מרכז מידע בין-מכללתיlibrary.macam.ac.il/study/pdf_files/d12324.pdf · 2017. 2....

December 11,2015

,& Otto

Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab

desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano., & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary

parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-123). New York and London: Routledge.

Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay Close to

-emotional Development among Bedouins in the

Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP),

1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231

3 Marey-Sarwan, I., Roer-Strier, D., & Otto, H. (Submitted). Ecology of Risk and Protection:

Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab

I

Attachment and Risk from a Context -Informed

Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the Unrecognized

Villages in the Naqab

Thesis submitted for the degree of "Doctor of Philosophy"

By Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan

Submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem

December 2015

II

Attachment and Risk from a Context -Informed

Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the Unrecognized

Villages in the Naqab

Thesis submitted for the degree of "Doctor of Philosophy"

By Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan

Submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem

December 2015

III

This work was carried out under the supervision of Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier

IV

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This dissertation is dedicated to the Bedouin study participants: mothers, fathers, and infants who

were the core of my research project. They opened their homes and their brave hearts and shared

their experiences with me. I hope that I managed to express your voices and experiences

faithfully. You taught me a valuable lesson about coping and being optimistic despite numerous

difficulties and I would like to thank you for that!

I deeply acknowledge my supervisor Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier for her professional guidance,

insights, encouragement and challenging comments. Dorit supported me with dedication and

professionalism, academically and personally, for the past years even in times of crisis. She gave

me the opportunity to increase my knowledge and to access the academic world. Thank you

Dorit for making this dissertation possible!

To Prof. Heidi Keller for her wisdom, guidance, and crucial comments on the articles. I am

honored and grateful for your support!

To the accompanying committee members: Asher Ben-Arieh, Prof. Mona Khoury-Kassabri, and

Prof. Ismael Abu-Saad!

Thanks to my colleagues in Nevet- Greenhouse of Context-Informed Research and Training for

Children in Need for their motivation and constant support, precious discussions, and

suggestions throughout the years of the study!

Words cannot express my gratitude to three grants for providing me with scholarships. Their

support, generosity, and their faith in me, is of outmost importance: The committee of the Ariane

de Rothschild fund (Women Doctoral Program); Anita Morawetz Fund for Research on Children

Thanks to Erica Shaps for her linguistic editing!

V

To my mum, my role model, for hard work, which is my most important source of inspiration. I

hope I was able to fulfill your dream!

To my brother Sohail Marey for reading and commenting on parts of this PhD in advance despite

the pressure of his life and work!

Last but not least, to my family who encouraged and supported my PhD project and were always

there for me!

VI

Abstract

Introduction: Most of our knowledge about attachment theory comes from WEIRD society

Western, Educated, Industrialized, Rich and Democratic people who constitute a minority in this

world. However, researchers and professionals increasingly highlight the need to understand

child development and risk in the non-Western majority world This call characterizes a major

shift in perspectives and approaches towards the role of the environment in child development

according to an ecological cultural approach.

The current study utilizes a context informed perspective that goes beyond the Ecological

Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner 1994, 2005) and adds Critical Theories (Mass, 2004;

Shalhoub-Kevorkian & Roer-Strier, 2015) to the Ecological Perspective. In doing so, it considers

structural factors, power relations, and understanding of the political context. This study

examines perceptions of the Bedouin population from the unrecognized villages (UVs) in the

Naqab in Southern Israel. It provides an analysis of the effect of socio-cultural-political context

-emotional development, maternal belief systems, attachment, perceptions of

risk, and coping with risks.

The Bedouins in the UVs represent a traditional and collective society that promotes

values of hierarchical relatedness. Nowadays, Bedouins in the Naqab face rapid and dramatic

cultural changes due to the transition from a semi-nomadic to a sedentary life and urbanization.

These changes pose unique challenges for Bedouin societies. The transition changed the shape of

their everyday life, affecting their socialization goals and parenting practices. Various studies

exist on the Bedouin society in the Naqab. However, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin

mother

socio-emotional development, perceptions of risk for children, and coping mechanisms.

Objectives: -emotional

development and risk perceptions in a socio-political context; 2) To document the socialization

systems in the Bedouin child's first year; 3) To learn from minority parents by involving them in

defining domains of risk. Moreover, we sought to document their ideas regarding prevention and

VII

learn about their coping mechanisms as a basis for designing future prevention and intervention

programs.

Method: The longitudinal study presents the attitudes and practices of Bedouin parents over the

course of one year. Utilizing a mixed method approach, researchers collected data between 2011

and 2013. The research is based on a mixed method approach, which included in-depth

interviews with 33 mothers; 4 focus groups with women and 1 with men; socio -demographic and

socialization goals questionnaires; as well as structured observations of the mothers daily

interactions with their children at two points of time.

Main Findings and Discussion: First, the data yielded perceptions of parenting that varied

between traditional, androcentric perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of

Bedouin society) to a more Westernized perception of parenting. These findings are tightly

linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of the tribes; they reveal that the rapid and

forced transition to permanent settlement poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society,

including challenges to their parenting (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015)1.

Second, the findings in the second paper proved surprising and unexpected for Bedouin society,

which exhibits high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving

arrangements. The findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants with respect to the display of

stranger anxiety: More than half the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not.

These findings may reflect that the Bedouins in the unrecognized villages have to combine

traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous socio-political

situation (Marey-Sarwan, Keller, & Otto, 2015)2. The findings in the third paper display

Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in

the Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano., & D. L. Lee (Eds.),

Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-123). New York and London: Routledge.

Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay

-emotional Development

among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal of

Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231

VIII

numerous risk conditions that hindering societal and individual development and children's well -

being. At the same time, the findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in very

harsh conditions, coping with their plight and distress (Marey-Sarwan, Roer-Strier, & Otto,

submitted)3.

Overall, our findings emphasize the relevance of context and the importance of a context

informed perspective, including an awareness of historical and political effects in relation to

theories of child development and parenting. Additionally, the findings highlight the need to

include parental voices in discourses on parenting, risk, and protection. These findings have

major implications for professionals working with marginalized and oppressed populations.

Marey-Sarwan, I., Roer-Strier, D., & Otto, H. (Submitted). Ecology of Risk and Protection:

Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab.

Letter of contribution

The PhD student, Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, completed the three articles attached in the

research project without equal contributors or any other contributors, with the exception of the

analysis, writing and editing the manuscripts, and full participation in the publication process

(i.e., submission to scientific journals, serving as the corresponding author, amendments and

revisions as recommended by the editors and reviewers, re-submissions of the revised

manuscripts).

Since the supervisor Prof. Dorit Roer-Strier is a qualitative researcher, Prof. Keller and

Dr. Otto were invited to supervise the quantitative analysis of the data. The accompanying

committee members were asked to approve their supervision. The request was approved and

therefore the names of Prof. Keller and Dr. Otto on the papers are in the capacity of supervisors.

Table of contents

Chapter 1: Conceptual Framework................................................................................ .......1-20

.

Ecological Systems perspe 2

Attachment ...

Culturally infor

Context informed perspective of children's ......

Context of the present research: Bedoui

Research q .

Outline of the dissertation

Refer

Chapter 2: Research Methods . ... 21-30

Par .

The re ..

Data collection Procedures and instruments ..

1. Semi-structured interviews

2.

3. A socio-demographic

4. Sociali

5.

Data analysis .

Research rigor .

Ethical considerations .

28

Chapter 3: Children are a Gift from God: Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab

Desert in Israel ..31-49

Chapter 4: Stay C

Socio-Emotional Development among Bedouins in the Unrecognized

Villages in the Naqab 50-64

Chapter 5: Ecology of Risk and Protection: Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from Unrecognized

Villages in the Naqab ......... ...........................................65-96

Supplementary Material . ... . ..... 97-101

Chapter 6: Conclusions, Limitations and Contribution . . 102-118

Resilience and . 6

The journey: way for change: Knowledge is p .. ...107

The journey: 111

Study limitations and recommendations for future researches 112

Practical 113

Contribut 114

116

Appendices . ..119-135

Appendix 1: Interview guideline- Interview with the mother when the child is

2.5- 119-124

Appendix 2: Interview guideline- Interview with the mother when the child is one

year of a .. . 125

Appendix 3: Socio-demographic questionnaire .. .126

Appendix 4: Socialization goals questionnaire ....127-128

- Designing context-informed

interventions ....129

Appendix 6: A women's focus group at the end of the data

130

Appendix group- stranger .. ..131

132

Appendix 9: Coding scheme for mother- infant spontaneous interaction ....133-135

1 Chapter 1: Conceptual Framefork

Chapter 1:

Conceptual Framework

Attachment and Risk from a Context- Informed Perspectives: Bedouin Families in the

Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab

Preface

The Bowbly Ainsworth attachment theory (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978; Bowlby,

1969, 1973, 1982) is one of the most popular theories in developmental psychology with a

significant impact on the applied field. Attachment is considered as a universal necessity for

infants to develop and strive. The quality of attachment is considered to develop over the first

year of life as a consequence of social experiences. However, attachment theory has a blind spot

concerning the role of culture in general social regulations and the definition of child caregiver

relationships more specifically (Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013). The present study

therefore aimed to increase awareness of the cultural embodiment of attachment relationships

and its assessment. It particularly challenged the Strange Situation procedure, which is the

major assessment tool of attachment security (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It argued that attachment

and its qualities cannot be assessed without examining it from the socio-cultural-political

perspective.

2005), which

accounts for the historical, social, and cultural context of child development. It expands the

Ecological Theory toward a context informed perspective of children's risks and methods for

coping with risks according to minority Bedouin parents from unrecognized villages (UVs) in

the Naqab desert in Southern Israel.

The study made unique contributions to a range of intersecting contexts and concepts:

a) Attachment theory, which examines children's socioemotional development, specifically the

display of stranger anxiety and the relationship between the infant and his/her caregivers;


b) The socio-cultural-political context, which suggests different definitions for risk and gives the

concept different meanings and interpretations;

c) An examination of parenting and perceptions of risk for children in light of the unique family

structure and cultural pattern in the Bedouin society.

Ecological Systems Perspective of Children Development

The Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 2005) focuses on the impact that

environment plays on individual growth and development. This theory enables a broad view that

takes into account historical, social, and cultural contexts of child development (Bronfenbrenner

2005). The Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) is particularly suitable for the

investigation of developmental risk and prevention. It enumerates five interrelated systems, each

of them represents a particular environmental framework in the child's world: the microsystem

includes the interactions between the child and the immediate environment such as

interpersonal relations in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic

features. The mesosystem relates to interactions between microsystems, such as the effect of a

large number of children on the relationship between parents, relationships with the community,

and relationships within the extended family. The exosystem refers to interactions with the

surrounding community in which the child is not directly involved but exerts influence indirectly

conditions on the child and family life. The macrosystem consists of the overarching

microsystem pattern, mesosystem, and exosystems characteristics in a given culture or subculture.

It includes traditions, beliefs, habits,

aspirations shared by people in a particular (sub) culture. The chronosystem refers to the

historical effects on development during the lifespan.

developmental risk and prevention in Bedouins families. Furthermore, the current study suggests

that a context-informed per

(Bronfenbrenner, 1994, 2005); in doing so, it adds Critical Theories, thus considering structural

factors, power relations, and an understanding of the political context (Mass, 2004; Shalhoub-


Kevorkian & Roer-Strier, 2015). The context-informed perspective is particularly relevant to the

study of Bedouin because it considers both the effects of cultural transition and political conflict,

lfare and rights (Hamber et al. 2015;

Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan, 2007), before planning any prevention or intervention

program.

Attachment Theory

One of the main theories in child development is attachment theory, formulated by

Bowlby and Ainsworth (Ainsworth, Bell, & Stayton, 1974; Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall,

1978; Bowlby, 1969, 1982). Strong developmental risk definitions have been attributed to

world and informing intervention programs for family support (e.g. STEEP: for steps toward

effective, enjoyable parenting) (Erickson & Egeland, 2004). Foster care placement and programs

for coping with delinquency in adolescence utilize risk definitions based on attachment theory.

(Johnson & Whiffen, 2003). Additionally, recently early educational programs rely increasingly

on the conception of attachment (e.g., Kennedy & Kennedy, 2004).

emotional well-being (Ainsworth et al., 1974; Baer & Martinez, 2006). Attachment styles differ

depending on the experiences with a primary caregiver during the first year of life (Bacon

& Richardson, 2001).

Researchers developed the so-called Strange Situation a laboratory based sequence of

separations of mother and infant, confrontations with a stranger and reunions in order to assess

attachment quality (Ainsworth et al., 1978). It especially assessed the behavioral responses of

infants to separation and reunion with their mothers to indicate different attachment styles:

Secure, insecure-avoidant, and insecure-ambivalent attachment. Later, Main and Solomon (1990)

added a fourth pattern called disorganized attachment.


Ainsworth et al., (1978) assumed that infants show a secure attachment style when they

experienced sensitive parenting over the first year of life. They defined sensitive parenting as

(Ainsworth et al., 1978, p. 142). Secure attachment style characterizes infants, whose mothers

explore his environment and return to her for support if he feels distressed (Frey, Cushing,

Freundlich, & Brenner, 2008).

Contrastingly, early experiences of insensitive caregiving lead to insecure or disorganized

attachment styles: Children who experience constant rejection from a parent tend to exhibit an

avoidant pattern; children who experience inconsistent treatment, tend to exhibit an ambivalent

pattern; and children who experience maltreatment, neglect, trauma, and abuse (Hesse & Main,

1999) tend to exhibit disorganized pattern (Schofield, 2003).

Culturally Informed Attachment Research.

LeVine & Norman (2001) claimed that attachment theory is the predominant example of

. Attachment theory

(Bowlby, 1969; Ainsworth et al., 1978) claimed universal validity, both in terms of its theory as

well as in its methods. However, cross cultural studies (e.g. Harwood, Miller, & Irizarry, 1995;

Keller & Kärtner, 2013; Otto & Keller, 2014; Rothbaum, Weisz, pott, Miyake, & Morelli, 2000)

reveal that attachment theory is open to cultural influences and biases, starting from the

experimental procedure the Stranger Situation itself, and ending with the assumption that

maternal sensitivity exclusively leads to secure attachment. Studies indicate that these

assumptions may be adaptive for Western middle-class families, which account for only a

& Taylor, 1984; Grossmann, Grossmann,

Spangler, Suess, & Unzner,

many non-Western and mainly rural eco-social environments (Keller & Kärtner, 2013). A

context-informed perspective of attachment requires an approach that accounts for historical -

socio- political and ecological conditions, in addition to social customs and cultural values.


In Western countries and in developmental theories it is assumed that mothers are essential to

ar of life (Barlow, 2004). Meanwhile, studies in non-

Western cultures (see also Different Faces of Attachment, that edited by Otto & Keller, 2014)

tried to answer the essential question regarding cultural variations and influences. These studies

provided various examples where infants receive care from a variety of caregivers in non-

Western cultures (Cole & Cole, 1989; Seymour, 2004). Such multiple care arrangements are

Gottlieb, 2004); Aka foragers in the Central

African Republic (Meehan, 2009); Efe of Zaire (Ivey, 2000); Baatombu of Benin (Alber, 2004),

and Cameroonian Nso farmers (Otto, 2008). Consequently, in these non-Western cultures the

responsibility for childcare lies with a larger community and not only with a particular adult

(Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Weisner & Gallimore, 2008).

f a next

child (Cervera & Mendez, 2006; LeVine et al., 1994; LeVine & LeVine, 1988). In social-cultural

l socialization goals (Super &

Harkness, 1986). At the same time, mothers who have a lot of social support exhibit better

parenting skills and are more likely to have infants with good emotion regulation skills (Green,

Furrer, &, McAllister, 2007). Moreover, multiple caregiving arrangements also foster infant

integration into the cultural community, since the children interact with many different

individuals from an early stage (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015).

Attachment theory and maternal sensitivity, which are central to Western culture, are

perceived as leading to individual psychological autonomy by developing abilities such as self-

expression and assertiveness. By contrast, the aim in traditional societies is hierarchical

relatedness. It is desirable for children to obey parents and maintain social harmony, values that

attachment theory does not emphasize (Otto & Keller, 2014).

The Ainsworth et al, (1978) research on attachment theory examined expressions of

emotional regulation and stranger anxiety. Ainsworth et al, (1978) assumed

attachment level becomes apparent and observable in a distress situation, mainly because of the


ppearance

of a stranger in a strange environment, which increases stress levels, is crucial. However, it is

emotional expressivity (Matsumoto, Olide, & Willingham, 2009).

Bowlby (1969) claimed that infants start to prefer familiar people and respond fearfully

to unfamiliar persons for being different at around eight months old (Ainsworth et al., 1974,

1978). Stranger anxiety is generally regarded as part of a universal behavioral system. It is

supposed to protect the infant, ensure survival, and keep the child away from unfamiliar and

potentially dangerous - conspecifics (Bowlby, 1973, 1982; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1977). It is assumed

that stranger anxiety emerges when infants start to crawl and explore the environment, which

may expose them to potential dangers, including strangers (Marks & Nesse, 1994). However,

cross-

beliefs and attitudes surrounding it, vary across cultures (Gottlieb, 2004; Otto, 2008). These

studies displayed that in some societies children are encouraged to be friendly towards strangers,

approach them, and be comfortable with them. Accordingly, stranger anxiety is hardly

observable in these environments.

Context Informed Perspective of Children's Risk and Coping with Risks

The current study also examines the parental perspectives of risks and coping with risks.

Definitions of developmental risk are rooted primarily in universal developmental theories,

such as attachment theory (Bowlby, 1986; Zeanah & Smyke, 2009). Yet in most cases, they are

applied in non-Western societies. Researchers Levitt and Merry conceived vernacularization,

which includes examples of attachment (2009). Vernacularization describes a process of

adopting global ideas from the field of human rights and translating them around the world to the

local level. For example, when professionals label children as at risk and take them out of their

homes based on the assessment of the Western insecure attachment ignoring the local context.

Cultural norms, child rearing practices, and parental contextual demands influence behavior that

may be defined as risk in one culture and as normative in another, e.g. corporal punishment

(Korbin, 1991; Korbin & Spilsbury, 1999).


Agathonos- Georgopoulou (1992) proposed that cultures not only shape the ideas and behavior

of parents and children, but also professionals. Professionals who assess child risk factors,

inform court procedures, or plan interventions are unaware or have little knowledge of cultural

differences. Therefore, cross-cultural understanding of children at risk will benefit the

development of proper solutions on different levels such as protection, treatment, and prevention.

In Israel, a society characterized by multiculturalism (Shemer, 2009), the Schmid

Committee (2006) formulated the definition of children at risk. This definition is based on the

United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989), which Israel adopted in

1991. According to the report, children and youth at risk are defined as:

Children and youth who live in situations that endanger them within their family and their

environment. As a result of those conditions it hurts their ability to implement their rights

under the CRC in the following areas: physical existence, health and development; family

belonging; learning and life skills; social and emotional health; belonging and social

participation and protection from others and from their own dangerous behavior. (Schmid

Report 2006, p. 67)

In the same report, Schmid (2006) listed a number of factors that may create or increase

risk: financial problems, family crises, transitions, immigration, belonging to minority groups,

disabilities, and learning disabilities. The report defined about 330,000 children and youths in

Israel as at risk, and pointed to a large scale of risk factors among Arabs, particularly the Arab-

Bedouin society (Schmid, 2006).

