgehog? Notes on the

relation of advertisers and consumers

Simona Bezjak: Izzivi postfordističnega marketinga

Primož Krašovec: Avtentičnost in kritika v teoriji oglaševalske ideologije


People communication charter



Rok Klemenčič: Rdeča nit

Ahumada Sandoval: Literality

Zainab Al Haj Yahya: Veiled

Ettore Paiola: Consumption

Michael Curry: Ride

Sara Jassim, Neja Engelsberger: Oglaševanje PCC-ja


Barbra Tolentino: We Are Committed ...

Fabian Giles: No television

Rafo Castro: C. O. N. S. U. M. I. S. M.


Patric Doan: Noise


Katie Bush: Destroyevil.com


Aarnoud Rommens: Camouflage Comics

VMemefest 2006


Richard Barbrook: The hi-tech gift economy



Fabian Esteban Alvarez Rojas: The rise of a new value


Joep van Delft: Encapsulating Imperials


Mateja Batagelj: Od ekonomije daru do kiberkomunizma

Jeff Shantz: Producing anarcho-communism: From DIY to self-valorization


Declaration toward a global ethic



Aisha Al-Ansari: Sold

Ana Gregorič: Somalian women

Héctor Espinosa: Ethnic

Khulood Khoory: Campaign for real truth

Francilns Castilho Leal: Vi elas (See look)

Church hill: Hrib hib


Paolo Casalis: Ctrl_Alt_Del project


Leon Vidmar: Egosistem

Jaka Kramberger, Ugo Ugowsky, Leon Vidmar, Emina DJukić: Okupator

Oscar Darío Villota: Our beliefs


Rick Niebe: Empire


Cindy Wilson: Vision

VIMemefest 2007


Alfred Hitchcock: The Birds



Dominik Maher: Ekološka ozaveščenost po kampanjsko

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Shannon Linde, Alexis Ronse: Romantic taxonomy

Jacqueline Gothe, Elisa Lee: Cadavre exquis - groupy

Christian Lindqvist: Lightbulb

Alexander Mouton: Epiglobis

VIIMemefest 2008


Radical Beauty



Zala Vidali: Radikalna lepota


Katerina Ferkov: Zdravljenje ženskosti - uravnovešanje energij


Marilyn de Castro: The welcome mat

Lujain Abulfaraj: Serenity

Clare Sheldon-Williams, Sally Fowler: From the midnight artist, with love.

Alexandra Hall: Individual beauty

VIIIBeyond ...

2003K. B. Holingsworth: Notes in the margin

Peter Purg: Performative disturbance of public space

2004Rüediger Schlömer: Additional

Ryan Griffis: The temporary travel office

2005Constantin Demner: Walk. An Intervention in public space

Daniel Jolliffe: One free minute

2006Center fo Tactical Magic: Tactical ice cream unit

Chico Linares, Flavia Vivacqua, Daniel Manzione, Roberto Shwafaty: Dignity

2007Gregory OToole: The quantumedia virtual eq. Learnin tool v. 1.0

2008Joshua Kinberg: Bluetooth users against Bush

Chris Barr: Bureau of worklplace interruptions

Center for Tactical Magic: Center for Tactical Magic

Nicholas Knouf; Bruno Vianna; Luis Ayuso: Fluid nexus

Riitta Oittinen: Is EU(rope) everywhere? An ongoing photo project with

volunteer eurosignspotters

Tatiana Wells; Ricardo Ruiz; Jose Balbino, Tininha Llanos; Ettiene Delacroix,

Alexandre Freire; Glerm Soares; Tiago Bulgarin: MimoSa

Marc Lee: Oamos

Claudia Pederson, Lucian Leahu, Jennifer Thom-Santelli, Pavel Dmitriev, Phoebe

Sengers: Uptake of situationism considered harmful

Robert praxmarer: (T)error

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IXA Conversation about Memefest

A convesration with -Kevin Yuen Kit Lo

Gal Kirn

Frédéric Dubois

Jason Grant

Shoaib Nabi

Dejan Vodeb

Rok Klemenčič

Jaša Gabrijan

Tom Liacas

Paulo Hartmann

Memefest v slikah / Memefest in Pictures

About Memefest

Memefest 2010 are

Imensko kazalo / Name Index

Stvarno kazalo

Index

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Knjiga, ki jo držite v rokah, je kompendij del zadnjih sedmih let Memefesta – med-

narodnega festivala družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja. Memefest danes deluje kot

globalna mreža angažiranih posameznikov, ki se zavzemamo za družbene spre-

membe. Naš namen je, da z radikalno in prefinjeno uporabo medijskih in komu-

nikacijskih teorij ter praks ustvarjamo, razmišljamo, raziskujemo, izobražujemo in

delujemo na presečiščih komunikacijske stroke, znanosti, oblikovanja, umetnosti,

teorije in aktivizma.

Razlog za začetek Memefesta je bilo spoznanje, da je potrebna temeljita sprememba

komunikacijskih praks v javnem prostoru. Danes se že mnogi zavedajo, da pre-

vladujoče komunikacijske prakse temeljijo na slepi in zavajajoči tržno-komercialni

paradigmi, ter odločilno prispevajo k družbi neenakosti, izključevanja, izkoriščanja

in uničevanja naravnega in družbenega življenjskega okolja. Nekateri se s takšnimi

komunikacijskimi pristopi, teorijami in praksami nismo strinjali. Menili smo, da

je mogoče vzpostaviti drugačno logiko komuniciranja, takšno, ki bo usmerjena v

dialog in se bo zavzemala za enakovrednejšo porazdelitev moči v družbi. Vendar

smo ob tem poudarili še drugo perspektivo. Kot strokovnjaki za komuniciranje smo

menili, da sta etika in družbena odgovornost komuniciranja inherentni del stroke.

Da je nečemu, kar ima objektivno škodljive učinke na naše skupno življenje, mogo-

če reči »dobro« in »strokovno«, je bil za nas vedno absurdno.

Na prvi pogled je proces Memefesta enostaven. Vsako leto objavimo izhodišča v

obliki pisanega in/ali vizualnega teksta, s katerim izpostavimo določen problem in

z njim izzovemo udeležence. Nanje se ti odzovejo z raznovrstnimi prispevki, ki

segajo od medijskih intervenc, umetniških multimedijskih projektov do esejev in

znanstvenih razprav. Mednarodni odbor kuratorjev in urednikov dela pregleda, oce-

ni ter poda pisne komentarje, katerih ključna razsežnost je pedagoško usmerjanje

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v možnosti za še bolj kakovostno delo. Dela so objavljena na spletni strani in pred-

stavljena javnosti. Ob tem pa Memefest organizira še predavanja, razstave, okrogle

mize in javne intervence. Vendar, ker Memefest ni naveden festival revijalnega

tipa, so tudi njegovi festivalski procesi kompleksnejši, kot se kažejo na prvi pogled.

Memefest je festivalsko obliko že od samega začetka razumel kot medij, kot tak-

tično izobraževalno, raziskovalno in komunikacijsko orodje. Prav to orodje smo

vedno uporabljali za vzpostavljanje drugačnih okvirov kakovosti komuniciranja.

Leta 2001, ko smo začeli s prvim Memefestom, je to bil še mednarodni študentski

festival širjenja idej. Festival smo organizirali dva dodiplomska in en podiplomski

študent ob podpori in pomoči nekaj somišljenikov iz tujine. Memefestov mem

smo širili po različnih mrežah. Res je, da smo se takoj osredotočili na internet in

ga s pridom dobro uporabljali. Projekt je hitro rastel in je hitro presegel študentske

okvire. Prvo leto smo prejeli dela iz petih, drugo leto iz šestindvajsetih, tretje leto

pa iz šestintridesetih držav. V vseh preteklih letih smo prejeli dela iz več kot šest-

desetih držav sveta. Kmalu smo globalno mrežo okrepili z lokalnimi centri, ki so

Memefestovo filozofijo začeli udejanjati v Braziliji, Kolumbiji in Srbiji. Za krajši

čas smo vzpostavili tudi lokalne centre v Avstraliji in Španiji. Zanimivo je tudi, da

je veliko univerz v svoj kurikul vneslo Memefestova izhodišča, tako so študenti

delali na naših izhodiščih znotraj formalnega izobraževalnega procesa.

Močan odziv na Memefest pripisujemo predvsem potrebi ustvarjalcev na podro-

čju medijev in komuniciranja, da se udeležijo procesa, ki bo pomenil alternativo

obstoječim mainstreamovskim oglaševalskim, oblikovalskim in umetniškim festi-

valom, univerzitetnim študijem tržnega komuniciranja in tržnega oblikovanja ter

institucionaliziranim komunikacijskim praksam v javnem prostoru. Med drugim

opažamo, da je danes tudi vse več ustvarjalcev, ki so kritični do prevladujočih ko-

munikacijskih praks in želijo sodelovati pri družbenih spremembah. Veseli smo,

da so se nekateri med njimi pridružili projektu.

Pomembno je povedati, da je Memefest povsem neodvisen. Deluje na volunterski

osnovi in kot intermediarna neformalna institucija in platforma, ki povezuje zelo

različne profile ljudi – teoretike, oblikovalce, umetnike, aktiviste, znanstvenike,

kreativne profesionalce, raziskovalce in pedagoge z različnih koncev sveta. Odvisni

nismo od nikogar razen od nas samih. Tako je od samega začetka leta 2002 in

tako bo ostalo tudi v prihodnje. Biti neodvisen za nas pomeni, da ne delujemo v

polju kompromisnih rešitev, ampak smo zmožni delovati brez pritiskov trga ter da

lahko sledimo visokim kriterijem kakovosti in neodvisne komunikacijske prakse,

raziskovalne dejavnosti, teoretske prakse, kritične misli in poučevanja.

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Polje komunikacijske teorije, prakse in imaginacije, ki ga gradi Memefest, je inter-

disciplinarno. Povezuje predvsem sociologijo, oblikovanje, umetnost in komuniko-

logijo, tiste družbene in humanistične programe, ki nam omogočajo, da komuni-

kacijske prakse ne obravnavamo zgolj iz ene perspektive. Zato z medprogramskimi

povezovanji in multipliciranjem perspektiv vzpostavljamo številne inovativne raz-

iskovalne in teoretske pristope, s katerimi dekonstruiramo in rekonstruiramo ko-

munikacijske diskurze. Na področju vizualnega komuniciranja udeležence npr.

spodbujamo, da k svojim delom priložijo opise, iz katerih je razvidno, kako raz-

mišljajo o njegovi komunikacijski in družbeni umestitvi. Na področju kritičnega

pisanja spodbujamo teoretike, da raziskujejo polje vizualnih komunikacij in dru-

gih komunikacijskih področji ter kritično teoretsko preizprašujejo in vrednotijo

njihove prakse. Da to ni lahka naloga, se lahko prepričate ob branju spremljevalnih

podatkov k vizualnim delom in branju teoretskih prispevkov. Ideologija vizualnega

spektakla in površine podobe ima namreč zelo dolgo roko.

Da bi presegli prepad med teorijo in prakso, vztrajamo na njuni prepletenosti, po-

vezovanju teoretskega vedenja in praktičnega znanja. Menimo, da le tak pristop

hkrati omogoča celostno razumevanje sodobne komunikacijske ideologije in pra-

kse ter refleksivno vzpostavljanje kritične diskurzivne miselnosti in komunikacij-

skih praks. Pozicija kritičnosti je odlika in prepoznavnost Memefesta, ki se kaže

tudi na ravni teoretske produkcije. Memefest je bil tudi za nas teoretsko raziskoval-

no polje in v veliki meri so izsledki raziskovanja pripomogli k oblikovanju koncepta

družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja (Vodeb 2008), ki je danes koherentna teoretska podlaga projekta. Naše strasti do teoretske produkcije ni mogoče razumeti zgolj

kot epistemološko potrebo po artikulaciji prakse, temveč gre za tisto teorijo, ki jo

je treba misliti kot konkretno teoretsko prakso, iskanje alternativnih modelov, kon-

ceptov in teoretskih rešitev za komunikacijsko prakso. Našo ljubezen do komuni-

kacijske prakse pa je treba razumeti kot aktivno udeležbo v družbenokulturnih pro-

cesih. Kot odzivno delovanje, ki nenehno išče optimalni spoj med komunikacijsko

učinkovitostjo in družbeno odgovornostjo, pri tem pa je usmerjeno v proces in ne

v komuniciranje kot produkt.

Z Memefestom smo se učili vsi, ki smo ga spremljali. Na podlagi naših izhodišč

so se k nam stekale misli in komunikacijska dela, ki jih je odlikovala inovativnost,

eksperimentalnost in konceptualna dovršenost. Ob tem pa je kultura, ki je teme-

ljila na grobi nedovršenosti pristopa »naredi sam«, vzpostavljala tiste reze, ki so se

izkazali za ključne. Danes nam omogočajo, da razkrivamo in subvertiramo slepe

pege sodobnih mainstreamovskih estetskih in teoretskih paradigem.

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Težava, ki smo jo hitro zaznali pri prevladujočih komunikacijskih praksah ter do-

jemanju teh v procesu produkcije, tako v praksi kot znotraj študijskih procesov na

univerzah, je hermetična dekontekstualiziranost. Snovanje in vrednotenje komu-

nikacijskih del potekata brez upoštevanja procesov produkcije, distribucije, recep-

cije, legitimizacije ter brez upoštevanja družbenih, kulturnih in političnih učinkov.

Vrednotenje in razumevanje se uresničujeta na površinski ravni podobe in v večini

primerov brez – po našem mnenju izjemno pomembnega – interdisciplinarnega

komunikacijskega znanja, ki povezuje teorijo in prakso.