Literature discusses the significant contribution of cultural transition to risk. Korbin

(2008). Spilsbury, Korbin, & Coulton (2012) argued that the contextual demands parents face in

cultural transition, such as economical, political, and other stressors, create scenarios that may be

defined as risk. For example, cultural changes may cause the loss of community networks, which

serve as support systems and minimize the risk for children in times of crisis. Socio-cultural,

sociopolitical, and socioeconomic changes may result in poverty, loss of social status, social

isolation, unemployment, and low self-esteem that impact the parent-child relationships and

increase the risk for children (Korbin & Spilsbury, 1999; Ritchie & Ritchie, 1981). The


- nomadic

life to a sedentary life in the context of political and territorial conflict. Greenfield (1994) and

Roer-Strier & Rosental (2001) showed that the cultural differences are a source of

misunderstanding, tensions, and conflict between the parents, who are in cultural transition and

the cultural professional agents. This leads professionals to plan interventions that are not

sensitive to cultural contexts.

Furthermore, Roer-Strier (2007) argued that in the case of families in cultural transition,

special attention should be given to how family members define and prevent risk in order to help

professionals to develop context appropriate intervention and prevention programs. Shemer

(2009) argued that professionals experience dilemmas in cultural topics. These culturally

dependent topics include the relationships within the family, the education of children using

, and approaches for

early childhood. Professionals find addressing these dilemmas to be particularly complex and

express conflicting perceptions and attitudes.

Green (1999), for example, emphasized that social workers tend to regard ethnic

differences, which they encounter in their work, as a problem to be overcome rather than a

learning opportunity. The current study aims to challenge this tendency and to provide cultural

knowledge that will arouse the desire to see these differences as learning opportunities.

Culturally competent professionals must be able to estimate the risk for children in general and

children specifically in cultural transition. Literature referring to assessment, prevention, and

intervention for children at risk (Ritchie & Ritchie, 1981; Roer-Strier, 2007) sought to learn

about raising children of the target population and document the existing risk definitions in these

groups. In this case, the researcher asked parents from the Arab-Bedouin society about risk

definitions and how they suggest handling and avoiding risk in their society.

Context of the Present Research: Bedouin from the UVs in the Naqab

The case of Bedouin parents from UVs is of special interest to both topics of attachment and risk.

Today, about 100 that are denied building


permits and lack basic services such as running water, electricity, access roads, and sewage

systems (Abu-Saad, 2010; Human Rights Watch, 2008). Most of these localities are fifty miles

away from Be'er Sheva.

The Arab Bedouin communities in the Naqab represent the most disadvantaged sector of

Israeli society in all spheres: economic, social and educational (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008).

(An expanded description of the Bedouin in the UVs is included in the three articles in the

following chapters of this dissertation). Therefore, when examining transition cultures, it is

important to take into account the cultural uniqueness of the Bedouin in the UVs and the socio

political context that they must navigate.

Researchers have conducted various studies on the Arab-Bedouin society in the Naqab.

Most of the studies were related to family composition and focused on

elementary-school aged children, and youth (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000; Al-

Krenawi, 1999). Others focused on health and nutrition among Bedouin infants (Ben Rabbi,

Amiel, Nijam, & Dolev, 2009). However, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin parenting

The current study addresses this gap. It aims first, to contribute to professional

-emotional development and risk perceptions in a socio-

political context. Secondly, it seeks to document the socialization systems in the child's first year

in the unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Naqab. Finally, the study enables people to learn

from minority parents in marginalized and oppressed societies by involving them in defining

domains of risk and documenting their ideas regarding prevention and coping mechanisms as a

basis for designing future programs.

Research questions

The current longitudinal study was designed to address the following questions:


1.

the Naqab, and how these socialization goals and definitions are reflected in the practices

and behaviors of the child primary caregivers in the first year of his li fe??

2. childcare?

3. How do Bedouin children from UVs in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female

stranger?

4. socio-

emotional development?

5. What are the connections between family size and children's display of stranger anxiety?

6. How do Bedouin mothers perceive risk for their children?

7. How do mothers cope with these risks?

Outline of the dissertation

This dissertation includes three chapters, which are based on a book chapter and papers.

The three chapters emphasize different aspects of parenting and child development in the

Bedouin community. An outline of the chapters and how they addressed the research questions

are presented below.

Chapter 3, entitled

Contemporary parenting: A global

perspective (pp. 105-123), edited by G. Nicolas, A. Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), New York and

London: Routledge.

The chapter addresses the first two research questions: 1) What are the socialization goals

, and how these

socialization goals and definitions are reflected in the practices and behaviors of the child

define child proper care?


This chapter examines parental perceptions, socialization goals, and practices in the

Bedouin- communities in the Naqab from a contextual-historical perspective and focuses on

perceptions, goals, and practices are tightly linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of

the tribes. They reveal that the rapid and forced transition from being semi - nomads to inhabiting

permanent settlements poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society, including

challenges to their parenting. Although Bedouin parents preserve traditional family values and

to the outside world. Tribal traditional values and norms slowly blur as a result of the Bedouins'

adjustments to permanent settlements and their exposure to the Western lifestyle in the

neighboring cities. Thus, perceptions of parenting fluctuate between traditional, ethnocentric

perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of Bedouin society), and a more

Westernized perception of parenting. This chapter clearly indicates that parenting notions should

be viewed and explained within the socio-political context where parenting is practiced.

Chapter 4 is entitled

Socio-emo

This chapter is published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015 in the Journal of Cross-

Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231

This paper addresses the third, fourth, and fifth questions: 3) How do Bedouin children

from UVs in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female stranger? 4) What are Bedouin

-emotional development? 5)

What are the interrelations between family size and children's display of stranger anxiety?

The paper aims to investigate one-year-

otion

regulation. The findings were surprising and unexpected for Bedouin society, which exhibits

high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving arrangements. The

findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants in regards to stranger anxiety: More than half

the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not. These findings might indicate a

paradox: raising social, but wary children. The findings demonstrate that the Bedouins in the


UVs have to combine traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous

socio-political situation. These findings indicate that mothers actively trained their children to be

friendly around familiar people, yet to be careful around unfamiliar people that could potenti ally

harm them such as police, military, and Jews. The findings in this paper challenge the ethological

Chapter 5, entitled Ecology of Risk and Protection: Perceptions of Bedouin Mothers from

Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. addresses the sixth and seventh research questions: 6)

How do Bedouin mothers perceive risk for their children? 7) How do mothers cope with these

risks?

This paper underscoring both the importance of learning from minority parents about risk

for children by giving voice to and the contribution of using a context-informed

lenses when doing so. The theoretical frame proposed by this paper was the context informed

perspective that builds on the Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) and on Critical

Theory, which accounts for power relations, oppression, and discrimination.

The findings demonstrate a wide range of perceived risks, including physical in the home

and in the surroundings; family; tradition and political discrimination; and governmental

policies. Despite these numerous risk factors, Bedouin families report coping and trying to

prevent risk through mothers investment in their children, social cohesion and tribal support,

spirituality and religion, as well as their collective history.


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21 Chapter 2: Research Methods

Chapter 2:

Research Methods

The current longitudinal study presents the attitudes and practices of Bedouin mothers and

fathers during the first year of the child's life. It is based on a mixed method approach (Creswell,

2005, 2009; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004) with quantitative and qualitative assessments.

Participants

Data were collected between 2011 and 2013 from 59 Arab-Bedouin parents who live in

-4

months and 12 months postpartum. The moth -43 years, and family

size ranged from between 1-15 members, with an average of 3.7 persons per family. The average

woman married at 17.5 and obtained 11 years of formal education. The researcher recruited

mothers through the snowball method (Patton, 2002); 2). Four focus groups of 7-12 Bedouin

mothers and one focus group with eight fathers met (for further information see: Data collection

Procedures and Instruments).

Participants were not paid for their participation in the research; however, each of them

received a CD that included all the child's photos and videos taken by the researcher in addition

to a magnet photo of the baby with his/her family with a thank-you note written on it at the end

of the study. They also received a modest gift for the mother.

The Researcher

The researcher is an Arab Palestinian mother and professional from Haifa in the North of

Israel. She familiarized herself with Bedouin culture by spending three years collecting data,

visiting the villages, and reading extensively about Bedouin in general and Bedouin in the Naqab

specifically. The researcher formed trusting relationships with the Bedouin participants and

informants, such as educators and social workers who work with the community. She had access

to participants and shared a common religion and language, thus managing to create rapport and

; Shlasky & Alpert,


2007). Even today, she is in constant contact with the study participants (more details in chapter

6). Simultaneously, she maintained enough distance to allow reflective and critical scrutiny of

the researched reality (Shkedi, 2011).

Data Collection Procedures and Instruments

Utilizing a mixed method approach, the researcher used several methods of data

collection at different points of time. Each method described below employed different research

tools that fit the research method. An interweaving of analysis results from various research tools

allowed for a more thorough analysis and context informed relationship. The methods used were:

1. Semi-structured interviews with mothers at two point of time. The first interview took

place -4 months and aimed to collect information on beliefs

about attachment relationships, socialization goals, as well as risk perceptions and

definitions regarding the development of early childhood. Mothers also were asked to offer

ideas for culturally appropriate prevention and intervention (The guideline for the maternal

interview is found in Appendix 1). The second interview occurred when the baby was one

year old. It focused on the mother-child relationship, as well as the ch

strangers and relationships with others (for details see Appendix 2). The interviews lasted

one to two hours each and were audio taped.

2. Behavioral observation on the baby's daily activities via video. The observation allows

participants to behave according to their cultural rules and show typical behaviors of the

surrounding culture (Shkedi, 200 ). The researcher observed mother child interactions

twice during -4 months postpartum,

the researcher asked mothers to interact with their infants as usual. Then they were filmed in

a 5 minutes face-to-face free play interaction. The last videotaped observation took place at

the family home when the infant was about one year old. It is unusual for a child in Bedouin

society to be left alone. Instead of using Ainsworth' Strange Situation Procedure the

researcher used a culturally sensitive quasi-

(2008) study in Cameroon. The researcher created a mild stressor in order to observe the

-regulation reaction with respect to the greetings from female strangers


(Keller & Otto, 2009; Keller &

Otto, 2014). The visits were videotaped using a video camera that was set up in the room in

front of the mother and child. The researcher greeted the family and o ther people present and

After the greeting, she approached the mother and child, tried to pick up the child, and

interacted with the child up to five minutes. She was free to move around with the infant and

leave the room; she handed the child back to the mother immediately when she/he showed

signs of distress.

3. A socio-demographic questionnaire: The data provided basic information about the

date of

the family, paternal and maternal number of siblings, parental employment, subsistence

patterns, number of rooms, and home electrical appliances (Appendix 3).

4. Socialization goals questionnaires (Kärtner, Keller, & Chaudhary, 2010; Keller, 2007;

Keller et al., 2006). A list of 22 statements asks mothers to express agreement or

disagreement on a Likert scale from 0 (not at all) to 5 (completely); the statements relate to

the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the first three years of their

ed Hierarchical Relatedness (12 items

), and

Psychological Autonomy -

confidence, and assertiveness), (Appendix 4).

5. Focus groups discussions were conducted based on a group interview with the researcher

and a group of study participants (Vaughn, Schumm, & Sinagub, 1996). The researcher

moderated focus group discussions centered on a specific topic to generate qualitative data

based on the interactions occurring in the group (Sim & Snell, 1996). The current study,

includes four focus groups with mothers and one with fathers. Mothers, who did not take

part in the individual interviews and met the relevant socio demographic characteristics,

attended the first and the fourth focus group.


The first focus group was held with nine mothers aged 18-56 with an average of seven children

and a mean of eight years of formal education at the beginning of the study. It aimed to

acknowledge the Bedouin society and to learn from the mothers about issues such as parenting,

child attachment, developmental risks, and customs among the Bedouin.

A second focus group, consisting of previously interviewed mothers, took place in the

middle of the study. These 12 mothers, aged 18-43 with an average of 4.7 children and a mean of

eight years of formal education, shared perceptions regarding developmental risk and prevention

(Appendix 5).

After the researcher completed the data analysis, a third focus group was held with the

previously interviewed mothers. This allowed the researcher to ask for their interpretations of the

study's findings, member checking (Koelsch, 2013), and about their feelings about the

researcher and the research process (Appendix 6). This group included seven mothers aged 24-40

with an average of 3.4 children and a mean of 11 years of formal education.

The last focus group was conducted with Bedouin mothers from a different village. It

included nine mothers, aged - , with an average of 6.2 children and a mean of seven years of

formal education

-emotional development in the Bedouin context

(Appendix 7).

eld with

eight Bedouin fathers, aged between 22-47, with an average of 12 years of formal education

(Appendix 8). This focus group aimed to understand the male parenting perspective in order to

deepen the understanding of the mothers' perceptions.

Data Analysis

As part of qualitative of analysis, the researcher audiotaped and transcribed all the

interviews and the focus groups

that all the mothers to one question could easily be considered at the same time (Denzin

& Lincoln, 2011; Elliot, 2005). The texts were read and re-read several times. Then, they were


coded according to recurrent themes; the themes were mapped according to interconnections

(Shimoni, 201 ). Narralizer, a qualitative analysis software, was utilized to analyze the

qualitative data. This allowed for a systematic thematic analysis of the data and the establishment

of information units that consist of groups of words or phrases (Giannantonio, 2010; Shkedi

2011) and groups of categories identifying emerging patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel,

2013).

Simultaneously, the researcher quantitatively analyzed the demographic data, the

socialization goals questionnaire, and the videos using SPSS.

1) For the socialization goals questionnaire, the researcher translated the statements into

Arabic and compared the means of the assigned scores of the two subscales of psychological

autonomy and hierarchical relatedness.

2) The video data that was collected during the first visit was coded into mutually exclusive

micro-categories, each including six classes of events. These represent the parenting systems

described in the component model of parenting (Keller, 2007): Facial Behaviors, Vocal

Behaviors, Body Contact, Body Stimulation, Object Stimulation, and Primary Care. The

researcher utilized INTERACT9, a software for coding and analyzing behavioral data (Keller,

Voelker, & Yovsi, 2005; Keller, 2007), to code the results. The minimum duration required for

coding was one second. Additionally, a coding scheme helped to analyze the videos for mother-

infant spontaneous interaction (Appendix 9, Carra, Lavelli, Keller, & Kärtner, 2013). The coded

data was transferred to a spreadsheet for the purpose of statistical analysis.

3) The video data

willingness of the child to go to the stranger and interact with the researcher: a) Children

displayed stranger anxiety and refused to be picked up by the stranger. These children cried or

screamed, looked for proximity and contact with their mothers, and diverted their visual attention

from the stranger. Their facial expressions and gestures showed fear throughout. Most of those

children showed total reluctance to be physically fully separated from their mothers; therefore,

the researcher could not pick th


with the researcher for several minutes and were curious and joyful when being picked up and

held in close body contact.

Research rigor

a) The study used multiple methods of data collection (Maykut & Morehouse, 1994). The

combination of data gathered from various research tools increased the reliability of the

findings.

b) A trained second Arabic speaking coder coded a third of the interviews independently and

then compared the coding with the researcher (Creswell, 2005). In addition, the researcher

and another researcher coded the digitized videos of the child's emotional reaction in

response to the stranger. In cases of disagreement in the analysis, the coders discussed the

data until they reached consensus with the help of a third researcher involved in the study

(Guion, Diehl, & McDonald, 2011).

c) The researcher kept a field diary to enable recollection and processing occurrences from data

collection.

d) Upon completion of the analysis phase, a focus group was held with seven Bedouin mothers.

The researcher conducted Member checking or discussion of the findings with a group of

the participants. During the discussion, there was broad agreement among the mothers on

the issues discussed during the interviews. After completing all study stages, the researcher

took the participants on a trip to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem as a token of gratitude.

Participants had the opportunity to present the data collected regarding risk for children to

the staff and students of the School of Social Work and Social Welfare. Member checking

procedures promoted rigor of the analysis (Koelsch, 2013).


e) All the study data and the different stages of analysis were kept in order to allow

examination and assessment of the researcher's conclusions and reliability of the collected

data (Shkedi, 2005; Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).

Ethical considerations

The Ethics Committee of the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the

be recorded. They were guaranteed confidentiality and anonymity and they all signed informed

in order to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).



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31 Chapter 3: Children are a Gift from God

Chapter 3: 31-49

"Children are a Gift from God"

Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in the Naqab Desert in Israel

Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Hiltrud Otto1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Heidi Keller2)

1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel; 2) The University of Osnabrueck, Germany

Status: Published.

Marey-Sarwan, I., Otto, H., Roer-Strier, D., & Keller, H. (2015). Parenting among the Arab

Bedouins in the Naqab desert in Israel: Children are a gift from God. In G. Nicolas, A.

Bejarano, & D. L. Lee (Eds.), Contemporary parenting: A global perspective (pp. 105-124).

New York and London: Routledge.

10 PARENTING AMONG THE ARAB BEDOUINS IN THE NAQAB DESERT IN ISRAEL

Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan , Hiltrud Otto , Dorit Roer-Strier , and Heidi Keller

“Children are a gift from God.”

It is a cold winter day during a school vacation. I had taken the bus from a city in the south of Israel to the entrance of one of the “unrecognized” Bedouin villages. The bus dropped me off at the intersection in front of a bridge that leads to the village. To get to the bridge, a person fi rst needs to cross three lanes of traffi c going in one direction, and then three more lanes with traffi c going in the other direction. After several dangerous attempts, I managed to cross the highway and get to the other side of the road. Only a week before, two girls, who were relatives, had been hit by a car while returning from a school trip and crossing the same road. At the time of writing this chapter, the girls are still in the hospital – one had sustained fractures, but the other is in a very serious condition.

At the entrance to the village, I met four children aged 8–10. They were play-ing in the mud and asked where I was going and whom I was visiting. I asked them in return to take me to Fatma’s residence. The trail from the entrance of the village to Fatma’s house is a dirt road that turned into an elongated pool of mud, the result of heavy rains that had fallen a few days before. When I arrived, my boots were completely covered with mud. Bedouins usually take off their shoes at the entrance to any residence. I did, too, despite Fatma’s request to keep my boots on.

Fatma welcomed me and insisted that I eat breakfast, which she had prepared for me. Fatma, 26, is a young mother of fi ve. At the age of 15, she had been married to Emad, who now works in northern Israel and returns home every weekend. The interview began with Fatma telling the story of her pregnancy and childbirth, and she seemed thrilled about the recent birth of her fi fth child.

106 I. Marey-Sarwan et al.

She informed me that the pregnancy was not planned, but she didn’t mind: “God wants me to have this baby, children are gifts from God to every woman.”

While chatting, Muhammad, the baby, cried, and Fatma started to breastfeed him:

I breastfeed him on a regular basis, but if he is still hungry, I immediately give him Materna [baby milk replacement]; this is the only solution for me [laughs]. I breast-feed my children only for eight months, until I fi nd out that I am pregnant again, and then I stop. I feel that a baby who breastfeeds loves his mother more .

Like most women that I have met in the village, Fatma has a fairly regular daily routine. She wakes up early in the morning, feeds and bathes the baby, and then wakes up the rest of the children to bathe, feed, and send the older kids to school. There is no kindergarten for the young ones who wander around the village. When the older children are gone, she will do the rest of the household chores. If she has any free time, she goes to visit her mother and her sisters-in-law until the kids come home. She gives them lunch, and takes care of them until bedtime.