Memefest je sčasoma razvil metodologijo, ki omogoča visoko strokovno in celo-

stnejšo obravnavo komunikacijskih teorij in praks, ob tem pa je vzpostavil posebno

socialno orodje, s katerim sodelujoče povezujemo v skupnostni proces raziskova-

nja in ustvarjanja znanja o dobrem komuniciranju. Izhajajoč iz konceptov kritične

pedagogike smo udeležence, ki so na festivalu sodelovali s svojimi deli, z žirijo

povezali tako, da smo omogočali medsebojno komunikacijo in transparentnost

pisnih komentarjev vsakega člana žirije. Udeleženci so tako na podlagi različnih

komentarjev urednikov in kuratorjev sestavili širšo sliko mnogoterih perspektiv

obravnavanja njihovega dela. To je eden izmed pomembnih pedagoških momen-

tov, katerega, tako pravijo udeleženci, ne srečujejo znotraj univerzitetnih študijev.

Med drugim je Memefestu uspelo zaradi njegove odprtosti in dovzetnosti za in-

terdisciplinarnost in heterogene perspektive razmišljanja vzpostaviti platformo, ki

skupaj s festivalskimi intervencijami omogoča tudi celostnejše razumevanje kom-

pleksnosti in nians komunikacijskega dela. Pomemben vidik Memefesta je tudi

njegova multikulturna perspektiva. Na enaka izhodišča se odzivajo ustvarjalci iz

tako različnih okolij, kot so Slovenija, Kolumbija, Brazilija, Združeni arabski emi-

rati, Srbija in Severna Amerika.

Kot proces izobraževanja je Memefest bolj formativen kot selektiven. Ves proces

je odprt, inkluziven namesto ekskluziven. S festivalom ne proizvajamo zvezd, res

pa da izpostavljamo tiste ustvarjalce, ki so po našem mnenju odlični in prodorni.

Namesto tekmovalne kulture želimo spodbujati sodelovanje. Menimo namreč, da

prav sodelovanje rojeva najboljše rezultate. Vsa leta smo si prizadevali sodelovati s

strokovnjaki, ki jih poleg strokovnega znanja, praktičnih izkušenj in teoretske vir-

tuoznosti odlikuje predvsem integriteta. Veseli smo, da lahko sodelujemo z neka-

terimi najboljšimi umi širokega polja kritičnega, radikalnega, družbeno odzivnega

komuniciranja.

Rezultat dolgoletnega sodelovanja je tudi pričujoča knjiga, kompendij izbranih

tekstualnih in vizualnih del. Pri urejanju kompendija sva urednika želela predsta-

viti Memefest kot koherentno celoto in hkrati organizirati in vsebine v logičnem

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sosledju podati tako, da bodo vam bralcem omogočala podroben in kronološki vpo-

gled v genezo festivalskega procesa.

Po začetnih razpravah Oliverja Vodeba in Bruna Latourja so dela predstavljena v

okviru festivalskih let. Znotraj teh so ločena po področjih: sociologija, komuniko-

logija in vizualne komunikacije. Te tri kategorije so bile namenjene študentom.

Posebej so objavljeni dodiplomski in podiplomski prispevki. Na začetku vsakega

festivalskega leta so objavljena izhodišča, na podlagi katerih so kot odgovor in raz-

mislek izbrana dela tudi nastala. Na koncu so objavljena izbrana dela eksperimen-

talne kategorije »Beyond …«. V njej smo spodbujali dela, ki jih uvrščamo v parti-

cipatorno komuniciranje; kategorija pa je bila odprta, vsakdo je lahko sodeloval.

Vsako delo vsebuje osnovne podatke o avtorju, državi in opis ideje, če gre za vizu-

alna dela, ter povzetek ter ključne besede, če gre za tekste. Urednika/kuratorja sva

se odločila, da prispevke pustiva v jeziku, kot so bili poslani na Memefest. Nekateri

so torej v slovenskem, nekateri v angleškem jeziku. Zmagovalnih del nisva posebej

izpostavljala, tokratno refleksijo, ocenjevanje in kontemplacijo povsem prepuščava

bralcu. Vsa praktična komunikacijska dela ne izpolnjujejo nujno vseh kriterijev

družbeno odzivnega komuniciranja. Objavljena pa so zato, ker so pomemben in

zanimiv del raziskovalnega procesa na poti njegove konceptualizacije. Na koncu

so objavljeni kratki pogovori z nekaterimi sodelavci ali člani ekipe Memefesta ter

nekaj fotografskega gradiva, ki je nastalo ob različnih priložnostih.

Knjiga s pregledom del Memefesta ponuja vpogled v različne ravni družbeno odziv-

nega komuniciranja. Hkrati pokaže, kaj vse je s tovrstnim načinom dela in povezo-

vanja med angažiranimi posamezniki mogoče narediti ter se izogniti kapitalskim

režimom, institucionalnim okvirom, akademskemu karierizmu, obrtniškemu

populizmu in umetniškemu elitizmu. Tak način dela, takšna pozicija delovanja

namreč povzroča specifične družbene učinke ter teoretsko in praktično refleksijo.

Sami smo v procesih Memefesta izredno uživali, bili smo inspirirani in obogateni.

Hvala vsem, s katerimi smo sodelovali. Še na mnoge podvige!

Oliver Vodeb in Nikola Janović

Ljubljana, november 2010

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198

This is a fetishist approach to commodity; a social dominance that follows systems

where things can be identified and used to satisfy primitive needs and which finally

ends in the spectacle, where the sensory world is replaced by a collection of images,

which are presented to us as objects of pure sensation.

Objects are deprived of the sense of functionality and become a reflection of the proc-

ess of searching for one’s self. They become an extension of the self.

Further, expansion of the economic power in the form of commodity causes a trans-

formation of the human work into a good/work for which we are paid wages. The po-

litical economy considers a »proletarian« as nothing more than a worker who must

be given an existential minimum in order to survive and be able to work. The idea

is how to make maximum profit with a minimum investment. This suggests that

our primitive drives cannot be replaced by any of the following: modern technology,

science, sociology as a humanist science, spiritual societies that make endless efforts

to make people aware about mortality, or education; we are falling from one abyss

to another.

Power and authority are the greatest passion and desire. But the biggest passion may just be a trap!»The free market is nothing more than expanding freedom for some people only

and establishing exploitation and injustice« (Chomsky 1997). Market options were

opened so that the nation could choose freely. Unfortunately, we have fallen into our

own trap because by advertising, the free market does not give a neutral complete in-

sight and thereby the consumers’ choice is not free anymore. Mass media are inter-

ested in a distinguished audience with big buying power. The success of media and

their survival is influenced by the choice of an advertising agency that consequently

succeeded by knowing which companies with big annual income to chose.

Somehow, we really became biological parasites of our own social

heritage.« (Graham Walas, Our social heritage)

Whenever we speak about a spirit of a group of people we soon find ourselves in

a serious mess, except in case we consent to a separation between the instinctive

characteristics and the stereotypes of formulas and patterns that are important in

building the world of ideas. It is precisely the lack of this kind of differentiation that

is to blame for superficial talk about the collective spirit, national soul, and race psy-

chology. Clearly, a stereotype (regulated more or less stable image of the world, to

which we adjusted our habits, taste, abilities, and hopes) can be transferred from a

{

199

generation of parents to a generation of children, so it almost becomes a biological

fact.