Mohammed the baby stayed in his mother’s lap during the interview. She did not stop hugging and kissing him. “ He’s a good boy; look, he’s like an angel,” she said. In response to my question, “what are the most important traits that you expect your baby to have?” Fatma replied: “I want my children to learn that if I tell them something, they need to be obedient and also respect others.” A short time before the end of the interview with Fatma, her neighbor Aminah, my fi rst interviewee in that village, entered the room to greet me and take me to interview Ekhlas, who recently had a newborn baby. Ekhlas, a 32-year-old woman, is a school teacher. She is the second wife of a man who works at the same school, and they have four children together. Ekhlas’ house is large, well-furnished and well-kept, when compared to other houses in the village.

During the interview that lasted for about two hours, Ekhlas shared with me her diffi culties of being a working mother. She also shared the challenges resulting from her husband staying with her for half of the week, and the rest of the week with his other wife, thus fi nding herself raising the children like a single mother. Ekhlas hopes that formal education may lead to social mobility for her children. She said: “My dream for him . . . to be a doctor, to be someone important, to have an education.” At the end of the interview, Ekhlas shared with me some of her family pictures using her iPhone. She also allowed me to visit her Facebook page and even asked my permission to add me as a “friend” on Facebook for the purpose of staying in contact.

By the end of the day, Farouk, the husband of one of the interviewees, off ered to take me to the train station in Beersheba. During the drive, he explained to me that he would not repeat his father’s mistake of having three wives and 25 children. Farouk, 26, had decided to marry only one more woman in the future

Parenting among the Arab Bedouins in Israel 107

and have only eight children with both women, because of the diffi cult economic conditions (Marey-Sarwan’s fi eld diary, January 2012).

Introduction

This chapter aims to examine parental socialization goals and practices in the Bedouin-Arab communities in the Naqab (the Arab term for the Negev desert area in the southern part of Israel) from a contextual-historical perspective. The Bedouins are a former tribal nomadic group who lived together as unions of extended families. In recent decades, they have been forced to undergo a rapid change from nomadic life to permanent settlements. This transition restricted their life as pastorals and brought high unemployment rates and poverty. It changed the shape of their everyday life, and aff ected their socialization goals and parenting practices. Villages in the Naqab area, which are unrecognized by the Israeli gov-ernment, demonstrate traditional collective social norms that promote values of relatedness and interdependence. More than a third of the families are polygam-ous and live as extended families. As the Bedouins consider children a status sym-bol, they have a high birth rate (6.5 children per woman) and rely on collective infant care and supportive family networks.

There are many studies that deal with the transition from rural to urbanized life and its eff ects on women’s status, socialization goals, and parental practices; how-ever, there is limited knowledge about Bedouin motherhood during their infants’ fi rst year of life. This chapter will provide data from an exploratory study that aims to fi ll this gap. In our study, we followed 33 Bedouin mothers for one year, using a mixed methods research approach, including interviews and closed-ended “socialization goals” questionnaires to inquire about their parenting practices, as well as observing and videotaping them in their daily interactions with their children. The study aimed at understanding how those mothers adapted their parenting ideas and practices to the challenges of their new living conditions.

Historical and Political Factors and Parenting Practices

The Bedouin-Arab community in the Naqab is an indigenous population within the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel, with a unique lifestyle and historical, social, and political background. For centuries, Bedouin-Arabs inhabited an enor-mous area, including the Naqab and neighboring areas such as the West Bank, Gaza, and Jordan (Abu-saad, Lithwick & Abu-saad, 2004 ). Today, Bedouins are considered among the most marginalized groups in Israel (Meir, 2005 ), where Bedouin-Arabs constitute about 200,000 residents (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Human Rights Watch, 2008 ).

After the Israeli conquest of the Naqab during the Arab–Israeli war of 1948, referred to as “ Nakbe ” in Arabic meaning “the disaster,” 80–85 percent of the


Bedouin population was uprooted and became refugees in neighboring areas (Gaza Strip, West Bank, Jordan). Most of the remaining Bedouins concentrated their livelihood in the “border area,” also called “ Siyeg ,” which makes up about 10 percent of the territory controlled by them before 1948 (Meir, 2005 ; Yiftachel, 2003 ). These relocated Bedouins joined the tribes that used to live in the “ Siyeg ” before the establishment of the State of Israel and formed the basis of the so-called “unrecognized villages” (The Arab Association for Human Rights, 2004 ). This situation forced the Bedouins to signifi cantly reduce the size of their herds (Marx, 1974 ).

The Bedouins were traditionally nomads; they were famous for moving around in the desert while being engaged in herding as their profession (Abu-Saad, 2010 ); however, since the events of the Nakbe, the State of Israel has taken over most of the land in the Naqab. As a result, the Bedouins lost their freedom to move around with their fl ocks and cultivate their lands (Masalha, 1997 ). The Israeli authorities attempted to urbanize the Bedouins in small towns to ensure that they would not hinder the expansion of Jewish settlements (Abu-Saad, 2006 ; Shamir, 1996 ). These policies resulted in systematic mass transfers of Bedouin tribes to seven urban localities through policies such as the Prawer/Begin plan, which registers their land as state land (Abu Rass & Yiftachel, 2012 ).

Today, 80,000 out of the 200,000 Bedouins who refused to be relocated are liv-ing in the Naqab, residing in 36 so-called unrecognized villages (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Almi, 2008 ; Noach, 2009 ). Those villages do not appear on any offi cial Israeli map or any governmental planning document (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Yiftahel, 2008 ). The villages do not have road signs indicating their existence; they do not have paved roads connecting them to the public transportation network (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Abu-Saad, Horowitz, & Abu-Saad, 2007 ). They are not included in any state ser-vices, legislations, budgets, etc. (Almi, 2003 ; Swirski & Hasson, 2006 ). Accordingly, they are denied all basic services and infrastructure; thus, health, education, and welfare are almost non-existent (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009 ; Falah, 1989 ; Meir, 1997 ; Ministry of Health, 2008 ; Yiftahel, 2008 ).

Following the relocation plan, the Israeli authorities have refused to grant Bedouins who reside in unrecognized villages permission to construct any permanent living structures (Noach, 2009 ; Rudnicki & Abu-Rass, 2011 ). As a result, a huge number of Bedouin homes are demolished every year (Abu-Saad, 2006 ; Ibrahim, 2004 ; Meir, 2005 ; Yiftachel, 2003 ). Al-Sana and Al-Saad ( 2005 ) argue that women and children in these villages are suff ering the most from home demolitions, since as they lose their homes they lose the protection and warmth of the family – a loss that is known to lead to distress, emotional crisis, fi nancial problems, and health diffi culties (Gayousi, 2010 ). In general, Bedouins are considered intruders by the Israeli government (Almi, 2003 , 2011 ). Nevertheless, despite all the pressure by the Israeli government, they are determined to stay on their land in order to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005 ).


Economic and Education Factors and Parenting Practices

In recent decades, Bedouin society in the Naqab has undergone far-reaching changes. The decisive changes were refl ected in a shift away from their semi-nomadic lifestyle, settling in permanent housing and transitioning to sala-ried employment (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006 ). A study conducted by Abu-Bader and Gottlieb ( 2009 ) characterizes the Bedouin population in the unrecognized villages by low socioeconomic status (79.2 percent of the families suff er/live in poverty) and a high rate of school dropouts (more than 50 percent of the children do not attend school). Abu-Saad ( 2010 ) also states that this population suff ers from the highest unemployment rates and lowest income levels in the country (Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Human Rights Watch, 2008 ). As a result of the harsh physi-cal conditions mentioned earlier, infant mortality rates are very high in Naqab (National Council for the Child, 2012 ), accompanied by high incidences of infant health problems (Visblay, 2006 ). Although the unrecognized villages’ population is relatively young (about 60 percent are under the age of 18; Almi, 2008 , 2011 ), only one third of the villages have provisional kindergartens and schools. These schools are located in barracks, with insuffi cient room, often not provided with running water or electricity, and most of these schools are not connected to the highway.

After 1948, the economic situation of the Bedouins changed drastically. Swirski and Hasson ( 2006 ) state that few Bedouins subsist on farming and raising sheep, while many others now depend on casual jobs in the sectors of industry, trade, and services in Naqab localities. Many Bedouin men left their traditional occupations that previously increased their dependence on family networks. Some Bedouin women joined the workforce, and some attended university, which resulted in an increased momentum toward seeking formal education (Abo-Asbeh & Karakra, 2006 ; Abu-Rabia, 2006 ). Abu-Rabia-Queder ( 2007 ) noted that nowadays we fi nd women with driver’s licenses, cars, smartphones with connection to the Internet and exposure to the technological world. The exposure of women to education and technology opened a window to the wider world, which aff ected some of their perceptions. Some women changed their views about child development (e.g., the importance of education for future success in life), and altered wom-en’s household traditions (e.g., the use of electric devices such as the washing machine). Compared to the urban Bedouin locations, however, the families living in unrecognized villages have the least access to early childhood education, elec-tricity, and urban commodities.

Societal Change Factors and Parenting Practices

Al-Krenawi ( 1998 , 2000 ) argues that the traditional Bedouin-Arab family refl ects the structure of Bedouin society. He emphasizes that the Bedouin family is trad-itionally hierarchical, patriarchal, authoritarian, and male-dominated, much like


Bedouin society as a whole (Abu-Rabia, 1994 ; Mogdham, 2004 ). The family’s honor and reputation are refl ected in the behavior of its members (Al-Krenawi, 2000 ). Abu-Lughod ( 1986 ) added that family honor is also refl ected in the female’s behavior, so women are closely supervised to maintain the family honor. At the same time, women’s social connections are limited to the family circle. Bedouin society is very group-oriented and interrelated; families have strong social ties with each other, they feel culturally connected, and live in extended tribal families (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000 ). Families are started at an early age, and marriage to close family members such as cousins is frequent (Abu-El-Assal, 2010 ; Al-Krenawi, 1999 ; Meir, 2005 ), with a large percentage of polygamous marriages.

Men are expected to work and support the family, to welcome visitors, and to engage in local politics (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000 ). They are the dom-inant authority in the nuclear family, as well as the main protector (Ben-David & Gonen, 2001 ). Women’s social status is closely related to their role as house-wives and mothers, focused mainly on raising children, being responsible for the children’s informal education and the transfer of cultural, social, and religious traditions in order to strengthen solidarity and loyalty to the family (Hijab, 2001 ). Al-Krenawi ( 2003 ) adds that women’s status is judged according to her fertility and ability to give birth, especially to sons. Men will be encouraged to marry a second woman if the fi rst wife only gave birth to girls. Parenthood is an essen-tial component of Bedouin society, because the status of both women and men is largely determined by having many off spring. At the same time, family lineage, which diff ers in terms of power and control, brings additional honor and pride for parents (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007 ; Alkashaale, 2007 ; Kressel, 1992 ).

Among the Bedouins, mothers are typically the main caretakers for the children during early infancy. Yet infant care is a shared and collective responsibility that relies on family support networks (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009 ). For example, grandmothers and aunts help the mother in her daily care for children in order to allow her to care for the newborn and the rest of the children in the family. They also care for the children in the mother’s absence, handling feeding, playing, and changing clothes and diapers.

Rationale for the Current Study

Childrearing in Bedouin society has not received adequate attention in the litera-ture; only a few studies addressed families in the unrecognized villages at all, and, if so, they investigated the environmental hazards or the access to formal educa-tion (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007 ). To our knowledge, studies focusing on parenting ideas and practices in Bedouin families from the unrecognized villages are non-existent. Our study therefore highlights perspectives of Bedouin parents on par-enting and raising children in the unrecognized villages. We aimed to explore


parenting in the unrecognized villages in the context of socio-cultural-political and environmental conditions. More specifi cally, we explored Bedouin parents’ socialization goals, beliefs, and practices against the background of the rapid changes that have taken place in the last years. The study utilized a mixed methods approach that includes quantitative and qualitative assessment tools. Quantitative method provides the basis for statistical analysis and allows understanding of the frequency and scale of the phenomenon being studied, while the qualitative approach addresses complex and multiple perspectives regarding the phenom-enon. The use of both research methods together allows for a better understand-ing of the topic (Creswell, 2005 , 2009 ).

Participants

Most of the data have been collected from Bedouin mothers who live in six unrecognized villages in the Naqab, during the timeframe from 2012 to 2013. Thirty-three mothers with three-month-old infants participated in this study. The mothers’ ages ranged from 17 to 43; family size ranged from 1 to 15 children, with the average being 3.7 children. The average age at marriage for the women was 17.5, and the average amount of formal education obtained was 11 years.

Procedures

Mothers were contacted through social workers and educators working with Bedouins, and mothers participating in the research helped recruit other mothers who gave birth in the same village (snowball technique). At the beginning of the study a focus group was held with the mothers in order to become familiar with them and orient them to the study. The aim of the study, “learning about raising children in the Bedouin society,” was explained to the mothers, and their con-sent to participate in the interviews was obtained. The mothers were individually interviewed on two separate occasions: fi rst when their babies were three months old, and a second follow-up interview when the infants were one year old. The interviews were focused on the mothers’ views regarding parenting perceptions and practices.

After the fi rst interview (within the same session), the mothers were asked to complete the Socialization Goals Questionnaire (Keller, 2007 ; Keller et al. , 2006 ), in which they were asked to express agreement or disagreement, on a scale from one to six, to 22 statements relating to the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the fi rst three years of the infant’s life. The Socialization Goals Questionnaire had been translated into Arabic by bilingual translators, also using a back translation to avoid mistakes in the interpretation of items. The 22 items can be divided into statements that refl ect traditionally relevant concepts focusing on relatedness (e.g., learn to share with others) and statements that refl ect more


autonomy related concepts (e.g., develop own ideas). In addition, we administered a socio-demographic questionnaire.

In addition to obtaining the Bedouin mothers’ perspectives, we held a focus group with Bedouin men. The focus group was held with eight Bedouin men, between the ages of 22 and 47, with an average of 12 years of formal education. They held jobs as teachers, truck drivers, and factory workers. This focus group was aimed at understanding the male parenting perspective in order to deepen the understanding of the mothers’ perceptions. In addition, a second focus group was held with the previously interviewed mothers in order to ask them for their interpretations of the study’s fi ndings.

The interviews and focus groups were held in Arabic, the native language of participants and the main researchers. All interviews and focus groups were tape-recorded and transcribed. The resulting texts were analyzed thematically. The texts were coded according to recurrent themes, and the themes were mapped according to the interconnections among them (Shimoni, 2010 ). Data based on the Socialization Goals Questionnaire were statistically analyzed using SPSS.

Findings

The analyses of the data yielded a perception of parenting that varied between traditional, androcentric perceptions of parenting (faithful to the patriarchal spirit of Bedouin society) and a more Westernized perception of parenting.

About half of the women in the current study identifi ed with the patri-archal beliefs that a woman must view motherhood as the center of her being, and accordingly organize her life around her children. The rest of the women expressed a change in orientation towards a more Western style of parenting, which is child-centered and emphasizes the importance of education as a vehicle for social mobility and success. However, many of them also ascribed to some traditional values; accordingly, this second group seems to show a hybrid concep-tion of parenting.

The presentation of the fi ndings below presents two case studies (Fatma’s and Ekhlas’s) that represent the traditional and the Westernized perceptions of parent-hood, as voiced by the women. Both views are expressed almost equally in our sample. Fatma’s and Ekhlas’s voices are strengthened by the words of other women and men who participated in the focus groups.

The image of the “good mother”

The traditional voices among the interviewees in this study emphasized the mother’s exclusive responsibility for baby’s basic needs and described a total devo-tion in the maternal role. When asked about the defi nition of a good mother, Fatma answered: “A good mother cares for her children in terms of safety, cleanliness, food, home and everything.” She added that: “A good mother is never too far away from her


child, so when he needs her she is always there for him, staying close to him, breastfeeding or washing him.”

Amena voices a similar view, stressing the mother’s duty to protect her chil-dren: “A good mother loves her child and protects him. The child needs protection, safety and care more than anyone else in the family. Everyone can take care of themselves, but the child needs my protection.”

Mahmud, from the men’s focus group, follows in tune:

In my opinion, a good mother does her duties to her children at 100 percent. I mean she cares to provide them with all needs: emotions, warmth, love and softness. She copes well with diffi cult living conditions and protects her children from the dangers.

The image of the “good father”

Fatma describes the good father as such: “He goes to work and satisfi es his children’s needs.” Ziad says, “The man is the ‘Finance Minister’ of the family. A good father is the one who brings money.” Mosa adds that men are in charge of passing the traditional values to their children:

Since the child is young, his father takes him to various events in the village, such as weddings and funerals in order to help and participate. I am raising my children to these traditional values naturally and automatically, I do not sit and plan programs.

Socialization goals

Statistical analysis of the Socialization Goals Questionnaire using a t-test showed a signifi cant eff ect for relatedness, which refl ects the values of traditional societies (t (33) = 4.21, p <.001, d = 0.93). This emphasis on relatedness is also refl ected in interviews. The women voiced the need to integrate the children in the Bedouin community, emphasizing obedience and respect for adults; these are viewed as the most important socialization goals for children. Fatma’s voice refl ects these social-ization goals: “I hope that my child will grow up to be polite, respectful and a calm child, he does not cause damage and does not speak rudely when he is amongst people.”

Ahmed follows her tune:

Important for me to develop a child that is respectable and respects his parents and the elders, it is also important to be disciplined. Listening to his mother and tell her where he is going. These attributes are more important than certifi cates.

Motherhood as a social status

The women view motherhood as a social status, and a barren or childless woman is considered as lacking the joy of life. In Fatma’s words: “A barren woman lacks lots of extraordinary emotions like motherhood, such a feeling that brings joy and happiness. If


it was not for children, life would not be a bliss.” Furthermore a barren woman brings bad luck: “A barren woman seems strange to women who give birth and as soon as she leaves the house of her guest, trouble starts. ”

On the contrary, pregnant women enter a “pampering zone.” Some women said that during their pregnancies and birth periods they got pampered and had a lot of positive attention from their husbands, as described by Fatma: “When I was pregnant, my husband treated me nicely and took me to the doctor in Beersheba, and when I went to give birth he stayed with me for two days.”

Polygamy

Traditional participants reluctantly accepted polygamy. Fatma, whose father was married to two wives, refl ected this traditional voice:

Women do not like that their husbands marry another woman, but they have no choice. The husband says to her: there it is, if you do not like it, go to your parents. Who is ready to leave her children and go to her parents? Who . . . who?

She added, “There are many women who give birth to many children, so that their hus-bands will not look for another woman. We all know that men like and want a big family.” Some other women had voiced similar concerns that a husband may marry a second wife.

Male participants provided explanations for polygamy, which are mainly related to their desire to increase the family size, especially the number of boys, and to solve the problem of spinsters. Ismael said: “Sometimes, men get married in order to bring a lot of children because children are power, and sometimes it happens that a man must marry again because his fi rst woman gives birth only to girls.” Khalid gave another explanation, saying that:

The issue here is considered normative, not only because of the man’s personal inter-est, but because the girls’ percentage in our village is higher than boys, so more than 50 percent of us are married to more than one woman. That’s why we do not have spinsters.

Ismael added: “Nothing will happen if a women sacrifi ced a little for other woman.”

Hybrid perception of parenting: the power to change

The image of the “good mother”

The other voices among the interviewees emphasized that a good mother encour-ages academic education in her children, in addition to satisfying the basic needs,


such as love and protection. As Ekhlas explained: “A good mother has to support and help her child in order to enable him to pursue a higher education. ”

When the men in the focus group were asked to defi ne a good mother, Khalil said: “A good mother makes sure to raise her children and educate them according to tradition and the Islamic religion. She also worries about the child schooling and how he manages his time at home.” The combination of calling for traditional education together with schooling (in the Israeli school system) that refl ects Western educa-tional notions portrays the hybrid nature of Khalil’s statement.