There is no scientific proof for the affirmation that people are born with the politi-

cal customs of the country in which they were born. In the first place, the explana-

tions should be looked for in kindergartens, schools, the church, and in the kind of

television broadcasting; not in the limbo where the Group Spirit and the National

Soul inhabit.

To have a complete understanding of other people’s actions (before we learn what

they think they know), for the sake of being impartial, we need to assess not only

the information they were given, but also the thinking through which they were

filtered. For European stereotypes is, for example, Americanization a compensa-tion (at least superficially) for all that is American.

The most curious and most entrenched are those influences that create and pre-

serve the treasury of stereotypes. We learn about the world before we even see it,

we imagine the majority of the things before we experience them, and if education

does not sharpen our awareness, these prejudices deeply manage our perception.

What is essential is the nature of the stereotype of credulity, which depends on all

of those patterns that compile our life philosophy, and in this way, we are conse-

quently able to describe the world by our standards and laws. If our philosophy

tells us that every man is just a part of the world and that its understanding in

the best case catches only phases and aspects in a rough net of ideas, then we are

inclined to the fact that we know that stereotypes are just stereotypes and are there-

fore taken easily and modified with pleasure.

These are the facts that the media should be aware of and take into account as well

when improving and elevating the level of advertising and mass accumulations.

Slovenes, as a nation, should be working mainly on elevating the national aware-

ness. Unfortunately, in real life, nobody has a public opinion about each public

question, because a man thinks that a public question does not exist if he himself

did not create a public opinion. The scope of attention today is substantially too

small for any kind of plan to be achieved, a plan that foresees that all the citizens

of the whole country would wake up, be acquainted and ambitious about a number

of changes that are needed.

However, no human life is worthy of manipulation for utilitarian reasons by some

»divinities« as they like to treat themselves that are so seated in high places.

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CYBERWAR IS COMING!

John Arquilla and David Ronfeldt

International Policy Department

RAND (1993)

The information revolution and related organizational innovations are altering the

nature of conflict and the kinds of military structures, doctrines, and strategies

that will be needed. This study introduces two concepts for thinking about these

issues: »cyberwar« and »netwar.« Industrialization led to attritional warfare by

massive armies (e.g., World War I).Mechanization led to maneuver predominated

by tanks (e.g., World War II). The information revolution implies the rise of cy-

berwar, in which neither mass nor mobility will decide outcomes; instead, the side

that knows more, that can disperse the fog of war yet enshroud an adversary in it,

will enjoy decisive advantages.

Communications and intelligence have always been important. At a minimum,

cyberwar implies that they will grow more so and will develop as adjuncts to overall

military strategy. In this sense, it resembles existing notions of »information war«

that emphasize C3I. However, the information revolution may imply overarching

effects that necessitate substantial modifications to military organization and force

posture. Cyberwar may be to the twenty first century what blitzkrieg was to the

twentieth. It may also provide a way for the U.S. military to increase »punch« with

less »paunch.«

Abstract

220

221

Whereas cyberwar refers to knowledge-related conflict at the military level, netwar

applies to societal struggles most often associated with low intensity conflict by

non-state actors, such as terrorists, drug cartels, or black market proliferators of

weapons of mass destruction. Both concepts imply that future conflicts will be

fought more by »networks« than by »hierarchies,« and that whoever masters the

network form will gain major advantages.

»Knowledge must become capability.«

- Carl von Clausewitz, On War

Suppose that war looked like this: Small numbers of light, highly mobile forces

defeat and compel the surrender of large masses of heavily armed, dug-in enemy

forces, with little loss of life on either side. The mobile forces can do this because

they are well prepared, make room for maneuver, concentrate their firepower rap-

idly n unexpected places, and have superior command, control, and information

systems that are decentralized to allow tactical initiatives, yet provide central com-

manders with unparalleled intelligence and »topsight« for strategic purposes.

Warfare is no longer primarily a function of who puts the most capital, labor, and

technology on the battlefield, but of who has the best information about the bat-

tlefield. What distinguishes the victors is their grasp of information--not only from

the mundane standpoint of knowing how to find the enemy while keeping it in the

dark, but also in doctrinaland organizational terms. The analogy is rather like a

chess game where you see the entire board, but your opponent sees only his own

pieces; you can win even if he is allowed to start with additional powerful pieces.

We might appear to be extrapolating from the U.S. victory in the Persian Gulf war

against Iraq. But our vision is inspired more by the example of the Mongols of

the thirteenth century. Their »hordes« were almost always outnumbered by their

opponents, yet they conquered, and held for over a century, the largest continental

empire ever seen. The key to Mongol success was their absolute dominance of

battlefield information. They struck when and where they deemed appropriate,

and their »arrow riders« kept field commanders, often separated by hundreds of

miles, in daily communication. Even the Great Khan, sometimes thousands of

miles away, was aware of developments in the field within days of their occurrence.

Absent the galvanizing threat that used to be posed by the Soviet Union, domestic

political pressures will encourage the United States to make do with a smaller

Emergent Modes of Conflict

{

289

in prevladujoče ideologije neoliberalne globalizacije. Zaradi tega se nam pričujočo

razpravo zdi smiselno nadaljevati v smeri teoretske postavitve kibervojne ob bok so-

dobnim oblikam oblastnih odnosov.

Sodoben družbenopolitičen kontekst in vojnaPo informacijsko-komunikacijski revoluciji

Sodobne elektronske informacijsko-komunikacijske tehnologije so danes že tako

prepredle celotno (zahodno) družbo, da si je življenje brez njih (skorajda) nemogoče

predstavljati. So tam, kjer se nam kažejo kot očitne, in so tudi tam, kjer jih morda ne

bi pričakovali. »Moderne države, multinacionalne korporacije, vojaška moč, državni

aparat za vzdrževanje blaginje, satelitski sistemi, politični procesi, oblikovanje naših

predstav, sistemi za nadzor dela, medicinsko izdelovanje naših teles, komercialna

pornografija, mednarodna delitev dela in religiozni evangelizem so tesno povezani z

elektroniko« (Haraway, 1999: 266). Družbenosistemski pomen sodobnih tehnolo-

gij je predvsem v tem, da so omogočile prehod, ki ga Harawayeva (1999: 260) opiše

kot »prehod iz organske industrijske družbe v polimorfen informacijski sistem«. Na

mesto klasičnih hierarhičnih oblik družbene organiziranosti in tudi političnih odno-

sov vedno bolj stopa logika mreženja, ki deluje rizomatično in sicer v smislu, da »ko-

munikacija poteka od enega do katerega koli drugega soseda, kjer stebla ali kanali ne

preeksistirajo, kjer so vsi posamezniki izmenljivi, se definirajo prek nekega stanja, v nekem trenutku tako, da se lokalne operacije koordinirajo in da se končni globalni

rezultat sinhronizira, neodvisno od neke središčne instance« (Deleuze in Guattari,

2000: 36–7). Logika razsrediščenosti, fluidnosti in fleksibilnosti je postala način de-

lovanja sodobne družbe same. Ker pa se sodobna tehnologija seveda ne razvija sama,

temveč jo je treba omogočiti, se nam postavlja vprašanje ne toliko o samem pomenu

te tehnologije, ampak o političnih pogojih, ki jo omogočajo. Ker je kapitalizem neke

vrste spoj med ekonomijo in vojaško močjo države, pravzaprav ne preseneča, da so,

na primer, danes globalen internet najprej začeli uporabljati v vojaške namene, nato

pa je hitro sledilo tudi prestrukturiranje celotne ekonomije. Državno generiranje

sodobne tehnologije se nam tako pokaže kot eden prvih pogojev za neoliberalno

globalizacijo, ki je prevladujoča paradigma delovanja sodobne oblasti. Kot je dejal že

Foucault (2000: 99), sodobna oblast deluje kot mreža in morda bi lahko celo daja-

li, da njeno funkcioniranje vedno bolj omogoča tudi informacijsko-komunikacijska

tehnologija.