The image of the “good father”

The women’s voices, which refl ected hybridity, portrayed a new image of father-hood, a father that takes time to be engaged in all of his family’s aff airs. These voices added a new dimension to the traditional defi nition of the importance of fathers, as Ekhlas said: “A good father has time for everything in life: time to play with his children, time for his wife and time for his work.”

Education as a lever for change

All the mothers in this group indicated that education is one of the most impor-tant socialization goals. They viewed education as the best way of gaining social mobility. They expressed their desire for higher education for their children to realize the aspirations that they could not fulfi ll themselves. They hoped that for-mal education may lead to a better life, despite the diffi cult conditions in the unrecognized villages. For Ekhlas, who works as a teacher in a primary school, academic studies are the road to a better future: “The most important thing [is] that my son would be successful in school and be intelligent.” She emphasizes the crucial need to acquire a respectable profession for her children that would ensure them a better future and integration in the wider society: “My child must gain an academic education. I do not want him to be doing physical labor. I prefer him to learn and succeed and be an important person in the world.”

Similar voices were heard among some men who attributed an important role in encouraging children to attain higher education, Sami said: “I encourage my chil-dren to academic studies. One of them wants to be a teacher, one engineer and one doctor.”

Khalil emphasized that: “An educated person can deal with problems better than the person that is not educated . . . Academic studies are the best way for the society’s success and change the reality in which we live . ”

Ekhlas believes that women have the power to bring change: “ I think that every woman can change the pattern of her own life and the life of her children, she can study and work, develop herself, have a driving license and be a good model for her children , ” despite her husband’s traditional views: “I cannot believe when a woman says that her husband does not conform. I think that she controls him, with her behavior she is able to promote herself.”


However, some women were overtly concerned about their men’s reactions to the opinions they’d allowed themselves to convey: “If our husbands were sitting here now [laugh], we would not even dare to speak.”

Women calling for social change

Some women expressed a need for change. They preferred to have fewer children so they can invest in them more, considering the diffi cult living conditions and poverty created by the “un-recognition” of their villages. Ekhlas said:

I think that a woman should not give birth to more than 2–3 because our conditions today are more diffi cult than in the past. The life of the mother, who has more chil-dren, especially if she works, is more diffi cult.

Sabreen followed Ekhlas’s tune, voicing her frustration concerning their poor living conditions in comparison with the people living in the neighboring town:

We have the power to change but when we go to do errands in the town, we see the luxurious life people live, each neighborhood has bus stops and even a gym next to the house, they have everything sophisticated, so why should [we] not have that as well?

Polygamy

Some women in this change-oriented group voiced a strong opposition to polygamy, with respect to the consequences it has on children. They stated that polygamy does not allow them to live a fulfi lling life, especially now following the changes that are taking place in Bedouin society. Soa’ad, who is in a polyg-amous marriage, testifi es:

Polygamy aff ects the woman and the children alike. It is very, very negative thing, why? Sometimes, for example my baby daughter is crying at night and I need some-one to be with me. It happened two days ago when my husband did not sleep here, but at the house of his second wife. It really annoyed me a lot . . . I ended up taking it out on the children.

For some men with a change-oriented voice, there was resistance to polygamy due to its negative eff ect on children’s education: “Polygamy aff ects the children’s education in the family, there is a diff erence if the man is in his house every day or whether he is in another house with another woman.”

The use of technological devices

For the women who wanted change, getting a driver’s license and modern communication devices such as cellular phones, symbolized the way to achieve a certain freedom and gain a higher social status. Soa’ad explains:


People love to go and talk to a woman who works and has a driving license, they respect her more, not like a woman with nothing. Today, most of the women also have a mobile phone that connects them to people from outside the village. Some even have Internet and Facebook.

However, women claim that achieving such freedom is diffi cult due to the unwavering traditional positions of the men:

What characterizes the Bedouin society is that they have values which are diffi cult to change. For example, here, a girl must marry someone from the family; a lot of parents do not allow their girls to learn, and also we have lots of women out of work.

When I asked what she suggests to do? Soa’ad replied: “To change the way of thinking among men, from an early age.” Soa’ad’s suggestion refers to the need also expressed by other women to raise men’s awareness to the importance of support-ing children and women in receiving education while preserving their identity and traditions. This view expresses the hybridity of maintaining the tribe’s cultural cohesion, while striving for change.

Conclusion

Our chapter described parenting perceptions, practices, and socialization goals among Bedouin residents of six unrecognized villages in the south of Israel. The fi ndings are tightly linked to the socio-historical and political contexts of the tribes. They reveal that the rapid and forced transition to permanent settlement poses unique challenges for the Arab-Bedouin society, including challenges to their parenting. On the one hand, Bedouin parenting is still geared toward the preservation of traditional values that family structure and practices are based on, while on the other hand, we observe cultural changes, where the past and the pre-sent become intertwined: the tribal traditional values and norms blur as a result of the Bedouins’ adjustments to permanent settlements and their exposure to the Western lifestyle in the neighboring cities.

The Arab-Bedouins in the unrecognized villages provided us a unique oppor-tunity to witness the processes of change in groups that are trying to maintain their unique identity, while striving to achieve better lives for their children in the midst of political confl ict. Our study showed that Bedouin women have to maneuver between diff erent realities. Their lives are wrought with tensions between their desire to maintain their Bedouin identity, to keep their connection to the land and their pride, to bring up their children in accordance with traditional Bedouin culture, and to give their children better living conditions and higher education. The Western world around them creates aspirations that are challenging, confl ict-ing, and often diffi cult to fulfi ll. This may explain why about half of the mothers that participated in our study conveyed very traditional perceptions of parenting


while the remaining participants talk in several voices, and think about themselves in diff erent terms, in diff erent settings and times, merging traditional notions of parenting with more Western aspirations for their children and themselves.

From a socio-historical perspective , the social image of Bedouin women is still largely determined by patriarchal, androcentric values and traditions from the nomadic past of this tribal society (Abu-Rabia, 1994 ; Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001 ; Mogdham, 2004 ). Like many traditional communities (Ben Ezer, 1992 ; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006 ), the Bedouins preserve values that foster inter-relatedness between community members, such as respect, politeness, and obedience; they regard these values as necessary ingredients for children to become successful adult members of Bedouin society. Many of our interviewees were true to the “law of the father,” viewing motherhood as a social status, children as “a gift from God,” and parenting as a “public face.” The cultural logic (Roer-Strier & Rosental, 2001 ) behind having many children may be a combination of the higher status that comes with it (Lewando-Hundt, 1984 ), the economic value of children and their help in herding and everyday tasks of the nomadic life, and the religious belief that children are not only God’s will, but also a gift that he gives. High fertility rates also represent an adaptation to the harsh physical living conditions and the high infant mortality rates associated with it (Visblay, 2006 ).

The traditionally spoken women participants in our study stated that hav-ing many children fulfi lls men’s desires in their society to have many off spring (especially boys) and, at the same time, fi ts with women’s wishes to reduce the likelihood of their husbands marrying additional women. Our participants also disclosed that they were pampered by their husbands during childbirth, thus hav-ing many children increases their chances of getting more attention and better treatment from their husbands. They also said that pregnant women and women who had recently given birth gain better status in their society, and are likely to be better treated and spoken about. Here the women describe a carefully formed net of androcentric norms, values, and relevant practices that assure the conservation of patriarchal notions of parenting.

The challenges caused by cultural change that the Bedouins face are diff erent from those challenges experienced by other minority groups in Israel, such as Ethiopian or Russian migrants (Mantver, 2011 ; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006 ; Samuel, 2010 ). Unlike other immigrants, Bedouins did not move to a new coun-try. While Jewish immigrants to Israel utilize the free formal education system for their children and may choose to encourage their children to integrate into the hegemonic Jewish culture, the Bedouins live on land that they inhabited for generations and are determined to stay on it in order to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005 ). Fighting for their land and their identity clashes with the notion of social mobility and integration in the hegemonic Israeli culture. While some mothers dream about their children prospering and doing well in the world, they are torn between their loyalty to their tribe, family, land, and identity. This confl ict is mirrored in their parenting ideologies.


The additional price that the Bedouins in these villages pay for their fi ght over their land is not only a lack of services, but also constant fear and insecurity. They hold Israeli policy accountable, citing that it “served to encourage perma-nent Bedouin settlement within a concentrated area, and eff ectively to eliminate nomadic activity as a whole” (Marx, 1967 , pp. 53–54). More critical voices see in the Israeli resettlement and urbanization policy the ultimate purpose of putting an end to their claims of land ownership throughout the Naqab region (Swirski & Hasson, 2006 ).

Research often tends to ignore historical events and political contexts; however, these historical and political contexts impact family and parent–child relationships and aff ect parenting behaviors, values, and beliefs (Bronfenbrenner, 2005 ). In the case of Bedouin families, it is clear how the context both created and inhibits the desired change some Bedouin parents wish for. The Israeli State uses the provi-sion of basic services as a bargaining chip on the ongoing fi ght over land with the Bedouins. Obviously, they thereby violate basic human rights, such as the right to health care, housing, and education. This pervasive and systematic discrimination harms the Bedouin population and aff ects the Bedouins’ opportunities to be good parents to their children.

All of our interviewees want to raise their children to be successful adults; however, the question arises, how can they do so in the face of discrimination? Developmental psychologists are well aware of the eff ects of poverty on chil-dren’s development; the detrimental consequences for children’s social, emotional, and cognitive development are well documented (Brooks, 2006 ; Masten, 2011 ). Recently, research even documents the biological consequences of economic inequalities (see, for example, Wolfe, Evans, & Seeman, 2012 ). Turning to social welfare services, the Bedouins often lose tribal and family support (Meir, 1997 ). Moreover, the question of physical and emotional wellbeing in a traditional soci-ety such as the Bedouin is not an individual question per se, but should be con-sidered a communal question.

Bedouin mothers are aware of the benefi ts of a technological urban soci-ety and realize that formal education is the main key to such a life. At the same time, however, they recognize that the acquisition of modern skills and amenities comes at the cost of losing their traditional expertise and an elem-entary means of subsistence – herding (Kressel, 2003 ). Bedouin women are aware of the fact that education facilitates social mobility (Abu-Rabia, 2006 ; Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006 , 2007 ; Abu-Saad, 2010 ; Hijab, 2001 ). Bedouin edu-cation is jeopardized not – as so many wish to argue – because of traditional cultural mindsets, but, rather, due to the purposeful neglect and unequal treat-ment of Arabs in Israel in general, and of the Bedouin in particular (Dinero, 2010 ). Our fi ndings also show that Bedouin mothers experience a lot of frus-tration caused by the unequal treatment of the Bedouin community in terms of access to education. This disparate treatment limits their children’s access to education and their opportunities for advancement and social mobility at


large. Mothers in our study with a hybrid orientation, who wavered between the traditional androcentric views of parenting and the Western notions of childrearing, voiced the need for their children and themselves to get better educated and skilled to increase their chances of social mobility.

The study of current Bedouin parenting cannot go back in history, divorced from the change process and transformation the Bedouin have undergone, embedded in their socio-historical and political context. The change from tribal nomadic life, characterized by constant motion depending on child labor, to an economically challenged life in politically oppressed and unrecognized villages, largely aff ects parenting. In addition, parenting is also aff ected by access to cities, technology, and Western lifestyle. The two types of mothers’ perceptions refl ect two ways of living their constantly challenged life. In order to face these huge challenges, a context-informed perspective should extend its recommendations beyond off ering a psychological or educational intervention. It should lobby for the right of children to gain full access to services and infrastructure, for combat-ing exclusion and providing inclusion, and for the end of discriminative policies, while providing them the right to preserve their indigenous culture and identity, and secure a dignifi ed life for the next generations.

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50 Chapter 4: Stay Close to me

Chapter 4: 50-64

-emotional

Development among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab

Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan 1), Heidi Keller 2) & Hiltrud Otto 1)

1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel; 2) The University of Osnabrueck, Germany

Status: Published in an electronic format.

Marey-Sarwan, I., Keller, H., & Otto, H. (published in an electronic format: December 11, 2015). Stay

-emotional Development

among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab. Manuscript under revision, the Journal

of Cross-Cultural Psychology (JCCP), 1-14. DOI: 10.1177/0022022115619231

Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 1 –14

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Article

Stay Close to Me: Stranger Anxiety and Maternal Beliefs About Children’s Socio-Emotional Development Among Bedouins in the Unrecognized Villages in the Naqab

Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1, Heidi Keller2, and Hiltrud Otto1

AbstractOur study examines stranger anxiety and maternal beliefs about child development in a traditional society living in an adverse socio-political situation. Thirty Bedouin mothers from the “unrecognized” villages in the Naqab and their 1-year-old children participated in our study, which utilized a mixed-method approach. First, we observed children’s stranger anxiety in everyday situations and examined their mothers’ ethnotheories via questionnaires and interviews. Second, we conducted a focus group discussion about stranger anxiety. The data revealed an emphasis on the cultural model of hierarchical relatedness, reflecting traditional values. Although multiple childcare arrangements created an expectation that Bedouin children would adjust easily to strangers, more than half of the Bedouin children showed stranger anxiety. Based on the focus group findings, we attribute the high levels of stranger anxiety to the adverse socio-political situation. Our study highlights the impact of the socio-political context on children’s stranger anxiety and their mothers’ belief systems. The findings show that definitions of security can take very different forms, depending also on the socio-political situation. Accordingly, parental and child behaviors can carry different meanings.

Keywordschildren’s stranger anxiety, maternal beliefs, context-informed perspective, Bedouin, “unrecognized” villages

One of the major developmental tasks for children during their first years of life is the acquisition of the ability to regulate emotions. Thompson (1994) defined emotional regulation as “the extrin-sic and intrinsic processes responsible for monitoring, evaluating, and modifying emotional reac-tions, especially their intensive and temporal features, to accomplish one’s goals” (pp. 27-28). Children’s emotion regulation competencies become easily observable when children are put

1The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel2University of Osnabrueck, Germany

Corresponding Author:Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan, The Paul Bearwald School of Social Work, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Arlozorov st’ 41 a, Haifa 33651, Israel. Email: [email protected]

619231 JCCXXX10.1177/0022022115619231Journal of Cross-Cultural PsychologyMarey-Sarwan et al.research-article2015

by guest on December 11, 2015jcc.sagepub.comDownloaded from

2 Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology

under stress, for example, when they encounter strangers. Bowlby (1969, 1982) claimed that stranger anxiety is a human universal in which infants from six to 12 months old start to prefer familiar people and respond to unfamiliar adults with wariness and fear as part of the develop-ment of attachment. Accordingly, the confrontation with a stranger has become part of the Strange Situation, a standardized laboratory situation invented to assess 1-year-old U.S. (middle-class) children’s attachment quality to their primary caregiver based on their emotion regulation in this supposedly stressful situation (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall, 1978).

However, cross-cultural and anthropological studies have shown that the phenomenon of stranger anxiety varies across cultures. Stranger anxiety is frequent in Western middle-class families where mothers represent the primary caretakers, resulting in the formation of exclu-sive dyadic relationships. This context represents the culture from which Bowlby and Ainsworth’s attachment theory emerged (Ainsworth et al., 1978; Bowlby, 1969). This context was also mainly studied in follow-up research utilizing the Strange Situation procedure (e.g., Belsky, Rovine, & Taylor, 1984; Grossmann, Grossmann, Spangler, Suess, & Unzner, 1985). In middle-class contexts, infant care during the first year of life is based on exclusive dyadic exchanges with frequent face-to-face encounters and an emphasis on the display of positive emotions framed by mind-minded conversations (Keller, 2014). However, infant care arrange-ments vary substantially across cultures. Many infants grow up in extended families with mul-tiple caregivers and can be observed to interact with several, sometimes up to 20 caregivers on a daily basis (Broch, 1990; Cole & Cole, 1989; Meehan, 2009; Seymour, 2004). Otto’s (2008) study with Cameroonian Nso farmers, Meehan’s (2009) study with the Aka foragers in the Central African Republic, and Gottlieb’s (2004) study with the Beng farmers of Côte d’Ivoire (see Otto & Keller, 2014, for more examples), have moreover indicated that infants from birth on are taught to be friendly toward strangers, to approach them and be comfortable with them. In these societies, childcare responsibility lies with a larger community and not only with a particular adult (Nsamenang & Lamb, 1994; Weisner & Gallimore, 2008). Accordingly, stranger anxiety is hardly observable in Cameroonian Nso, Central African Aka, and Ivorian Beng children.

Child development in indigenous community-oriented societies is geared toward the develop-ment of early physical and motor independence, with an emphasis on action autonomy, and toward hierarchical relatedness as expressed in compliance, respect, and obedience. A child’s sense of security is based on trusting in the availability and reliability of a caregiving environ-ment rather than in individual exclusive emotional attachment relationships (Keller, 2007, 2014). In contrast, Western middle-class childrearing philosophy is geared toward individual separate-ness and uniqueness and the realization of individual wishes, preferences, and intentions, that is, individual psychological autonomy. This conception of the psychological autonomous Self-necessitated relationships that are based on separateness and choice (Kärtner et al., 2007; Keller, 2007; Keller & Kärtner, 2013; Keller et al., 2006).

Cultural influences on the development and formation of attachment are still vastly neglected in attachment research; socio-political circumstances are mostly ignored. This may be rooted in the prevalence of middle-class families in attachment research who rarely face socio-political challenges. Only a few studies looked at children’s socio-emotional development in contexts characterized by high socio-political adversity. For example, Tomlinson, Cooper, and Murray (2005) studied attachment in a South African township with high levels of violence and poverty. They report a large number of children with disorganized attachment, which they attribute to the socio-political adversity. Other studies, for example, Zevalkink, Riksen-Walraven, and Van Lieshout (1999) assessing children’s attachment in an Indonesian low-income sample, did not find any influence of these contextual variables.

The current study examines stranger anxiety and emotion regulation in the Bedouin popula-tion in the “unrecognized villages” in the Naqab, southern Israel. The Arab-Bedouins of the


Marey-Sarwan et al. 3

Naqab are an indigenous, traditional population within the Arab Palestinian minority in Israel, with a unique lifestyle based on their historical, social, and political context.

Today, about 80,000 Bedouins reside in 36 “unrecognized villages” under very difficult condi-tions in tents and shacks (Abu-Saad, 2010; Almi, 2008; Human Rights Watch, 2008; Noach, 2009). These villages do not appear on any official Israeli map or any governmental planning document (Abu-Saad, 2010; Yiftachel, 2008). A large number of homes are demolished every year under the claim that they were built without governmental permission (Abu-Saad, 2006; Meir, 2005). Accordingly, the State of Israel does not include them in any of the state services, legislations, budgets, and so forth (Almi, 2011). The villages do not have paved roads connecting them to the public transportation network (Abu-Saad, Horowitz, & Abu-Saad, 2007). Health care, educational institutions, and welfare are almost non-existent (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Ministry of Health, 2008; Yiftachel, 2008). High infant mortality rates are common in the unrec-ognized villages (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013) as well as low birth weight, slow-growth indicators (Daoud, O’Campo, Anderson, Agbaria, & Shoham-Vardi, 2012), and general high rates of infant health problems (Visblay, 2006). The Bedouin population in the unrecognized vil-lages is thus one of the most marginalized groups in Israel (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008).

Bedouin society is traditionally patriarchal and hierarchically structured according to gender and age (Mogdham, 2004). Men are the dominant authority in a nuclear family, as well as the main protectors (Ben-David & Gonen, 2001). They take care of the family economy and engage in local politics (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). The Bedouin family is characterized by early marriage, most often with relatives such as cousins (Abu-El-Assal, 2010; Meir, 2005), and high percentages live in polygamous marriages (Abu-El-Assal, 2010).

Women’s social status is closely tied to their role as homemakers with a primary focus on rais-ing children (Greenberg & Sagiv-Reiss, 2013; Gueron-Sela, Atzaba-Poria, Meiri, & Marks, 2013). Women are responsible for the children’s informal education and the transfer of cultural, social, and religious traditions with the aim to strengthen solidarity and loyalty to the family (Hijab, 2001). Bedouins consider children a status symbol and have a high fertility rate of about 6.7 children per woman (Central Bureau of Statistics, 2013).

Bedouin mothers are considered the primary caregivers and the major attachment figures for their children during early ages (Marey-Sarwan, Otto, Roer-Strier, & Keller, 2015). At the same time, multiple caregiving arrangements are pervasive (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Greenberg & Sagiv-Reiss, 2013) to allow a mother to care for the newborn as well as the rest of the children in the family. Alloparents are often kin and neighbors who care for the children in the mother’s absence, handling feeding, playing, and changing clothes and diapers.

The Arab-Bedouin society is a conservative, traditional non-Western society that exists within the Western-oriented State of Israel, which respects individualism (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001). Bedouins emphasize sociability, respect, politeness, and obedience as important socializa-tion goals for children. They regard these values as necessary ingredients for children to become successful members of Bedouin society (Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Recently, Bedouin society in the Naqab has undergone far-reaching changes that are reflected in a shift away from their semi-nomadic lifestyle; they are now settling in permanent housing and are transitioning to sala-ried employment (Abu-Saad, 2006, 2010). These changes occurred after systematic mass trans-fers of Bedouin tribes by the Israeli government to seven urban localities through policies such as the Prawer/Begin plan, which registers unrecognized villages’ land as state land (Abu-Rass & Yiftachel, 2012). Due to these changes, they are in danger of losing part of their unique identity and traditional way of life (Abu-Saad, 2006; Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Nevertheless, the Bedouin community is determined to stay on their land to prevent its expropriation (Meir, 2005).

According to the Bedouin code of manners, hospitality toward all visitors, including strang-ers, is an important custom. According to a saying, hospitality is in the blood of the Bedouins (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000). In line with this philosophy and based on the observations with



the Nso, Aka, Beng, and others, children should not display stranger anxiety. However, the mar-ginalized situation with social and environmental hazards may have altered parenting strategies and accordingly children’s stranger anxiety. Our study is aimed at investigating 1-year-old chil-dren’s behaviors toward strangers in Bedouin families living in unrecognized villages in the Naqab and their mothers’ views on stranger anxiety and the development of emotion regulation.

We therefore focus on the following research questions:

Research Question 1: How do Bedouin children from unrecognized villages in the Naqab react to an encounter with a female stranger?Research Question 2: What are Bedouin mothers’ beliefs about stranger anxiety and about children’s socio-emotional development?

Because previous studies revealed that the family context, especially the number of potentially available caretakers, is associated with the occurrence of stranger anxiety, we analyzed the rela-tionships between the child’s number of siblings and family size and children’s display of stranger anxiety.

Method

The current study used a mixed-method approach (Creswell, 2005, 2009) with quantitative and qualitative assessments. Quantitative methods provide the basis for statistical analysis and allow an understanding of the frequency and scale of the phenomenon in question. In the current study, quantitative methods included structured observations and questionnaires. The qualitative approach addresses complex and multiple perspectives regarding the phenomenon (Shkedi, 2011; Shlasky & Alpert, 2007). They were assessed with semi-structured interviews and a focus group discussion. Interweaving of quantitative and qualitative data analyses allows for cross-validation of the findings and a more thorough context-informed examination of reality as per-ceived by the study participants (e.g., Denzin & Lincoln, 2011; Johnson & Onwuegbuzie, 2004).

All encounters with the study participants occurred in Arabic, which is the participants’ and the first author’s native language. The data were collected in two parts:

The first part of the study assessed children’s stranger anxiety. To this end, the first author visited the families in their homes when their children were 1 year old. She video recorded chil-dren’s reaction toward a stranger, conducted in-depth interviews with their mothers about chil-dren’s emotion regulation and interpersonal relationships, and assessed socio-demographic information and maternal socialization goals using questionnaires.

In the second part of the study, the first author conducted a focus group with Bedouin mothers from a different village to get a broader understanding of children’s stranger anxiety and emotion regulation in this context.

Participants

In the first part of the study, social workers and educators working with Bedouins in the unrec-ognized villages in the Naqab helped to contact 30 mothers. The women participating in the study helped recruiting other mothers from the same village through snowball sampling (Patton, 2002). In the second part, a social worker from the north of Israel who lives now in the Naqab, recruited nine participants from an adjoining village for the focus group. The women participating in the interview study and the focus group were comparable with respect to the relevant socio- demographic characteristics and lived under the same circumstances.

The participants’ demographic information is included in Table 1.



Data Collection—Procedures and Instruments

The first part of the study included observations, questionnaires, and interviews.

Videotaped observations. The first author visited the families in their homes when the children were 1 year old. She told the mothers that she was interested in the infant’s reaction to a female stranger. Mothers were instructed to put the child on their laps and play with the child as they regularly would. Then, the female stranger (the first author) entered the room, and greeted the child and the mother. She approached the child, who saw her for the first time, and tried to pick up and interact with him or her for approximately 5 min. She had the mother’s permission to move freely around the room or house while holding the infant, leaving the room occasionally and handing the child back to the mother if he or she showed signs of distress. The interaction was videotaped using a stationary video camera, which was placed in the room before the researcher’s entry. Twenty-seven videos could be used for analysis; three had to be excluded due to bad video quality. Nine mothers allowed their video to be shown to other mothers in focus group discussions.

Semi-structured interviews. We conducted the interviews with the mothers after the video recordings. The individual interviews focused on the mother–child relationship, as well as the child’s reaction to strangers and relationships with others. For example, What does it mean when the child shows signs of acceptance/avoidance toward the stranger? How did you feel when your child accepted/avoided the stranger? The interviews lasted approximately 1 hr and took place in the participants’ homes. After being interviewed, the mothers answered two questionnaires:

Socialization goals questionnaires. A close-ended questionnaire asks mothers to express agree-ment or disagreement on a scale from 1 to 6 for 22 statements relating to the socialization goals that parents strive to achieve during the first 3 years of their children’s lives (Keller, 2007; Keller et al., 2006). The socialization goals were divided into statements that reflect hierarchical relat-edness (e.g., learn to obey the parents) and statements that reflect psychological autonomy (e.g., develop own ideas).

A socio-demographic questionnaire. Participants completed a questionnaire about mother and child at the end of this session. The questionnaire asked about child’s date of birth and gender, the mother’s age, education, marital status, number of children in the family, paternal and mater-nal number of siblings, parental employment, subsistence patterns, number of rooms, and home electrical appliances.

Focus group discussion. The second part of the study consisted of a focus group discussion conducted by the first author. The focus group took place in 2013 in one of the villages with no

Table 1. Demographic Characteristics of Participants in Both Parts of the Study.

Maternal age

Maternal years of education

Number of children

Participants (n) M SD M SD M SD

First part 30 26.21 6.31 11.45 2.72 4.03 3.31Second part 9 40 9.01 7 3.18 6.2 4.2

Note. The first part of the study comprised of observations, interviews, and questionnaires; the second part of the study consisted of the focus group discussion. This table should be followed the participants part



participants enrolled in the first part of the study. The discussion lasted about 2 hr and aimed to broaden our understanding of the concept of stranger anxiety in Bedouin society. Nine Bedouin women, between the ages of 26 and 60, with an average of 6.2 children and a mean of 7 years of formal education participated (see Table 1).

The participating mothers gave consent to audiotaping the discussion. The instruction empha-sized three topics: First, the women were asked to share their associations with the word “stranger.” After all women had commented, two videos from the first study were displayed: The first video showed a child fearfully reacting to the stranger and the second showed a child who was curious when facing the stranger and agreed to go with her. The participants were asked to express their impressions about the video clips and discuss questions including the following: Which reaction is more normal? Which reaction would they prefer in their own child? Why do the children react the way they do? Finally, they were asked whether they preferred their child to have close relationships to a few or many people.

Data Analysis

The interviews and focus group discussion were transcribed verbatim. Narralizer, a qualitative analysis software system was utilized to analyze both interview and focus group data. A system-atic thematic analysis was conducted: First, we identified information units that consisted of groups of words or phrases (Shkedi, 2011) and arranged them in groups of categories, identifying emerging patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel, 2013).

Concurrently, we quantitatively analyzed the demographic data, the socialization goals ques-tionnaire, and the data about children’s stranger anxiety using SPSS. For the socialization goals questionnaire, we compared the means of the two subscales of psychological autonomy and hierarchical relatedness.

The first and the third authors coded the child’s emotional reaction in response to the stranger in the digitized videos. No stranger anxiety was defined as the willingness of the child to go to the stranger and interact with her. Children not displaying stranger anxiety interacted with her for several minutes and were curious and joyful when being picked up and held in close body contact. Stranger anxiety was defined as a child’s refusal to be picked up by the stranger combined with observable emotional stress. Children in this group cried or screamed, looked for proximity and contact with their mothers, and diverted their visual attention from the stranger. Their facial expressions and ges-tures showed fear throughout. Most of those children showed total reluctance to be physically fully separated from their mothers; therefore, the researcher could not pick them up. We also computed correlations between family composition variables and children’s display of stranger anxiety.

Ethical Considerations

The Ethics Committee of the Paul Baerwald School of Social Work and Social Welfare at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem gave its approval to the study. Participants signed informed consent documents and were granted anonymity and confidentiality. Participants’ names that appear in quotations have been changed to pseudonyms to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).

Results

The first part of the “Results” section offers a description of the children’s reaction to the encoun-ter with a stranger. Next, the mother’s socialization goals and belief systems concerning chil-dren’s emotion regulation that emerged from the quantitative and the qualitative analysis are reported. Finally, the relationships between family composition variables and children’s stranger anxiety are reported.



Children’s Reaction to the Encounter With a Stranger

The video analysis of the 1-year-old infants’ reactions to the stranger’s approach revealed that 56% of the children displayed stranger anxiety and 44% of the children showed no stranger anxiety.

Bedouin mother’s socialization goals and belief systems concerning children’s emotion regulation. The analysis of the socialization goals questionnaire used a paired t test to assess possible differences in the preference of autonomous or relational socialization goals. We found an emphasis on rela-tional socialization goals among Bedouin mothers over autonomous goals, autonomy: M = 5.08, SD = 0.56; relatedness: M = 5.56, SD = 0.43; t(30) = 4.21, p < .001. Mothers preferred hierarchi-cal relational values that help children to integrate in the Bedouin community, such as sociability, obedience, politeness, and respect for elders more than they emphasized psychological autono-mous goals, for example, develop own ideas, assertiveness, and self-confidence development.

The analysis of the maternal interviews revealed three themes:

Protection through proximity. Bedouin mothers emphasized the importance of proximity with their infants as this provides the best protection for them. As Nour commented, “A mother who loves her infant keeps him close to her to protect him, when he needs her she is always there for him.” Mothers emphasized that they cannot allow their infants to explore the environment imme-diately outside of the home community because of their concerns about the numerous dangers. As Mariam said, “I prefer him to stay with me at home and not get run over out there. There are a lot of risks in our village.” Suaa’d described her attempt to protect her child from the soldiers who came to demolish houses in the village:

A lot of soldiers entered the village with weapons to destroy my cousin’s house. Women and children were screaming and crying. I held my baby tight and tried to calm him. Until now, the children are afraid when they see a soldier in uniform.

Unfamiliarity is dangerous. Eight mothers tried to explain their child’s negative reaction to the stranger and claimed that the child saw the stranger as an unfamiliar person, and therefore was afraid. As Amani explained, “We have not many strange people who come and visit our family. So when she saw you she was surprised.” By contrast, Amal, whose baby expressed curiosity and was happy to see the stranger, underlined the importance the child having familiarity with many people. She explained that the child should avoid a stranger if she or a family member is not present:

Since he was born, he is used to everyone. However, he should distinguish between people who are part of the family and those who are not. The main thing is to have someone from the family with him when he encounters strangers.

Interestingly, a few mothers interpreted the infants’ avoidance of the stranger as a sign and proof of child’s exclusive preference and love for his or her mother. Sarah shared that, “I felt good that he just wants and loves me.” Manal added, “It’s good what she [the baby] had done when you tried to take her. You see? She had not forgotten and ignored me, but on the other hand she did not cry and screamed when you took her.”

Others as possible sources of protection. All mothers considered themselves as the child’s pri-mary attachment figure. However, they mentioned that they relied on the support of multiple caregivers from the extended family system, such as an older sibling, aunts, or grandmothers. Asma reported, “She [the baby] is used the most to her big sisters and to my husband’s family.”



The mothers attribute great importance to the child’s agreement to be with relatives in the absence of the mother, which allows her to go on errands outside the village. Ekhlas explained,

It is desirable that the baby has relationships with many people. Now, for example, I need to give birth and I will be in the hospital for a few days. He needs to stay with relatives and not cause problems.

Nawal added, “He should be polite and calm, so that people will love him, and agree to keep him when I’m not around.”

Most mothers emphasized the need to train their children to get used to the villagers. In the event that the child refuses, they offered to expose him to more people, and if necessary, to force him. Amira’s words make this possibility clear; she said, “I would put him among villagers and not leave him at home, to let him go out and see people and know that they are not scary.” Asma added, “I will give him to people that he does not like, so that he will be used to them.”

Focus Group Discussion

The analysis of the focus group data focused on mothers’ associations with the word “stranger,” their reactions to the presence or absence of stranger anxiety in the videos, their socialization goals regarding interpersonal relationships and competences, and their ethnotheories regarding interpersonal relationships.

Regarding the definition of the term stranger, the focus group participants made a clear dis-tinction between unfamiliar dangerous people, such as “doctor,” “police,” “military,” “Jews,” and unfamiliar but not dangerous people (e.g., “ . . . not from the family,” “ . . . not from the vil-lage,” “ . . . person who they don’t see daily.” In addition, they mentioned familiar people such as family members and neighbors who potentially provide protection and safety.

They believe that the main two reasons for the infant’s crying in the videos and his refusal to go to a stranger was his exposure to a stranger who may be potentially dangerous. Explanations offered include, “He is not used to see people” and “They need to meet you once or twice before they get used to you.” In addition, they mentioned the child’s temperament: “It is related to his personality.”

The focus group findings confirmed the interview findings as participants described both the importance of the children’s safety and goals of being sociable as a preferred behavior during the interaction with the stranger. On one hand, they emphasized the need to frighten the child to protect him. They teach their children to be cautious of strangers: “The crying child’s response is normal,” “We terrify him so he won’t go far,” “We tell them about cases of child abduction and selling of their body parts,” “I will be happy to see my child shy and screaming so he will protect himself from anyone by his screaming.” On the other hand, parents expressed the desire for a sociable child. One shared, “it does help him if he is used to people, because he won’t be lonely or afraid.” Most importantly, they do not want the child to meet any strangers without familiar people: “If he is going out with someone we know, then it’s all right.”

Associations Between Family Size and Children’s Stranger Anxiety

We tested the associations between demographic parameters (birth rank of child, number of sib-lings, maternal and paternal age, formal education and number of siblings) and the two emotion regulation patterns. An ANOVA yielded a significant main effect of family size defined as the “paternal number of siblings,” F(1, 24) = 4.65, p = .04, and a marginally significant effect of “maternal number of siblings,” F(1, 24) = 3.58, p = .07, indicating that children who showed no stranger anxiety had larger families than children showing a negative response to the stranger. No



other associations between demographic parameters and the two emotion regulation patterns were found.

Discussion

This study investigated 1-year-old children’s behaviors toward strangers in Bedouin families liv-ing in six unrecognized villages in the south of Israel, their mothers’ views on stranger anxiety, and the development of emotion regulation.

Our findings revealed two groups of Bedouin infants with respect to displays of stranger anxi-ety: More than half the children showed stranger anxiety, whereas the rest did not. The large number of infants showing stranger anxiety and major signs of distress when encountering a stranger was not expected in the Bedouin society, which exhibits high hierarchical relational socialization goals and multiple caregiving arrangements. Our findings might indicate a paradox: raising social, but wary children. These findings may reflect that the Bedouins in the unrecog-nized villages have to combine traditional beliefs and attitudes with their particularly risky and dangerous socio-political situation. The Bedouin mothers in our study voiced both ideals con-jointly: On one hand, children are taught to adapt to having many family members, whereas on the other hand, they are taught to be wary of non-family strangers who might signify danger, such as government’s representatives (Marey-Sarwan, Roer-Strier, & Otto, under review).

In traditional societies that emphasize hierarchical relatedness, children are expected to be friendly and accustomed to many people (Gottlieb, 2009, 2014; Keller, 2007, 2014; Meehan, 2009; Otto, 2008); therefore, one would expect the Bedouin children to be comfortable with strangers. However, our finding shows that wariness and fear of “dangerous strangers,” who might be risky to the child, may be associated with avoidance of strangers who are not from the family. Although stranger anxiety in Western cultures is due to children’s limited exposure to multiple caretakers and the dangers of anonymity (Meehan & Hawks, 2014), we interpret the Bedouin infants’ stranger anxiety as an adaptation to the socio-political context and to the com-plexity of life in the unrecognized villages.

Proximity as Protection

Our findings indicated the importance of the proximity between the mother and her child as a source of protection from the many risks. In this case, a physical and proximal parenting style is reflecting of a mother’s own life experiences and aims to protect the infant from danger to secure survival. This proximal style is characterized by body contact and body stimulation, kissing, hugging, and patting. Similar to previous studies in the rural contexts (Keller, 2007; Keller, Voelker, & Yovsi, 2005; Lancy, 2008; Otto, 2008), Bedouin mothers see protection as essential in a socio-ecological context that contains unpredictable and potentially dangerous environments. Moreover, this parental style is known to also create a sense of belonging (Keller & Otto, 2014; Yovsi & Keller, 2003).

Familiarity as Protection

Mothers’ interviews provide an explanation for the two types of reactions observed in the chil-dren. Although mothers regarded children’s distress to be the more normal response, they debated which behavior they would prefer in their infants. Some mothers thought that being exposed to many people was important for the child’s social development within the communal system, whereas others thought that their children should be wary of non-family strangers so they would better exhibit a fearful reaction. The second group of mothers actively trained their children to be friendly around familiar people, yet to be careful around unfamiliar people that could potentially harm them such as police, military, and Jews.



The presence of the two parental perspectives described above could be interpreted in two ways: First, the larger a family is, the more emphasis is placed on sociability toward strangers. In these families, it is more likely that a child encounters more guests from outside the village. Second, the socio-political situation emphasizes the presence of two types of strangers: strangers who symbolize the Israeli host society, such as administration representatives and various service providers from the neighboring cities, who are perceived as posing a risk to the child and cannot be trusted naturally; and, the second type includes strangers who are not dangerous, such as dis-tant family members and visitors. In the first case, government officials are regarded as a threat to the family and the children. They are the ones who could come to demolish houses and intimi-date the residents; as a result, they are generally not accepted but feared. In contrast, visitors who are family friends are warmly welcomed, as is customary in the Bedouin society (Al-Krenawi & Lightman, 2000).