Formiranje novega političnega režima

Neoliberalen koncept urejanja globalnih odnosov postane popolnoma prevladujoč

po koncu bipolarne delitve sveta. Od takrat lahko tudi jasneje vidimo nastavke in

logiko formiranja novega svetovnega globalnega reda in nove strukture vladavi-

ne, ki jo Negri in Hardt (2003) imenujeta Imperij. Ta temelji na nizu nacionalnih

290

ter nadnacionalnih entitet (Svetovna banka, Svetovna trgovinska organizacija,

Mednarodni denarni sklad, NATO idr.), katerih delovanje je v prvi vrsti usmerjeno

na zagotavljanje nemotenega procesa globalizacije neoliberalizma, ki nasilno širi

in opredeljuje nove prostore kapitalističnega (o)vrednotenja. To so morda najbolj

eksplicitno artikulirale Zapatistke in Zapatisti, ko so neoliberalizem označili kot

režim globalne vojne za nove trge ter ozemlja, kot četrto svetovno vojno (za tretjo

štejejo hladno vojno), kot »vojno proti ljudem, proti človečnosti, proti kulturi, proti

zgodovini /.../, ki je že povzročila več smrti in uničenja kot velike svetovne vojne«

(Marcos, 2001: 173). »Njegova strategija vključuje privatizacijo, reducirane socialne

izdatke, razbijanje sindikatov, ograjevanje zemlje, nižje plače, višje dobičke, pro-

sto trgovino, prosto mobilnost kapitala in pospešeno izkoriščanje naravnih virov«

(Marcos, 2001: 70). Zadnjih nekaj desetletij so pri teh neoliberalnih strategijah

imele glavno vlogo t. i. brettonwoodske institucije, v zadnjem času pa vedno večji

pomen dobiva modificirana vojaška formacija z imenom Organizacija severnoa-

tlantskega sporazuma. S tem pa vojna, ki jo vsiljuje neoliberalizem, vse bolj dobiva

obliko gospodarskega diktata, ki je podprt s konkretnim vojaškim nasiljem. Poli-

tična doktrina neoliberalne globalizacije je tako »izumila« nek novum v zgodovini

– vojno kot globalen režim. Ta pa znotraj neoliberalne dogme prostega kaotičnega

globalnega trga in države v vlogi nočnega čuvaja uničuje pridobitve družbenih bo-

jev zadnjih stoletij, na drugi strani pa na novo ureja politične, ekonomske, socialne

in kulturne odnose ter jih upravlja v skladu z neoliberalno logiko in v svetovnem

merilu. Vprašanje, ki si ga je zastavil Foucault (1991 : 110), je, »kako se oblast iz-

vaja«. Napeljuje na odgovor, da je danes sredstvo izvrševanja neoliberalne oblasti

prav režim vojne. Ta pa tudi ni več vezan izključno na vojaški konflikt, ampak se

razprostira v kompleksnosti celotne svetovne družbe. Ali, kot pravi podkomandant

Marcos (2001: 92): »Vedno vojna. To je neoliberalizem«.

Kaj danes pomeni vojna in kdo je sovražnik?Nova strategija vojaške intervencije

Tudi sodobna vojaška posredovanja so torej namenjena predvsem zagotavljanju

možnosti za globalizacijo neoliberalizma. Z vojaškimi intervencijami se, pod ideo-

loško retoriko prinašanja demokracije in osvobajanja podjarmljenih ljudstev, dele-

girajo spremembe v strukturi in obliki državnih režimov prek nastavljanja lokalnih

oblastnikov, ki so odprti do neoliberalne vizije oblikovanja sveta. Z vojaško inter-

vencijo se ustvarja pogoje za prosto trgovino, za tržno ekonomijo in neoliberalni

»razvoj« skoraj na vseh koncih sveta. To potrjuje tudi podatek, da je država, ki

se ji danes predpisuje nesporen primat v konstelaciji sveta, v svojem najvišjem

vojaškem dokumentu Strategija nacionalne varnosti ZDA (2002: 23) zapisala: »Pro-sti trgi in prosta trgovina sta ključni prioriteti naše nacionalne varnostne strate-

gije«. V tem istem dokumentu definirajo tudi sovražnika, ki je včasih potreboval

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DESIGN IS NOT ENOUGH

Tony Credland, Brian Holmes, Sandy Kaltenborn

What happens to graphic design when it leaves the professional

discourse behind, to do political work in activist groups and social movements?

That's the question we wanted to explore with the students and community mem-

bers at Concordia University.

The answers have been different for us, and they'll be different for everyone in-

volved. But we know that the experience of political engagement takes design prac-

tice away from the forms in which it usually appears in society today: as advertising,

art, information or propaganda.

Advertising first. It's one of the most powerful forces in our societies, and it's actu-

ally a form of politics itself, with a clear agenda: the promotion of consumer capi-

talism. But it's a politics without conflict, without debate, addressed to spectators

with no way of talking back. It reduces the citizen to a consumer. As a professional,

client-led, mass-produced process, advertising is Enemy Number 1 for politically

engaged designers, not least because it occupies all the biggest and flashiest spac-

es: TV commercials, billboards, neon signs, lightboxes, endless magazine pages...

Two residual opponents to advertising are art and information (newspapers, jour-

nalism). You could say they're Enemies Number 2 and 3 - but they're already much

easier to work with and transform. Art in our societies stands for the individual, for

subjectivity: It's the opposite of organized party politics and propaganda. Which is

fine for us, because we don't believe in political parties as they're organized today,

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Douglas Rushkoff

NOWHERE TO HIDE

Once a teen has been identified as part of the »target market,« he knows he’s done

for. The object of the game is to confound the marketers, and keep one’s own, au-

thentic culture from showing up at the shopping mall as a prepackaged corporate

product.

The so-called »Generation X« adopted the anti-chic aesthetic of thrift-store grunge

in an effort to find a style that could not be so easily identified and exploited. Grunge

was so self-consciously lowbrow and nonaspirational that it seemed, at first, im-

pervious to the hype and glamour normally applied swiftly to any emerging trend.

But sure enough, grunge anthems found their way onto the soundtracks of televi-

sion commercials, and Dodge Neons were hawked by kids in flannel shirts saying

»Whatever.«

The members of Generation X are putting up a good fight. Having already devel-

oped an awareness of how marketers attempt to target their hearts and wallets,

they use their insight into programming to resist these attacks. Unlike the adult

marketers pursuing them, young people have grown up immersed in the language

of advertising and public relations. They speak it like natives. As a result, they are

more than aware when a commercial or billboard is targeting them. In conscious

defiance of demographic-based pandering, they adopt a stance of self-protective

irony distancing themselves from the emotional ploys of the advertisers.