Because mothers in the focus group feel threatened by potentially dangerous strangers, they have developed strategies such as frightening their children about strangers to keep them safe. It is apparent that strangers are perceived as dangerous because contact with strangers in the unrec-ognized villages often leads to negative and painful experiences. The Bedouins face constant fear and insecurity over the potential destruction of their homes and harsh recriminations from the Israeli police and Armed Services (Marey-Sarwan et al., under review). Because there is no pub-lic transportation, Bedouins in the unrecognized villages live quite isolated, and therefore infants’ encounters with strangers are rare (Yiftachel, 2008).

Infants’ reactions to strangers were associated with family size, especially the paternal number of siblings. Infants who exhibited stranger anxiety lived with fewer paternal siblings in the household than infants who did not display stranger anxiety. Because the Bedouins live in clans (Abu-Saad, 2010), a woman moves in with her husband and his family once she gets married. The biological relatives in a Bedouin child’s social universe taking active roles in childcare are therefore mainly from the father’s family. Infants growing up in large extended families have many opportunities to interact with multiple caretakers and may therefore be prepared for encountering more people. Like many traditional communities (Ben-Ezer, 1992; Roer-Strier & Rosenthal, 2006), Bedouin mothers preserve values that foster interrelatedness between com-munity members. They have translated the socialization goal of sociability, obedience, and respect for elders into a parenting strategy aimed at teaching children to acclimate to many peo-ple. Consequently, these infants do not show stranger anxiety. However, children growing up in smaller families may not have as many multiple caregiving experiences. Thus, it is plausible to assume that they were more likely to develop exclusive relationships with few caretakers similar to infants in Western cultures.

Adaptations of Parenting Strategies in Response to New Challenges

Bedouins in the “unrecognized” villages in the Naqab area face major cultural challenges due to the transition from a semi-nomadic to a sedentary life and urbanization, thus changing their traditional way of life (Marey-Sarwan et al., 2015). Our data indicate that those cultural changes combined with the adverse socio-cultural-political contexts create an ambiguous situation: Bedouins try to preserve traditional collective social norms, such as raising children in the context of an extended family and emphasizing social relations with multiple caretak-ers. Simultaneously, Bedouin mothers have to navigate a problematic socio-political situation that does not allow them to raise their children in the traditional way. Consequently, they socialize their children to be suspicious of outsiders through intimidating them into fearing strangers. It is apparent that this intimidation can affect children’s response to an unfamiliar person.



Conclusion and Implications

Our article indicates that research needs to take the cultural as well as the socio-political contexts into account. Understanding the impact of these contexts is especially important when we want to understand minority groups. Prevention and intervention programs are developed for these groups based primarily on the philosophy of the majority; yet, these programs need to take into account an often ambiguous reality. Moreover, they have to acknowledge the importance that mothers attribute to the extended family as a source of support, safety, and protection for the child. In the absence of proper infrastructure and institutional services, their only way to survive the adverse circumstances is to support each other. To accomplish this goal, policy makers and child-care professionals working with populations at risk need to listen to parents and their perceptions. Finally, our study shows that the socio-political context has a crucial impact on the development of emotion regulation in children. Definitions of security can take very different forms, depending also on the socio-political situation. Accordingly, parental and child behaviors can carry different meanings. Socio-political contexts are diverse and may exert multiple separate and/or combined influences on multiple dimensions of children’s development. Relationships between contextual factors and behaviors therefore need to be assessed specifically. Relying on standardized methods, such as the Strange Situation, in contexts different from the one in which the method has been developed, may produce questionable results. Emotion regulation is part of the universal human condition. During infancy and early childhood, emotion regulation is mainly situated in the social matrix, and therefore at the core of the development of attachment relationships. As a conse-quence, also the development of attachment needs to be studied in cultural contexts taking contex-tual parameters into account. Cultural and historical contexts have recently become more visible as shaping attachment relationships (see Otto & Keller, 2014; Quinn & Mageo, 2013; Vicedo, 2013), socio-political dimensions still need to be introduced into the research agenda.

For the future study of children’s socio-emotional development, we strongly suggest to use a context-informed approach that takes into account historical, socio-political, and ecological con-ditions, in addition to social customs and cultural values. These influences must be considered more seriously in developmental theories and in all areas of child development research.

Acknowledgment

The authors thank Dorit Roer-Strier for her help and support as well as all the participating infants and their caregivers for their willingness to cooperate.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publi-cation of this article: This project was supported by three grants to Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan from Anita Morawetz Fund for Research on Children at Risk, Ariane de Rothschild fund, and NA’AMAT “Movement of Working Women and Volunteers,” and a post-doctoral fellowship of the Martin Buber Society to Hiltrud Otto.

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65 Ecology of Risk and Protection

Chapter 5: 65-94

Ecology of Risk and Protection:


Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Hiltrud Otto1)

1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel

Status: Submitted.


Chapter 5

Ecology of Risk and Protection:


Ibtisam Marey-Sarwan1), Dorit Roer-Strier1), & Hiltrud Otto1)

1) The Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel

Abstract

This study uses a context-informed perspective to examine perceptions of risk and

protection of 33 Bedouin mothers from unrecognized villages in Israel. The research fills critical

ups are rarely asked

for their ideas regarding risk and protective factors in child development.

Data was collected via in-depth interviews with Bedouin mothers and analyzed using

qualitative thematic analysis. The findings demonstrate a wide range of risks to child

development including immediate physical environment, lack of supervision, child

characteristics, relationships in the child's life, difficult life conditions, socio-political risks, and

risks related to the entry of technology. Despite these numerous risk factors, Bedouin families

tribal support, spirituality and religious beliefs, the positive use of technology, and formal

education. Some of the above domains are seen as sources for both risk and protection.

Our findings demonstrate how marginalization and political discrimination affect child

development on different contextual levels. Moreover, the findings highlight the need to include

parental voices in discourse on risk and protection and the contribution of a context -informed

perspective that includes awareness of historical and political effects.


Key words: Maternal Risk Perceptions; Coping Strategies; Bedouins; Ecological

Systems Theory; Context-Informed Perspective.

Introduction

Cross-cultural scholars support the claim that most of the knowledge researchers and

professionals have about child development and definitions of risk for child development come

from "weird" people people who are white, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic, and

constitute a minority in this world (Henrich, Heine, & Norenzayan, 2010). The views

call for understanding child development and risk in the non-

Kagitcibasi, 2007). Another claim is that professionals who are responsible for risk prevention

and intervention are often trained in Western theories that assume that child development follows

a universal pathway, disregarding contextual differences. Numerous studies (Greenfield, 1994;

Author's citation, 2001) show that the cultural differences between professionals and parents can

be a source of misunderstandings and tensions, which are not beneficial to children. It is apparent

that most often the parents' position is absent from this discourse (Benvenisti & Schmid, 2010;

Author's citation, 2007).

This paper studies minority Bedouin mothers from unrecognized villages (UVs) in the

Naqab desert in Southern Israel, to learn how they perceive risk for their children's development.

Protective factors are derived from mother's reports on how they cope and try to prevent risks for

children.

Our study brings a context-informed perspective for studying risk, which utilizes

Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) in combination with Critical Theory

(Kincheloe & McLaren, 2000; Mass, 2004).


Cultural Transition and Risk

Risk factors for child development are defined in the literature as conditions and

circumstances that increase the likelihood that a child will develop disorders relating to physical

health, emotions, or conduct. Risk factors may include the nature of the individual, family

characteristics, social context, and interaction with the environment (Carolyn & Bonnie, 1997).

Cultural transitions have been shown to contribute significantly to risk as they often create new

demands for families, e.g., economic or political challenges (Korbin, 2008; Spilsbury, Korbin, &

Coulton, 2012). These demands can become stressors leading to risk for child development. The

from a nomadic to a sedentary life in the context of political and territorial conflict.

Critical Views on Risk

Shalhoub-Kevorkian (2004) claims that the political context and its influence on

influences can be exemplified in the case of the Israeli context in general, and in the case of risk

in minority populations in particular.

The definition of children at risk in Israel, formulated by the Schmid Committee (2006),

is based on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC, 1989), which places

the child's welfare as a fundamental principle: "Every child has the right to the best possible

health. Governments must provide good quality health care, clean water, nutritious food and a

clean environment so that children can stay healthy" (Article 24). It also declares the right of the

child to develop properly in all spheres and with an adequate standard of living, including

housing: "Every child has the right to a standard of living that is good enough to meet their


physical, social and mental needs. Governments must help families who cannot afford to provide

this, particularly with regard to food, clothing and housing" (Article 27).

While Israel adopted the CRC in 1991, its neglect of the Palestinian community in

general and the Bedouin community in particular led to violations of the CRC in the case of the

Arab-Bedouin children in the UVs in the Naqab area. points to a large

scale of risk factors, especially in the Arab-Bedouin society, where children in the UVs suffer

from discrimination and neglect by the state authorities. Examples of structural violence and

withdrawal of basic infrastructure. The Israeli case exemplifies the politically originated paradox

of a state that is expected to protect and intervene in cases of children at risk, while choosing not

to do so in the case of some of its minority groups. Cohen (2009) notes that the authorities that

determine risk definitions often blame parents for negative child outcomes, while ignoring

contextual effects such as the political context, social exclusion, discrimination, and poverty.

An Ecological Context-Informed Perspective on Risk

Ecological Systems Theory (Bronfenbrenner, 1994; 2005) offers a

holistic approach to analyzing multilevel and interactive influences on child development. The

model is particularly suitable for the investigation of developmental risk and protection as it

enumerates five interrelated systems, each representing a particular environmental framework in

the child's world. The microsystem includes the physical environment, family, and interpersonal

relations in a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic features. The

mesosystem relates to interactions between microsystems. The exosystem refers to interactions

with the surrounding community in which the individual is not directly involved. The


macrosystem is the global cultural norms and institutions that influence all the other systems, and

the chronosystem refers to the historical effects on development during the lifespan.

Various studies with minority populations that live in high-risk and high poverty

environments such as Bumgarner's study (2013) among Latino Americans, and Atzaba-Poria,

Pike, and Deater-Deckard's (2004) study among Americans of Indian origin have utilized

Ecological Systems Theory to underscore the importance of exploring how certain contexts

affect child development. However, scholars who work in conflict zones stressed the need to

utilize a Critical Theory approach that goes beyond the ecological perspective, and thus consider

the socio-political context and its consequences, such as discrimination, oppression, and power

dynamics, to understand child development (e.g., Shalhoub-Kevorkian, 2004).

The context-informed approach offered in this paper combines Ecological Systems

Theory with Critical Theory. Critical Theory (Hamber et al., 2015; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-

Armiñan, 2007) calls attention to relation of power, cultural characteristics, socio-political

processes, racism, and discrimination. Therefore, the context-informed perspective is based on

the notion that human development always takes place within a certain context and is always

influenced by its context (Author's citation, 2015). We argue that in order to understand child

development and risk, the complexity and interrelations of different contexts such as socio-

political, economic, and transitional contexts need to be understood from the perspective of the

affected persons.

Unrecognized Villages (UVs) in the Naqab

The Arab-Bedouin population is a unique indigenous semi-nomadic group within Arab

society (Abu-Saad, 2010). Due to governmental plans that include the expropriation of Bedouin


land (Nasasra, 2012; Yiftachel, 2008), they are experiencing a rapid shift to permanent

settlements (Abu-Saad, 2010).

Currently, about 100,000 Bedouins are living in 36 UVs in the Negev desert. The

Bedouins claim this land as their own and defy the imposed expropriation and resettlement by

building villages. In return, their villages are not recognized by the Israeli state (Abu-Rass &

Yiftachel, 2012). In contradiction to the CRC, the government also denies these villages basic

services and infrastructure, hoping to resettle them to predefined cities (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb,

2009; Ministry of Health, 2006; Yiftachel, 2008). Moreover, Israeli authorities refuse to grant

Bedouins in the UVs permission to construct any permanent living structures (Abu-Rass &

Yiftachel, 2012; Almi, 2011; Noach, 2009; Rudnicki & Abu-Rass, 2011). As a result, a

significant number of unauthorized Bedouin homes are demolished every year by the Israeli

authorities (Meir, 2005), and the Bedouins in the UVs mostly live in tents and barracks under

very difficult conditions (Human Rights Watch, 2008; Noach, 2009).

Despite pressure by the Israeli government, the Bedouin community is determined to stay

on their land (Meir, 2005). Thus, Nguyen-Gillham, Giacaman, Naser, and Boyce (2008) claim

sumud a determination to exist through being steadfast and

rooted to the land is at the hear (p. 292).

The Arab-Bedouin society is a conservative and traditional society living in a state with a

Western orientation (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001). Since the Arab-Bedouin society is

considered patriarchal, men are the family heads and retain all the power and official authority.

Usually women are responsible for child-rearing and home maintenance. Their mobility depends

on men since women are not permitted to travel alone outside the village. Correspondingly, men

work and take care of the family economically (Gueron-Sela, et al., 2013). Endogamous and


polygamous marriages are commonplace in Arab-Bedouin society (Ben Rabbi, Amiel, Nijam, &

Dolev, 2009). Bedouins consider children, especially sons, a status symbol (Al-Krenawi, 2003)

and have a high fertility rate of about 6.7 children per woman (Central Bureau of Statistics,

2013 with about 60% under the age of 18 (Abu-

Rabia, 2006). They live in extended families and share a collective responsibility for infant care

(Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009).

The Bedouins in the UVs are considered one of the most marginalized populations in

Israel (Meir, 2005; Yiftachel, 2008). They suffer from the highest unemployment rates and the

lowest income levels in the country (Abu-Saad, 2010). As a result of these harsh conditions, high

infant mortality rates (National Council for the Child, 2012) and high incidences of infant health

problems (Visblay, 2006) are common in the Naqab.

Using a context-informed approach, our paper addresses the following questions: How do

Bedouin mothers perceive risk? In addition, what are their ideas about coping with these risks?

Methods

The data presented in this paper was collected via in-depth interviews. It is based on

qualitative thematic analysis exploring reality as perceived by the study participants (e.g., Denzin

& Lincoln, 2011).

Participants

Interview data was collected between 2011 and 2013 from 33 Bedouin mothers of young

infants who live in six different UVs in the Naqab area. They were between 17 and 43 years old

with an average of 11 years of formal education. All participants were selected by snowball

technique (Patton, 2002).

Procedure


Bedouin mothers were individually interviewed in depth to enable an enhanced

understanding of their perceptions of risk and mitigating techniques (Lindlof & Taylor, 2002).

The interview guideline (see Appendix) was developed and piloted in previous studies with

different populations (Author's citation, 2007). Mothers were asked to define risk for cognitive,

physical, emotional, and social development. Mothers also were asked to offer ideas for

culturally appropriate coping strategies. Questions addressed were, for example: How do you

describe risks for the child? What can help the child and the families cope with risks?

Participants could offer more than one answer and were encouraged to elaborate their views and

give examples. The interviews lasted on average one and half hours.

Analysis

language. The data was audiotaped, transcribed, and anonymized. The qualitative analysis

software Narralizer was utilized to analyze the interview data. This allowed for a systematic

thematic analysis of the interviews, and the establishment of information units that consist of

groups of words or phrases (Shkedi, 2011) and groups of categories identifying emergi ng

patterns and themes (Glaser & Laudel, 2013). The texts were coded according to recurrent

themes and the themes were mapped according to their interconnections (Shimoni, 201 ).

Finally, the themes were arranged in accordance with the five contextual levels of the Ecological

Systems Theory.

In qualitative research, the terms "rigor" and "trustworthiness" replace the terms

"validity" and "reliability" (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). To promote the studies' rigor, the first

author, a native Palestinian woman, performed the data collection. This author and another


Arabic speaking coder conducted the data analysis of all the material separately and then

reviewed the themes and patterns together (Creswell, 2005). In cases of disagreement, they

discussed the data until they reached consensus with the help of a third researcher involved in the

study (Guion, Diehl, & McDonald, 2011). In addition, the first author kept a field diary to enable

or discussion

of the findings conducted with a group of the participants, promoted rigor of the analysis during

the final stage (Koelsch, 2013). Member checking confirmed agreement on the themes identified

in the interviews.

An ethics committee approved the study. Participants were promised anonymity and

have been changed to pseudonyms to protect their privacy (Lee, 1993).

Results

The findings section includes the main categories that emerged from the analysis of the

interviews (see Chart 1). First, we present maternal risk perceptions according to the five

contextual levels of the Ecological Systems Theory. Second, we present

strategies. Last, in line with the context-informed perspective, we highlight the interrelations of

cultural and socio-political factors for risk perceptions and coping strategies.


Chart 1: Mothers perceptions of risk and protection factors according to

Maternal Risk Perceptions

Microsystem.

On the microsystem level, mothers most frequently described risks related to the

immediate physical environment, followed by challenges to supervision and finally to child

characteristics.

The immediate physical environment: "Risks are located in every corner".

Participants reported physical risks at home and in the surroundings such as the use of

open fire inside the house, vehicular traffic, sewage wells, garbage and waste scattered

everywhere, stray dogs, snakes, reptiles, and rodents.


Most of the UV residents live in houses made of tin or with a tin roof. Diesel powered

generators provide limited electricity for just a few hours a day. As a result, in many cases

mothers use gas and wood for cooking and home heating. They reported that the use of open fire

inside the house yielded serious health consequences for children, such as burns and rising body

temperature Samya shared: "Everything can be a source of risk; the gas can cause burns when I

cook and the kids are around me, even the tea kettle, the coals, etc." Amena, another participant,

said:

Last summer my son was a month old. He had a very high fever so I took him to

the hospital, where he remained for four days and was released. After one day at

home, his fever rose again, to 40 degrees. When I took him back to the hospital,

the doctor told me that he is healthy but the rise in body temperature is due to the

scorching heat of the tin roof.

Soheer ec

over here. Two days ago, my son almost got run over because he was standing at t he gate.

Fortunately, his uncle saw him."

About half of the participants mentioned the sewage overflow that creates a health

nuisance and brings incubation of mosquitoes and insects. Sameera described the sewage wells

and said, In the absence of sewage systems, the

Lack of supervision: "Children whose parents neglect them? I never heard of

this".


Based on the responses to the questions about abuse and neglect, around half the

mothers (16 of 33) strongly denied the existence of neglect. Samya's response reflects most

She said: "There is no

neglect by people; it's their baby so how can they neglect it?"

However, several mothers raised several concerns regarding child supervision. Amal

highlighted the importance of adult supervision and the risks involved with leaving a child

unattended or under the supervision of a young person. She explained, "It's very dangerous to

leave a child alone or with another small child. Sometimes the mother has many children, and

she is not careful about them because she is very busy.

Lack of supervision was also related to structural factors of unrecognizability such as the

lack of day care facilities in the villages and unemployment in the villages. With the absence of

day care, mothers have to rely on help from other children or family members who may fail to

week leaves mothers with full responsibility.

The spice of life is their playfulness".

In light of the lack of infrastructure and playgrounds and many environmental dangers,

participants perceived children's free exploration and mischief as sources of risk. Efaf said: "The

child is curious and wants to play. Risks surround us so that the child has no other place to play

and explore. All the options are closed to him."

In the process of writing this article, one of the mothers sent the researchers a WhatsApp

video filmed by a child documenting how a 12 year-old child was challenged by a group of kids

to climb an electric pole and got electrocuted.