Excerpt from Advertising chapter of the book Coercion

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323

Lorraine Ketch, the director of planning in charge of Levi’s trendy Silvertab line,

explained, »This audience hates marketing that’s in your face. It eyeballs it a mile

away, chews it up and spits it out.« Chiat/Day, one of the world’s best-known and

experimental advertising agencies, found the answer to the crisis was simply to

break up the Gen-X demographic into separate »tribes« or subdemographics and

include subtle visual references to each one of them in the ads they produce for the

brand. According to Levi’s director of consumer marketing, the campaign meant to

communicate, »We really understand them, but we are not trying too hard.«

Probably unintentionally, Ms. Ketch has revealed the new, even more highly ab-

stract plane on which advertising is now being communicated. Instead of creating

and marketing a brand image, advertisers are creating marketing campaigns about

the advertising itself. Silvertab’s target market is supposed to feel good about being

understood, but even better about understanding the way they are being marketed

to.

The »drama« invented by Leo Burnett and refined by David Ogilvy and others has

become a play within a play. The scene itself has shifted. The dramatic action no

longer occurs between the audience and the product, the brand, or the brand image,

but between the audience and the brand marketers. As audiences gain even more

control over the media in which these interactive stories unfold, advertising evolves

ever closer to a theater of the absurd.

Today, the cathode-ray tube is no longer a receive-only device but, through the In-

ternet, video games and camcorders, a portal to self-expression. Media has become

a two-way street. Kids are as likely to deconstruct imagery as absorb it.

The proliferation of all these devices, plus the advent of fax machines, VCRs, mo-

dems, and cellular telephones, has fundamentally altered the shape and function of

the mass media. It is now an open system -- a mediaspace. Anyone can contribute,

and no one can be sure how what he throws in there will be deconstructed, repur-

posed, and distributed. A top-forty song might be sampled and recycled by a rapper.

A news report may be deconstructed and exposed as propaganda by a public-access

show or Internet newsgroup. A rock video may be mocked by commentators like

Beavis and Butt-head. A commercial can be satirized by a late-night comedy show

for its clumsy efforts at manipulation and the audience will get the joke.

The media is a chaotic place. Like an ocean or a weather system, it no longer re-

spects authority. In fact, those who attempt to impose their authority are ridiculed,

while brilliant and valuable tidbits emerge from the most remote and seemingly

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443

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452

Znano je, da med političnimi in oglaševalskimi kampanjami že dolgo ni več bi-

stvene razlike. Politiki svoj imidž med volivce pošiljajo enako, kot oglaševalci na tr-

žišču uveljavljajo produkt. Kandidati v volilne kampanje vlagajo ogromne količine

finančnih sredstev in najemajo najboljše agencije, ki njihove politične programe

preoblikujejo in vpletejo v oglaševalsko kampanjo; če program že ni drugotnega

pomena za (sproduciranim) imidžem. Komunikološki pristopi v oglaševanju so se

razširili torej tudi na področje aktivnosti politikov in družbenega delovanja, zato ni

nenavadno, da državljani svojo participacijo najaktivneje in najštevilčnejše izkaže-

jo v enkratnih, časovno omejenih dogodkih, nato pa za nekaj časa prepustijo dolo-

čeni meri apatije. Politiki večkrat poudarjajo pomembnost enotnosti in združeva-

nja volivcev, in ker to počnejo v slogu tržnega komuniciranja ter v intervalih, ljudje

izgubljajo občutek za kontinuiteto. To se kaže tudi v posameznikovem odnosu do

narave in v nezmožnosti vkomponiranja ekološke ozaveščenosti v življenjski slog,

v njegov vsakdan. Ker pa je mem o veličini narave vendarle izjemno močan, ob

prelomnih dogodkih – posebno ob naravnih katastrofah – javnosti vzbudi skrb. Da

ta skrb ni pogosta in da ne preseka kampanjske aktivnosti ali se celo obrne h kon-

tinuiteti, poskrbijo velike korporacije in množični mediji. Chomsky in Hermann v

dokumentarnem film The Myth of the Liberal Media trdita, da so mediji konserva-tivni, ker so podrejeni ideološko konservativno obarvanim in močnim korporaci-

jam ali posameznikom. Kakšne meme bodo generirali in širili mediji, korporacije

določajo in dosegajo s propagandnim modelom s petimi filtri – to so koncentracija

lastništva, oglaševanje, viri informacij, negativen odziv (»flak«) in ''antikomuni-zem'' (»anticommunism«). S tem ko je več medijev v rokah enega, se zmanjša plu-ralnost medijev in poveča zastopanost interesov samo ene strani. Oglaševanje je

glavni vir sredstev komercialnih medijev, zato so ti prisiljeni ostati zvesti podje-

tjem, ki predstavljajo finančni vir. Medij si ne more privoščiti očitkov o ekološki

škodi, ki jo podjetje povzroča, če taisto podjetje kupuje medijev oglasni prostor.

Kakšne informacije bodo prišle do javnosti, je odvisno tudi od virov, ki jih mediji

uporabljajo in ki so nemalokrat vedno isti in lojalni kapitalu. Za medije je tudi

najceneje in najbolj priročno, če imajo en stalen, dosegljiv, a enostranski vir. Ne-

gativen odziv, ki se nanaša na negativno sprejeto medijsko sporočilo, je razumljen

v širšem smislu in je lahko v obliki pisem, telefonskih klicev, tožb ali drugih obli-

kah pritiska. »Antikomunizem« postane sredstvo nadzora množice in ustvarjanja

množične psihoze ali strahu. To vlogo je v ZDA in po svetu v zadnjih letih prevzel

islam in je uspešen kot razlog in podpora velikim odločitvam in potezam.

Ker korporacije v medijih vidijo ključ do uspeha in možnost vplivanja na ljudi, se

bodo vedno trudile, da bodo množična občila ena od njihovih adutov. Ameriško

podjetje General Electrics pokriva med drugim tudi panoge letalskih motorjev,

električne energije, plinskih turbin. Vse so vezane na neobnovljive naravne vire,

453

zato je jasno, da se bo podjetje zavzemalo za izrabo teh virov, saj je od tega odvisna

prodaja njihovih izdelkov in s tem prihodek. Hkrati je General Electrics lastnik

televizijske mreže NBC, leta 2004 pa je kupil francoski medijski konglomerat Vi-

vendi in si dodatno zagotovil infrastrukturo na evropskih tleh. Ne le podjetja, ki

proizvajajo porabnike neobnovljivih virov, ampak vsa druga so vezana na vire in

porabijo ogromne količine energije za predelavo inputov v outpute za potrošnike.

Če bi želeli, bi energetika najbrž že lahko temeljila na alternativnih virih, a si eko-

nomija prizadeva, da bi maksimalno izkoristila energetsko razsipno mehanizacijo

za proizvodnjo, saj so v vire vložena velika sredstva. Tako kot tudi LCD-zasloni

niso prišli na trg, dokler proizvodnih zmogljivosti za katodne ekrane niso čim bolje

izkoristili, čeprav je bila tehnologija razvita že dlje, tako tudi osebna vozila na alter-

nativni pogon ne bodo masovno in cenovno zlahka dostopna na tržišču.

Gospodarstvo in politika gresta v krogih elite pogosto z roko v roki. Z vzponom

desničarskih strank po Evropi in pritiski kapitala imajo mediji težko nalogo oprav-

ljati družbeno odgovorno delo in ozaveščati javnost o težavah ekologije. Če že niso

pod pritiskom korporacij in politike, ki bi filtrirale informacije za javnost, pa se so-

očajo s težavo raziskovalnega novinarstva in kot vir informacij uporabijo medije, ki

so.pod takim pritiskom. Pogosto mediji tudi trčijo ob težavo, ker tudi okoljsko po-

gojenih informacij ne posredujejo s kontekstom. Prizor, ko aktivisti Greenpeacea

napadajo naftno ploščad, lahko hitro sugerira napad vandalov, ki vnašajo anarhijo

v družbeni red in napadajo gospodarstvo države. Potrošnik bo prizor lahko dojel

ne zgolj kot napad na ploščad, ampak kot napad na njegovo svobodo – svobodo,

ki mu je ponujena s tem, da lahko izbira med produkti in da lahko kupuje tudi

naftne derivate za svoje osebno vozilo, simbol potrošniške družbe. Tudi ko poro-

čajo o vse aktualnejši temi gensko spremenjene hrane, se mediji preozko osredo-

točijo na zdravje potrošnika take hrane, premalo pa poudarjajo vpliv nasadov teh

rastlin na sosednje nasade nespremenjenih rastlin, ki so po naravni poti oprašene

z manipuliranimi geni in tako uhajajo nadzoru. Posameznik je vsakodnevno iz-

postavljen številnim informacijam, ki imajo take ekološke implikacije, a ostanejo

zakrite. Toda naravne katastrofe niso več samo medijski spektakli iz tujih držav in

težava »drugih«, temveč podnebne spremembe na lastni koži občuti vse več posa-

meznikov, kar jih navdaja z negotovostjo. Ljudje se vse bolj zavedajo, da se narava

maščuje, kot namiguje Hitchcock. Mediji so od časa do časa začeli poročati tudi o

teh tematikah. Letos je aktivistični skupini L'Alliance pour la Planete uspelo v me-dije lansirati akcijo pod geslom »Pustimo planetu, naj pet minut počiva«. Prvega

januarja je precej ljudi za pet minut res ugasnilo luči, v medijih pa je bil dogodek

precej odmeven. Da več takih ali še učinkovitejših akcij nevladnih organizacij ne

uspe prodreti v medije, daje slutiti, da protagonisti svetovne ekonomije občasno

le dopustijo aktivističnim ciljem, da v medijih najdejo prostor. A le tu in tam, le

2003

The issue of the media type defining the message (style determining substance) has

become one apparently inextricable knot. Leaps in communication technologies are

most often funded by companies anticipating sales of their products: funded by spe-

culation of future sales, fueling the cyclical tango of debt and consumption. Thus,

the owners of the message determine the medium, but once in place, the medium

itself is the box into which subsequent messages must fit.

If a culture jammer seeks to communicate through one of the popular mediums,

she must indeed struggle against editors and other information packagers. But even

if she succeeds in preserving the integrity of her message, she must then struggle

anew with the minds of her audience, which have become accustomed to viewing

information offered in a certain way. Both television and the Internet offer a chorus

of conflicting voices, each vying for attention. Magazine covers compete visually on

the newsstand. »Don’t listen to that other voice,« each is admonishing. »Pay atten-

tion only to me.« Those who watch television commercials grow increasingly more

cynical, even as they continue to consume greater and greater quantities of goods.

Advertisers are forced to continually devise new routes into the minds of the media-

wise. People sense when others are only after their pocketbooks, and on some level,

they must resent it. The market model of communications actually breeds a kind of

distrust of those same communications.

K. B. HolingsworthNOTES IN THE MARGINCountry | USFaculty | University of Houston SociologyDescription of Idea | Alternative methods of communication outside the market-driven modes exist as everyday opportunities for connection.Email | [email protected]

487

488

Fine, say some, that may be true of a passive medium like television, but what about

the Internet? As the Internet has evolved in fits and starts, its characteristics have

become too manifold to label it definitively as a medium for the dissemination of

market culture, or an aid to expressing alternatives to that culture. Somehow, it

seems to have encompassed both, and resembles nothing more than what a typical

city intersection would look like if drivers tried to follow road rules for the United

States, Britain, Germany, Russia, and Columbia all at the same time. Because of this

lawlessness, librarians who once had to encourage patrons to explore the great, eq-

uitable lands of digital information now conduct classes warning student research-

ers not to blindly accept an online assertion. Sure, you can access the White House

online, but you can also go to www.whitehouse.com. And the chorus of voices grows

louder, in German, in English, and in Japanese.

Culture jammers who hope to cover more ground through these types of popular

media risk launching their precious ideas on a sea of babble. If they want to be truly

effective, they need to communicate in a medium that fits their message: they need

to shout from an unexpected angle – from the margins.

The margins of culture exist anywhere we can express alternatives to or questions

about the dominant cultural messages: between two friends or twelve, on a bathroom

wall, on the sides of cars, on hand-printed T-shirts. Nothing new has to be created –

we just have to rediscover and rightfully possess the everyday mediums available to

us. There is something about the human dialogue that makes people wait for a live

operator rather than go through a phone menu. There is something about human

handwriting that says, »This is my own message, which I cared enough to create. I

didn’t just buy it from someone else.« (Contemporary ad design often makes use

of fonts that resemble handwriting.) There is something about a little preprinted

sticker reading »The sun works just fine« on the price tag of a hair dryer that lets the

potential purchaser know that another human hand has touched that spot.

What characterizes a dominant message? Although the voices of the billboards, the

top magazines, the television, etc., fight battles about the details of where the money

should be spent – they do all agree on one thing: that the money should be spent.

Now. Because the consumer deserves to have – is expected to have – everything.

These are some of the meta-messages that the jammers seek to counter. Secondly,

the popular media is full of statements, demands, warnings, and appeals; but rarely

questions for the receiver to answer. If there are questions, they lead the listener

back to one of the meta-messages (»Don’t you deserve the best?«). When writing in

the margins, culture jammers can take advantage of the chance to posit open-ended

questions. Statements can be brushed off; questions invite investigation.

504

Integrated Technologies:

In these times of »heightened security,« the TICU takes a Do-It-Yourself approach

in confronting the rhetoric of »Big Brother.« More than creating an undercover,

Mission: Impossible aesthetic, the TICU’s full surveillance suite provides grassro-

ots access to mobile communications technologies. Whether used to produce inde-

pendent community news or to monitor such »un-American« activities as corporate

dumping or police brutality, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit will investigate the limits

of »neutral technologies.« Equipped with a mobile satellite Internet system, the

captured video can be viewable in real-time and recorded via a remote website. Ad-

ditionally, the various surveillance technologies are used to accumulate recordings,

which will provide a unique audio/video account of the local geography. As such,

the vehicle’s GPS unit helps determine the routes taken as the Tactical Ice Cream

Unit maps out the urban landscape through its daily tour of duty.