Mesosystem.

The mesosystem level includes expressions related to various relationships in the child's

life, such as polygamy, problems between the siblings, community life, and the effect of large

families.

Polygamous marriage as risk: "It is difficult for children that their father brings

another woman".

Most of the study participants presented the phenomenon of polygamy as one of the

factors that endanger the child's well-being in the Bedouin society emotionally, economically,

and socially In this case, the researchers decided to associate polygamy with the mesosystem,

since mothers refer to the polygamy as it corresponds to the family sphere. Souad described a

common problem created by polygamy: "Polygamy affects the woman and the children alike.

The father cannot satisfy the needs of all hi

takes care of the others " Amane addressed the problems between the siblings and indicated that,

"Consequently, the siblings start fighting and develop hatred towards one another.

Community life: "Everything is shared, we have no privacy".

Several women viewed the quarrels that arise from living together in the same space as a

risk factor for their children. Esraa said: "Our life is shared, so every day we have problems here,

women are quarrelling among themselves."

Exosystem.

On the exosystem level, all participants considered their difficult life conditions to be the

most salient factor affecting the lives of children. They reported the central electricity pole and

absence of basic infrastructure as major risk factors.

The central electricity pole:


As mentioned previously, the villages are not connected to electricity. Paradoxically, in

one village there is a huge central electricity pole and in three other villages, a high-voltage line

passes over the houses and brings power to the Israeli cities. The study participants believe that

the high voltage electric lines are a source of serious risks, such as electric shock. Many others

also believe in the risk of getting cancer due to the high voltage line. Nasreen, a mother of four

children, shared with us her family's pain coping with cancer. She said:

I lost a four-year-old old son because of this illness. My oldest daughter who is

seven years old was diagnosed with cancer when she was three years old. Now,

the fourth son, only one year old, has also been diagnosed with cancer. Nobody

can convince me that it is not from the electric lines.

A great shortage of health services:

The participants report a great shortage of health services, which should be provided to

all residents by virtue of 'the National Health Law'. Emergency services, provided at Soroka

Hospital in Be'er Sheva, are fifty miles away from most of the localities. The study participants

described cases in which a sick infant died on the way to the hospital. Amal said:

We have a serious problem of distance from the main road. When a child is in a

critical condition, he might die before we reach the hospital. It is impossible to reach;

and even if you order an ambulance, you cannot explain your location.

Macrosystem.

Participants mentioned the socio-political aspects of home demolition and the ongoing

discrimination and neglect by the authorities.


Home demolitions: "There is no situation more difficult than that".

The non-recognition of the Bedouin villages renders all forms of residences except tents

to be illegal and at risk of being demolished by the Israeli authorities. The demolitions have

devastating consequences as impacted families have to invest resources in rebuilding their lives

and entire communities live in the shadow of the threat of demolition.

Home demolitions were a salient concern for mothers living in the UVs. They referred to

home demolitions as an especially risky event that has a concrete impact on a child. Sameha

described the trauma of children who witnessed the demolition of two homes in the village:

There were only women and children in the village when the soldiers entered. They

started shooting rubber bullets that could enter the body of a two year old and come

out from the other side. In addition to the possible physical harm, the shooting could

cause insomnia and nightmares.

Ameera described the distress of the residence and said: "We are not allowed to build a

standard building. If we build and expand the home now, the authorities will come and destroy

and they do not leave anything."

Ongoing discrimination: "As if we were invisible".

Jasmin explained the issue of discrimination and the ongoing neglect. She said:

We live in very difficult conditions; no one can tell me that in the state of Israel,

which is considered a democratic state, someone should live like this. If someone

from outside comes to live here, he cannot live for two or three days in a situation like

this. We are invisible. No one cares about us.


Chronosystem.

The chronosystem emphasizes shifting environments, conditions, and realities over time

and historical transitions. Participants spoke of fearing the negative aspects of the entry of

technology that changes cultural values and priorities, which led to stress and conflicts within the

family. Etaf described her concern: "The deterioration of the youth today is due to unsupervised

use of phones and Facebook that ruined everything." The gaps between the knowledge acquired by

young Bedouin and the inability of adults to follow technological development processes creates

conflicts and tensions between generations, and creates concern of losing identity and cultural

values.

Protective factors derived from coping strategies.

The research data revealed protective factors that help the study's participants cope with

ment in her children,

familial ties, extended family support, the community and tribe's support, spirituality and

religious beliefs, formal education and the positive use of technology. The collective history

t each other and stay on their land despite the

difficulties and risks.

The participants pointed to parents' capacity to provide warmth and love, concern,

Asmaa affirmed these views:

very important to me that my children feel safe and loved, and to accept

supervision and guidance from the older daughters and relatives. Eventually, this

should protect them from danger.


Participants attributed importance to social cohesion and tribal support This support is

particularly evident in the cases of an injured or sick child or adult. Amal described when her

two-year-old son was unconscious as a result of high fever and dehydration. Her neighbour, who

owned a car, drove them to the hospital. She said: "My boy was blazing hot; fortunately, Efaf

drove us to the hospital. The doctor told me that if I had arrived half an hour later, I would have

lost him." This social cohesion is reflected even in cases of home demolitions, where tribe

members protect the house by obstructing the demolition with their bodies in front of the

bulldozers and the soldiers.

The findings also indicate that spirituality and religious beliefs are dominant factors in

coping with harsh existential situations. In cases of death, serious illness, home demolition, and

any other disaster, religion gave participants profound spiritual strength. For example, as

Nasreen previously pointed out, three of her four children have cancer, but she puts her faith in

for everything."

Mothers mentioned the important of formal education. Formal education was seen as a

protective factor and a way to prevent risk (providing supervision and keeping children out of

danger) and a vehicle for earning a better living and gaining social status. Since formal education

is a new phenomenon in the UVs, we place them in the chronosystem. The exposure of children

to technology, such as television, computers, and phones, is also new and is seen by some of the

is to be someone important, to have an education. Therefore, I let him watch TV and play

A context-informed perspective: Interrelations of contextual factors.


Our results show clearly that the Bedouin mothers are well aware of a large variety of

risk factors for child development at different contextual levels. However, it becomes clear that

the many risks mentioned at different levels are interrelated and originate from a history of

dispossession and severe structural oppression. Our context-informed approach shows that risk

factors on the chrono- and macro-levels such as unjust power relations, a lack of appreciation for

human rights, and multiple forms of exclusion ultimately also influence risk on the micro-, meso-

, and exo-levels. Mothers were well aware that the State deprives children in the UVs from

refusal to uphold the children's basic rights. For example, Sana pointed an accusing finger at

We are not always the guilty ones. The State

does not take care of our distress. At the beginning, we turned to them and asked repeatedly, but

people give up and prefer to remain silent." Mothers also stressed the importance of schools and

education to combat poverty, emphasizing that the state fails to provide their children with an

opportunity to attend school: "I asked the authorities just to make a road, so children can go to

school without problems." They argue that children are living a life of risk due to the fact that the

government is refusing to recognize them, and thus depriving them of services that are granted to

all citizens of the state. The lack of proper services such as health care, proper sanitation, and

a general sense of insecurity, and the stress that is put on mothers because of the oppression and

discrimination can become a burden that leads to less

such as playfulness can become a risk factor in a context characterized by environmental

hazards, where children find no outlet for their energies and curiosity.


At the same time, our analysis reveals two more areas of risk that seem to be unrelated to

the socio-political situation, but are likely to be the by-product of the cultural transition that is

taking place. Contemporary Bedouin mothers regard some traditional values such as having large

families, living closely together, and polygamy as risk factors for child development.

Interestingly, at the same time access to new media and technology are viewed as potential

threats to traditional values.

Discussion

This paper aims to highlight the importance of learning from minority groups about their

perceptions of risk for children. Our findings demonstrate that the Bedouin mothers are fully

aware of risks encountered by their children and that they seek ways to deal with these risks. The

research findings display numerous risk situations that exist in all systems in family life,

hindering societal and individual development and children's well-being. Simultaneously, the

findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in these very harsh conditions

through family and culture- based coping mechanisms. Interestingly, while the most severe risk

factors are located at the macro- and chronosystem levels i.e. originate from socio-political

oppression and the enforced cultural transition the most salient coping strategies are located on

the micro-and mesosystem levels, e.g., based on a strong familial and tribal support network,

spirituality, and cultural identity.

s of risks

Our findings concur with the works of Shonkoff et al., (2012) and Ben-Rabe et al.

(2009), which display the effects of early childhood adversity and harsh environmental


conditions on child development. In addition, our findings highlight the important role of factors

of the exo-, macro-, and chronosystems for risk perceptions. Since cultural-historical and socio-

political domains are rarely included in Western perceptions of risk, this is especially critical.

Our study of the Bedouin community clearly shows a need to examine the asymmetries of power

-Kevorkian explained, attend to the

-Kevorkian, 2012a). Such grammar leaves Bedouin children in

vulnerable conditions, facing not only environmental hazards, but also deprivation of their basic

rights as children (CRC, 1989). As the macrosystem impacts the lack of welfare and educational

systems, it further limits efforts to plan risk prevention and treatment. These findings are in

accord with past developmental risk studies in societies in distress, indicating that poverty and

racial discrimination, reduced access to services, schools, and employment opportunities

(Brooks, 2006) and minority status (Masten, 2011), are regarded as risks. The findings further

suggest that Bedouin mothers view children's traits such as playfulness and curiosity as causes of

risk when interacting with a range of environmental factors from the ecological system.

promoting risk for the Bedouin child who is likely to thereby be increasingly exposed to

environmental dangers.

Coping strategies: "Lighting a small candle is better than cursing the darkness" (an

Arab proverb).

Our findings suggest that mothers have their own ideas of how to deal with risk. Most

families have learned to live with their reality by employing diverse resilience factors. These

factors exist both within the nuclear family, such as relationships of concern and love within the

family (Thomas et al., 2005), and within the broader social environment, which include


community support through identification, empathy, and practical aid (Masten, 2011; Pruitt &

Zoellner, 2008). Religious devotion and belief in God's protection serve as another source of

strength for the participants. Religious beliefs serve to maintain hope and help to normalize their

abnormal everyday reality.

Our findings are similar to Shalhoub-Kevorkian's (2012b) research of Palestinian

participants in East Jerusalem living under occupation, who succeeded "to break through the trap

while living in the trap". The participants of both studies find hope, strengthen their relationships

with their relatives, and exhibit great determination and desire to prevent risks for their children.

Both studies indicate creative coping and agency. We would like to suggest that researching

parental perceptions of risk may result in promoting parental agency and participation in

combating risk. For example, following our study, as a result of the discourse about children at

risk, a group of mothers decided to create a safe place for their children. They initiated a

community-managed kindergarten (called "Hope").

the "Hope" kindergarten uncovers additional potential for researching parental definitions of risk.

participants chose to initiate preventive measures on their own and managed to change

government policy (authors in preparation).

The complexity, an important component of the context- informed view, is exemplified in

the duality regarding several of the risk-protection dimensions. The core family and the extended

family are both seen as sources of support, help, and sharing of responsibility for the young

children's supervision. At the same time, they are referred to as a potential source of tension and

possible harm if supervision is not appropriately administered. Technological developments that

reach the villages are also seen as harmful and protective. On one hand, unsupervised use was


seen as a while on the other hand technology

opens a window to the external world.

Conclusions

Fergus and Zimmerman (2005) determined that assets and resources that assist children

and youth with overcoming adverse effects of risks differ according to the population studied,

context, and outcome. Our study supports the notion that attention should be given to political,

religious, cultural transition, and historical contexts. In the case of the Bedouin population, it

seems that these contexts have far-reaching implications for children's well-being and safety

Critical Theory (Hamber et al., 2015; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan, 2007) calls

attention to relation of power, cultural characteristics, socio-political processes, racism, and

discrimination in child development. In line with this approach, we argue that Bedouin risk

perceptions and parenting must be informed by and understoo d in the context of the Bedouin

technology, and cultural customs such as polygamy

vision of basic

child services as a bargaining chip in the ongoing fight over land, instead of assuming

responsibility for providing Bedouin children with opportunities for secure and adequate lives.

Therefore prevention or risk in the Bedouin community is often beyond parental and community

control. A context-informed perspective is thus helping social workers to avoid blaming parents

for neglect in cases where there is limited access to basic services (Visblay, 2006) resulting from

structural or political reasons.

Our study has a number of potential limitations. First, while we listened to mothers, fathers

and children voices should also be included in the quest for context-informed understanding of


risk. Second, although the number of participants in this study is relatively high for qualitative

research, it is important to emphasize that one cannot statistically generalize the findings. Future

research is needed to extend the study to other cultures living in transition and under socio -

political pressure.

Despite the limitations, this paper provides the Bedouin study participants with an

opportunity to voice and to share their fears, concerns, resilience, and hope for a better future for

their children. In doing so, they teach us a critical lesson on the need for a context informed

perspective on risk and coping with risk. Our findings highlight the importance of listening to

parental voices in marginalized and oppressed societies. Moreover, we hope that the recognition

of resilience and community coping mechanisms will assist in the development of effective

interventions for diverse populations (Zolkoski & Bullock, 2012)


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Appendix

Interview Guideline

Introduction: Some people are concerned with children at risk. You are a mother with a

young child, and I would like to understand what you can tell me about risks for young children,

i.e., children up to three years old. Here are my questions:

1. What in your opinion is a child at risk? Can you give me examples of children at risk?

2. How do you define developmental risks for the child?

3. In your opinion, would other Bedouin mothers give similar answers? (If not what would

be different and why?)

4. What can help the child and the families cope with risks?

5. What do you think can help children and families cope with risks?

6. What in your personal opinion is "child neglect"? Can you give me examples?

7. What in your opinion puts a child at a greater risk for neglect?

8. In your opinion, what can help to prevent neglect?

9. What do you think is the best way to cope with and help neglected children?

10. What would other Bedouin families think is the best way to cope with and help neglected

children? (If there are differences, why?)

11. Are there any other things that came to your mind during our conversation that you would

like to share with me before we end the interview?

97 Supplementary Material

Supplementary material: Parts of the previous version of the article:

Parent's Perceptions of Risk for Children: Case Study of Bedouin Parents from

Unrecognized Villages in Israel

Conceptual Framework-Context Informed Perspective

Ecological Theory (Bronfenbrenner 1994, 2005) offers a holistic approach to

analyzing multilevel and interactive influences on child development. The model is particularly

suitable for the investigation of developmental risk and prevention as it enumerates five

interrelated systems that each represents a particular environmental framework in the child's

world: the microsystem includes the physical environment, family, and interpersonal relations in

a face-to-face setting with particular physical, social, and symbolic features. The mesosystem

relates to interactions between microsystems. The exosystem refers to interactions with the

surrounding community in which the individual is not directly involved. The macrosystem is the

global cultural norms and institutions that influence all the other systems and the chronosystem

refers to the historical effects on development during the lifespan.

Various studies with minority populations that live in high-risk and high poverty

environments, such as Erin Bumgarner's study (2013) among Latino American and Naama

Atzaba-Poria, Alison Pike and Kirby Deater-Deckard's study (2004) among Indian origin, have

certain contexts affect child development. However, several scholars who work in conflict zones

stressed the need to go beyond the ecological perspective. Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian (2004)

for example, claims that in conflict zones one must utilize Critical Theory to go beyond the

ecological perspective, and thus consider the socio-political context and its derivatives (such as

discrimination, oppression, and power dynamics) before planning any prevention or intervention

program.


The context-informed perspective offered in this paper is based on the notion that human

development and behavior are influenced by different contexts. One of these contexts is cultural

change e.g. immigration or transition from semi-nomad to a sedentary life. Other contexts found

in conflict zones include structural violence and intertwined socio-political, historical, economic,

cultural, and gender contexts. These contexts influence power relations, lack of appreciation for

human rights, and multiple forms of exclusion that ultimately also create risks for child

development (author citation, 2015). Accordingly, context -informed risk definitions need to take

into account the complexity of intertwined contexts, and consider both cultural and socio-

political factors.

Findings

The findings section describes the main categories that emerged from the qualitative analysis of

the interviews and focus groups. First, parental risk definitions are organized according to the

ecological systems. Following the context informed perspective we include their views on

political effects in the macrosystem. Second, factors that the participants described regarding

suggestions for prevention and intervention are listed.

Microsystem. - On the microsystem level, the

related to the physical environment followed by maternal neglect and finally by child

characteristics. Meanwhile,

employment outside the home (this topic was not discussed among women), risks caused by

risks related to child characteristics.

Interaction wit "Risks are located in every corner":

Most of the UV residents live in houses made of tin or with a tin roof. Diesel powered generators

provide limited electricity for just a few hours a day. As a result, in many cases mothers use gas

and wood for cooking and home heating. They reported that the use of open fire inside the house

yielded serious health consequences for children, such as burns and rising body temperature


Samya shared, "Everything can be a source of risk; the gas can cause burns when I cook and the

kids are around me, even the tea kettle, the coals, etc." Amena, another participant, said:

"Last summer my son was a month old. He had a very high fever so I took him to

the hospital, where he remained for four days and was released. Only one day he

stayed at home and his fever rose again to 40 degrees. When I took him back to

the hospital, the doctor told me that he is healthy but the rise in body temperature

is due to the scorching heat of the tin roof."

Amena suggested that children are living a life of risk due to the fact that the

government is refusing to recognize them, and thus depriving them of services that are

granted to all citizens of the state. She sees the lack of proper services as increasing

Maternal neglect: "Children whose parents neglect them? I never heard of this":

Based on the responses to the questions about abuse and neglect, around half of the mothers

(16 out of 33) denied the existence of neglect. Some of them explained that they heard about

child neglect on TV or in other places, but not in the village or within the family. Samia's

child neglect.

She said: "There is no neglect by people; it's their baby so how can they neglect it?"

However, the mothers raised several concerns regarding child supervision. Amal

highlighted the importance of adult supervision and the risks involved with leaving a child

unattended or under the supervision of a young person. She explained, "It's very dangerous to

leave a child alone or with another little child. Sometimes the mother has many children, and she

is not careful about them because she is very busy.

In addition to factors related to mothers being under constant pressure and getting tired

raising their children under such circumstances, neglect also related to struc tural factors of

unrecognizability. In some cases, they relied on external help from other children or family

from home leaves mothers fully responsible, and any

welfare and lives. As previously mentioned, fathers emphasized women's employment outside


the home as a cause for child neglect. They preferred that woman worry about their children first

and then think about work. Hassan stated: "Work outside the home, puts the woman's life under

pressure. It definitely impacts negatively the children upbringing."

Children's characteristics: "The spice of life is their playfulness": In light of the lack of

infrastructure and playgrounds and many environmental dangers, participants perceived free

"The

child is curious and wants to play. Risks surround us so that the child has no other place to play

and explore. All the options are closed to him."

Fathers also referred to curiosity and mischief as natural child characteristics. As Adel

explained, "The child is mischievous by nature and is looking for challenging things. He wants to

play with his friends but he does not have a good place to play."

In the process of writing this article, one of the mothers sent the researchers a WhatsApp

video filmed by a child documenting how a 12 year-old child was challenged by a group of kids

to climb an electric pole and got electrocuted.

Mesosystem. - This level includes expressions related to various relationships in the

child's life. These include polygamy, problems between the siblings, community life, and the

effect of large families.