Community Experience:At various times, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit invites visitors to explore the interior,

view documentation of the street operations, or collaborate on »missions.« Local

community groups may also suggest uses for the TICU (i.e., support a strike, a bea-

ch clean-up, protest, or a neighborhood block party). Whether lurking in a corporate

parking lot or chillin’ in a neighborhood park, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit is sure to

attract people from all walks-of-life.

Always Prepared:The TICU is prepared to augment any event. Should the Tactical Ice Cream Unit

wander into the vicinity of a rally, protest, or civil uprising, it is equipped to provide

a valuable service by supplying activists with various, in-demand items (water, first-

aid, film, gas masks, water balloons, etc.). In addition to offering delicious frozen

desserts, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit serves as a mobile oasis where activists can

quench their thirst, replenish their energy, reload their cameras, document unfol-

ding events, protect themselves against various crowd dispersants, shield themsel-

ves from the elements, and arm themselves with educational materials – all without

having to leave the protest vicinity. In short, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit seeks to

protect, provide, energize, invigorate, and educate its audience.

Operations:The TICU is divided into a »mother ship« (Central Command Van) and a »scout«

(Tactical Ice Cream Cart) to better facilitate a range of operations in a wide variety

of public spaces. Acting both as a transport and as a re-supply vessel, the Central

Command Van (CCV) offers valuable support for the Ice Cream Away Team. By

adopting the form of the nomadic street vendor, the TICU can successfully navigate

505

through zones of increasingly privatized public space in a manner, which is only

encouraged by the authorities’ request to »move along.« In so doing, the Tactical

Ice Cream Unit is sure to encounter yet another citizen in need of nourishment.

Providing food and food-for-thought, the Tactical Ice Cream Unit merrily activates

public space with wholesome information and good humor.

567AAdidas 6, 176, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 193, 346aktivizem 25, 45, 234, 271, 357avtentičnost 8, 111, 127, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 186, 188, 189, 192, 193, 358, 359, 360, 361, 362, 363

Bblagovna znamka 28, 38, 120, 124, 141, 149, 173, 175, 176, 188, 189, 190, 191, 307, 332, 352, 354, 356

CC3I 220, 222, 225, 227, 228, 229, 288, 291civilna infrastruktura 239cool 7, 49, 103, 127, 162, 172, 173, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 193, 324, 326, 329, 340, 346, 348, 484, 503, 549culture jamming 27, 28, 29, 32, 43, 44

Ddemokracija 138, 142, 186, 248, 260, 261, 284demokratično sprejemanje odločitev 255dialog 15, 31, 32, 44, 257, 262, 543diskurz 33, 34, 109, 110, 112, 113, 118, 142, 149, 150, 172, 233, 240, 241, 246, 292, 306dizajn 33, 255, 258, 259, 300, 306, 307, 308, 309DIY 26, 281družba 40, 46, 69, 123, 132, 137, 141, 142, 143, 147, 194, 200, 257, 269, 275, 279, 300, 301, 307, 353, 357, 450, 451, 465, 470, 473, 476družbena konstrukcija 233, 594, 598družbena odgovornost 15, 42, 453, 454, 474družbene spremembe 15, 30, 33, 35, 41, 43, 45, 130, 301, 361družbeno odzivno komuniciranje 30, 31, 32, 34, 44, 46, 52, 54, 69družboslovne znanosti 254, 255, 256državljanstvo 138, 303

Eekološka ozaveščenost 449, 450, 455ekonomija daru 25elektronska participacija 255elektronski napad 239epistemologija 115

Stva

rno

kaz

alo

569

komuniciranje 15, 17, 19, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 34, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 54, 69, 126, 133, 172, 180, 233, 236, 238, 247, 258, 261, 275, 280, 332, 334konflikt 32, 251, 269, 270, 274, 290kontinuiteta 450kontrakultura 173, 175korporacije 116, 123, 124, 131, 139, 140, 233, 235, 236, 237, 270, 289, 452kreativna revolucija 175, 180, 181, 183kritika 27, 28, 31, 32, 113, 123, 124, 127, 128, 129, 131, 139, 180, 181, 182, 184, 186, 187, 251, 252, 282, 286, 292, 293, 300, 304, 306, 307, 308, 358, 360, 362, 363kultura 17, 25, 34, 37, 113, 129, 132, 138, 139, 140, 141, 144, 146, 173, 178, 179, 182, 200, 255, 278, 305, 309, 332, 358, 362, 475, 579

Mmarketing 124, 125, 129, 130, 177, 181, 306, 307, 351, 352, 353, 354, 355, 356, 357mediji 27, 115, 124, 126, 138, 139, 142, 147, 233, 235, 237, 241, 332, 334, 450, 452, 453, 464, 465, 466, 467memi 332, 449, 450mirno reševanje sporov 255množični mediji 115, 124, 138, 139, 142, 241, 450, 452moč 27, 28, 33, 37, 43, 117, 119, 123, 124, 127, 142, 143, 150, 176, 183, 185, 235, 242, 247, 248, 250, 256, 283, 284, 285, 288, 289, 302, 466, 470, 475, 478, 571, 572, 573, 594, 595, 596, 597, 598

Nnajstniške kulture 358, 359, 360nasilje 234, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251, 363, 475, 476, 596, 598nematerialna potrošnja 351, 356neoliberalna globalizacija 288, 292nostalgija 189, 191, 192

Ooblikovanje 17, 29, 41, 126, 190, 245, 257, 289, 300, 304, 309, 362, 442oglas 109, 111, 112, 113, 126, 191, 192, 193, 334, 451oglaševalska industrija 177, 359oglaševanje 32, 41, 43, 109, 123, 124, 125, 128, 129, 130, 143, 178, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, 186, 187, 189, 332, 334, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363, 450, 451, 452oglaševanje kot kritika družbe 180oglaševanje kot propaganda 123

Pparticipacija 255, 257percepcija 146, 147, 176, 240, 241, 246, 308, 332, 451, 464, 465, 468pluralizacija 276, 280, 281, 282, 486podoba 27, 33, 42, 144, 147, 150, 300, 307, 308, 477postfordizem 351, 364, 538postmodernizem 145, 148, 149, 191, 192postmoderno oglaševanje 189potrošnik 113, 124, 139, 140, 189, 191, 192, 332, 333, 334, 335, 354, 449, 450, 451, 454potrošniška izbira 138potrošniška kultura 138, 139, 140, 141potrošnja 142, 180, 186, 351, 352, 356, 470potrošnja simbolov 351prikriti piarovec 332, 335proces reprezentacije 38, 173, 175produkcija 25, 45, 109, 116, 128, 186, 302, 361, 474propaganda 115, 122, 123, 124, 125, 126, 130, 225, 310, 311, 317, 323, 429, 503

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