Polygamous marriage as risk: "It is difficult for children that their father brings another

woman": Most of the female study participants presented the phenomenon of polygamy as one of

the factors that endanger the child's well-being in the Bedouin society emotionally,

economically, and socially In this case, the researchers decided to associate polygamy with the

mesosystem, since mothers refer to the polygamy as it corresponds to the family sphere. In

contrast, fathers explained polygamy as a custom based in religion and tradition, an acceptable

and legitimate convention. Only one man referred to polygamy as a source of risk for the child.

Souad described a common problem created by polygamy: "Polygamy affects the woman

and the children alike. The father cannot satisfy the needs of all his children, so he neglects the

" Amane addressed the problems between the


siblings and indicated that, "Consequently, the siblings start fighting and develop hatred towards

one another. A similar conclusion about the siblings appeared in one of the man's descriptions.

Community life: "Everything is shared, we have no privacy": Several women viewed the

quarrels that arise from living together in the same space as a risk factor for their children.

Amina said: "Our life is shared, so every day we have problems here, women are quarreling

among themselves."

The effect of large number of children: "Sometimes she needs to escape": Amani

described the effect of large number of children on the mother, and her difficulty in handling

them. She said: "The mother can get upset when she sees her sons in front of her face all day.

When there are 10 children in the house, she wants to rest, to escape to a friend, to talk to her and

to have a cup of coffee."

Exosystem, - On the exosystem level, all participants considered life under difficult

conditions to be the most salient factor affecting the lives of children. They reported

environmental hazards such as vehicular traffic; sewage wells; garbage disposed everywhere;

waste and unpleasant smells; stray dogs, snakes, reptiles, and rodents; absence of infrastructure;

home demolitions; bad social environment etc.

Vehicular traffic: : Ameena echoes all the

son almost got run over because he was standing at the gate. Fortunately, his uncle saw him."

The fathers discussed the lack of roads and the consequential dirt. As Amer said, "There

are no roads, so the child takes a shower and goes out for a few minutes and come back dirty, as

a result, he is exposed to bacteria and disease."

The sewage wells: : About half of the

participants mentioned the sewage overflow in the village that creates a health nuisance and

brings incubation of mosquitoes and insects. In the absence o


in the village. In general, the residents are hedging and cover their sewage pits, so that the

children do not fall in them. When the pit is full, they empty it or create another pit."

The central electricity pole: : As

mentioned previously, the villages are not connected to electricity. Paradoxically, in one village

there is a huge central electricity pole and in three other villages, a high-voltage line passes over

the houses and brings power to the Jewish cities. The study participants believe that the high

voltage electric lines are a source of serious risks, such as electric shock. Many others believe in

the risk of getting cancer due to the high voltage line. Nasreen, a mother of four children, shared

with us her family's pain coping with cancer. She said:

"I lost a four years old son because of this illness, my oldest daughter who i s seven

years old was diagnosed with cancer when she was three years old. Now, the

fourth son, only a one year old has also been diagnosed with cancer. Nobody can

convince me that it is not from the electric lines."

A great shortage of health services: he baby might die before we reach the hospita :

The participants report a great shortage of health services, which should be provided to all

residents by virtue of 'the National Health Law'. Emergency services, provided at Soroka

Hospital in Be'er Sheva, are fifty miles away from most of the localities. The study participants

described cases in which a sick infant died on the way to the hospital due to the lack of access.

Amal said: "We have a serious problem of distance from the main road, when a child is in a

critical condition, he might die before we reach the hospital. It is impossible to reach, even if you

order an ambulance, you cannot explain your location."

Home demolitions: "There is no situation more difficult than that": Some demolitions

were a salient concern for both fathers and mothers living in the UVs. However, women referred

to home demolitions as an especially risky event that has a concrete impact on a child. Sameha

described the trauma of children who witnessed the demolition of

two homes in the village:

"There were only women and children in the village when the soldiers entered.

They started shooting rubber bullets that could enter the body of a two year old,


and come out from the other side. In addition to the possible physical harm, the

shooting could cause insomnia and nightmares."

Macrosystem. - Participants of both genders mentioned the political aspects of home

demolition and the ongoing discrimination and neglect by the authorities. However, men who

Socio-political risk: "The judge is the executioner": The non-recognition of the Bedouin

villages renders all forms of residences except tents to be illegal and at risk of being demolished

by the Israeli authorities. The demolitions have devastating consequences as impacted families

have to invest resources in rebuilding their lives and entire communities live in the shadow of the

threat of demolition.

As mentioned previously, most of the women related to house demolitions as

environmental hazards. Only one woman mentioned the home demolitions at the political level.

She said: "We are not allowed to build a standard building, if we build and expand the home

now, the authorities will come and destroy and they do not leave anything."

Compared to women, most men in the focus group mentioned home demolitions as a

socio-political risk. Sameer stated: "You have to understand the situation of the unrecognized

villages. The demolition is a planned political issue. A week ago, they hit another village, and

tomorrow God knows where."

Ongoing discrimination: "As if we were invisible": Ahmed explained the issue of

discrimination and the ongoing neglect. He said: "The Bedouin society suffers from neglect and

discrimination. No one cares about us. The government does not help and that is why children are

exposed to the dangers."

Chronosystem. -The chronosystem emphasizes shifting environments, conditions, and

realities over time and historical transitions. Both men and women spoke of fearing the entry of

technology that changes cultural values and priorities, which led to stress and conflicts within the

family. Amena described her concern: "The deterioration of the youth today is due to iphones and

Facebook that ruined everything." Sami provided the metaphor: "America is in the tent." This

do not have electricity but


our children watch television via iphones, and are exposed to the Western modern life more than

the adults." Contrastingly, fathers voiced their concern with the difficulty of keeping up with

technological progress. Saeed introduced his concern from a different angle: "Most of the men

here are working as simple laborers; they do not follow the progress". The gaps described above,

between the knowledge acquired by young Bedouin and the inability of adults to follow

technological development processes creates conflicts and tensions between generations and

concern for losing identity and cultural values.

Discussion

This paper aims to highlight the importance of learning from minority groups who experience

severe structural oppression, a history of dispossession, and a clear political agenda that aims at

changing and affecting their culture, when defining risk and planning prevention and

intervention programs

Our research findings display numerous risk conditions that exist in all the ecological

systems, hindering societal and individual development and children's well-being. At the same

time, our findings indicate that most of the families manage to survive in very harsh conditions,

coping with their plight and distress. Maternal ideas of prevention focus primarily on

supervision, prohibitions, and explanations, while also emphasizing the importance of paternal

involvement. Moreover, our results demonstrate that both, Bedouin mothers and fathers are well

aware that the state

are perceived as diminishing or even preventing risk for child development.

Gender Related Difference in Parents' Perceptions of Children at Risk

The research findings reflect a

perceptions of risk, resilience, and risk prevention concerning their children. While mothers

offered concrete and more detailed perspectives, typically referring to the micro-, meso- and the

exosystem, fathers related more often to general issues at the level of the macro- and the

chronosystem. Responses at the macro- and the chronosystem level further point to a noticeable

difference: Fathers frequently offered broad, abstract generalizations about the effect of the

socio-political situation, while mothers emphasized practical implications. For example, fathers


described home demolitions as a political risk and offered political action as a way to prevent

this risk. Mothers related to home demolitions as an environmental risk and offered personal

actions in order to protect their children.

The contextual logic of the gendered differences of risk definitions and the prevention

modes offered could be found in both gender role division and power relations in the Bedouin

community. Bedouin women exert a high sense of responsibility towards their nuclear and

extended families, while men look at the larger structural factors that perpetuate poverty and

discrimination.

The Bedouin woman's social status is closely related to her role as housewife and mother.

religious traditions in order to strengthen solidarity and family loyalty. A Bedouin woman's

kingdom is her home and close environment; since she is mostly responsible for the children, she

naturally develops lists of risks that the children may encounter in the micro-, meso-, and

exosystem. Men, alternatively, dominate public politics, and are responsible for conflict

resolution and the administration of the affairs of the tribe. Furthermore, many Bedouin men

work outside the villages and are thus more exposed to Israeli residents and interested in State

politics and socio-political changes than in domestic concerns. Lastly, men get most of the

information about their children from their wives and tend to relate to it from an external

perspective.

The gendered differences described above call attention to the importance of inclusion of

programs in diverse communities.

102 Chapter : Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions

Chapter 6:

Conclusions, Limitations and Contributions

parenthood with an emphasis -emotional development and

their ideas regarding risk and protective factors for child development. A total of 59 Arab-

Bedouin parents that come from ex-nomad population that lives in six unrecognized villages in

the Naqab participated. They belong to an ethnic indigenous minority group that is continuously

undergoing a cultural transition in the context of an ongoing political conflict.

Each of the last three chapters offers a unique angle on the issues of parenting and

childhood in the Bedouin unrecognized villages. The first article characterized Bedouin mothers

and fathers perceptions of their parenting. The second article centered upon maternal beliefs

-emotional development, mainly stranger anxiety, and the third one

focused on perceived childhood risks.

Together, these three chapters bare a strong message that psychological and sociological

theories and models for explaining childhood and parenting should be context-informed. The

cultural, historical, and the political realms influence

such as risk prevention and children socio-emotional development. Therefore, theories should

be re-visited taking into consideration the unique cultural perspectives and socio-political

situation. These three chapters also highlighted the importance and usefulness of listening to

parental voices in marginalized oppressed societies.

The findings provided an opportunity to witness the processes of change in groups that

are trying to maintain their unique identity, while striving to achieve better lives for their

children in the midst of political conflict. The rapid and forced transition to permanent

settlements has been posing many challenges for the Bedouin society. The study participants

portrayed a difficult and complex reality, but also demonstrated determination and a desire to

live their lives and raise their children in an optimal way despite the difficulties. The challenges

are met by two forms of parenthood: (a) parents who try to keep embracing Bedouin tribal

structure and patriarchal values (Auerbach, Goldstein, & Elbedour, 2000; Mogdham, 2004); and


(b) others who are continually torn between complying with these values and ways of life and the

surrounding progress.

The findings indicated that in light of the massive changes in recent decades in all aspect

of life (Marx & Shmueli, 1984), education is perceived by many study participants as a clear sign

of progress and a venue for better life since it is key to social mobility (Abu-Rabia, 2006; Abu-

Rabia Queder, 2007a; Abu-Saad, 2010). Similar to the Bedouin, Hao & Pong (2008) and

Offer (2007) studies showed that parents hope that their children acquire higher education in

order to promote their possibility to integrate and succeed in the Israeli society. However, the

context informed perspective provides the lens to see how access to education is both hindered

and prevented in the villages as a hegemonic political act and the access to high education may

mean further Westernization and threat to the preservation of tradition and identity which the

parents are trying to preserve. Through a context informed perspective, it is clear that any

psychological or educational intervention should account for power relations, identity conflicts,

associated political tensions.

The findings also indicated that the socio-political context has a crucial impact on the

development of emotion regulation in children. These findings challenge the universalism of

attachment theory, which is based on Western conceptualizations (LeVine & Norman, 2001;

Vicedo, 2013). In Western cultures, for instance,

mother and child often causes feelings of guilt when abandoning the child by putting him or her

mothers in this study, the

high number of children in a family, and the absence of early childhood educational frameworks,

made it necessary to leave the child to multiple caregivers. Therefore, Bedouin mothers do not

follow the ideal Western image of exclusive mothering, like most mothers in non-Western

contexts. Accordingly, the findings demonstrated the importance of culturally sensitive

attachment research including culture specific socialization goals and parental ethnotheories.

Moreover, since cultures are dynamic and hybrid, it is important to use contextual- logic

in interpreting data of groups characterized by high socio-political adversity, historical, and

cultural change. The personal and family coping strategies reported by Bedouin families

highlights the importance of including parental voices in the discourse on risk and protection.


The use of Critical Theories when interpreting parental views enables the consideration of both

the effects of cultural transition and political conflict, including asymmetries of power that

, 201 ; Lykes, Beristain, & Pérez-Armiñan

2007).

Resilience and Coping

The study aimed at learning about attachment and risk but ended up with an additional lesson

regarding coping and resilience. The narratives of the families strengthened the claim that

normalization of daily life nurtures and strengthens resilience in abnormal living conditions

(Nguyen-Gillham, Giacaman, Naser, & Boyce, 2008). As part of Palestinian society, they believe

in the principle of sumud (steadfastness):

The Palestinian concept of sumud a determination to exist through being steadfast and

rooted to the land is at the heart of resilience. Within a Palestinian context, suffering and

endurance need to be interpreted on both an individual and collective level. The construct

of resilience goes beyond individual interpretations; resilience is (re)constituted as a wider

collective and social representation of what it means to endure. (Ibid, p. 292)

In this sense, some of the participants showed this steadfastness by repeatedly holding to

the old family ways. Others described themselves as if they were trapped between their desire to

break through the limitations imposed on them from the state while envisioning a better future

for them and their children. These parents wavered between clinging to their traditions and being

attuned to wider society.

Underlying those two types of voices there is always the conflict about the land. In spite

of the fact that staying in the unrecognized villages is risky and almost impossibly difficult (Al-

Krenawi & Graham, 2006; Human Rights Watch, 2008), the Bedouins in those villages do not

accept governmental suggestions to be moved to recognized settlements (Abu-Rass &Yiftachel

2012; Noach, 2009).

Bedouins keep fight over their land and their identity and consider holding on to their

home and their ancestral land to be a sacred value. There is a folk idiom in Arabic that


says:' (do not compromise on land and honor). Furthermore, in his

study with Bedouin Gayousi (2010) found that land, honor, and dignity are significant sources of

power. Rangwala (2004) argues that the preservation of the Bedouin traditions, clinging to the

land, and insistence on filling the patriarchal gender roles, typifies the Bedouin tribal society: the

individual serves the collective interests and the culture-historical reality. The collective

traditions, code, and identity preservation serve as sources of meaning to life and hardship. The

collectivism may come before what is good for the individual or what serves a particular group

of people within this culture (Abu-Saad, 2010).

Similar to Palestinian participants from East Jerusalem in Shalhoub- Kevorkian study

(2012) who managed to break through the trap and continue normal life despite their abnormal

conditions, Bedouins in the current study were able to find strength that helped them deal with

their daily difficulties. The participants of both studies found hope in strengthening their

relationships with relatives and the wider community. The findings demonstrated the importance

of family relationships for the participants; they further indicated that family cohesion, in which

family members take care of each other, characterizes the Bedouin society (Al-Krenawi, 2003)

and serves as protective factor in their lives.

It is evident that the various risks mentioned throughout this dissertation, balanced by the

above protective factors, are more likely to result in parenting that is sensitive to the needs of the

child and secure attachment relationships than cumulative risks and stressors that are not

balanced by strengths and protective factors (Belsky & Pasco Fearon, 2008).

The W Journey: way for change

The transition from semi - nomadic lifestyle to permanent settlement has also brought

many changes, particularly for women that lost their traditional roles. In the past, Bedouin

woman enjoyed a central position in Bedouin society (Mogdham, 2004). She educ ated her

children in the traditions of her tribe and her Muslim religion, herded the family goats, drew

water from the well, prepared food on an open fire, worked outside the home in the fields, and

Kressel, 2003). She also enjoyed an

extensive social life despite the distances in the desert (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2001).


With the move to permanent settlements, Bedouin woman moved from the open horizons of the

desert to the closed space of her house. Thus, the roles of a housewife replaced her traditional

tasks. The urbanization dispossessed Bedouin women from the land, which was their source of

employment and income, and transformed them into consumers dependent on their husbands

(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006, 2007a).

Unlike men, who come into more direct contact with Jewish and Western values due to

their roles in the labor market, most of the Bedouin women are still obliged to maintain the

traditional lifestyle and gender conventions (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2008). In recent decades, the

role for many women is limited to fertility and ability to give birth, the only way left to express

themselves and to provide the feeling that they can contribute to society (Al-Krenawi, 2003).

-

David & Gonen, 2001). In the absence of employment opportunities in the village, they often

remain unemployed. In this mode, Bedouin women are doubly marginalized: as women living

under a patriarchal male-dominated society, and as part of a discriminated Arab minority group

residing under adverse socio-political situation in a state where the majority of citizens are Jews

(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2007b). Against the background of this dual situation, the women in this

study are aware of the fact that education and employment facilitate social mobility and provide

employment possibilities for women. It is interesting to note that they decided to step out of their

comfort zone and take initiative to look for new challenges and promote their status using

means that are at their disposal without challenging the existing patriarchal order.

Numerous studies examined the implications of education for women in Arab society

(Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2005; Ahmad-Fauzia, 2001; Aronhold, 2000). These studies have shown

that educated women more control of their lives regardless of religious affiliation, culture , or

level of state development. Likewise, the participants of the present study talked about hoping to

obtain higher education for themselves and especially for their children and about using new

technologies. As discussed, these voices began to build a new sort of resilience- the sort that

brings social progress and a channel for social mobility into the equation.

The changes experienced by traditional Arab-Druze women in the north of Israel in the

seventies may provide a platform to discuss change related to education. In her studies, Weiner-


levy (2006, 2008) claimed that until the seventies Druze women's status and location at the

bottom of the social hierarchy, as well as their exclusion from the public sphere, did not allow

them to attend high education. According to Weiner-Levy (2006), the breakthrough for the

Druze women enabled the introduction of new values and considered going against the

families if

they studied at outside universities. In both communities, religious conservatism and the socio-

traditional insularity, prevented girls from leaving the village. Nonetheless, the accession of two

Druze sisters from the north of Israel to the university in the seventies paved the way for many

other women.

educations, others continue to be closed off to this possibility (Weiner-Levy, 2008). In the

current research women and men that additionally began to talk about education and

employment as an example of connecting to 21st century progress in addition to finding strength

in traditional ways of life.

In A Call for Social Work Activism Tricia Bent-Goodley (2015) calls social workers to

be at the forefront of issues affecting disenfranchised communities and suggested four key

elements needed to reinvigorate their collective commitment to social activism. She offered to

represent the communities, to be proactive, to provide leadership, and to demonstrate vigilance.

Parallel processes occurred in the current study as described in the third paper. By participating

in the focus groups, women in this research felt empowered. They initiated an intervention

program in order to reduce risk and protect their children and lobbied for their children right

for education. This demonstrates how social work research could be a platform for social change

and academic activism.

Bent- voices of those

). In the current study and during the

interviews, the Bedouin women engaged in dynamic discourse

from a face-to-face dialogue and a dynamic communication between the researcher and the

study participants. In this regard, this study helped in expanding the boundaries of discourse

gain

legitimacy to talk about painful topics, which were unspoken, and to reflect on their lives. This


discourse, shared with other women via the focus groups, provided an opportunity to share

common challenges, hope for social change, and seek together concrete solutions.

In the current study and following group discussions in the focus groups that took place

at the university, the participants shared their desires to change the risk-loaded reality for

children. Since there are a limited number of home-care facilities and pre-schools supported by

the Ministry of Social Welfare and those developed by associations such as AJEEC-NISPED, for

ages two to age four, they decided to open a kindergarten. The women initiated the establishment

of a kindergarten called the hope that allows their children to play in a safe place. They

equipped the kindergarten with the help of the researcher, friends, and colleagues who collected

appropriate equipment.

Bent-Goodley claimed that, -engaged on a larger scale

in our profession. We must continue to be ever vigilant and stand watchful of issues that affect

cher in the current study

initiated extensive discussions with the study participants on issues that they redefine as parents

concerns. The women focused on the need for developing alternative sources of income. They

asked the researcher to connect them with associations and professionals who can support them

in the process of completing their academic studies, and learning a profession that allows them

an employment and income, without interfering with their regular chores. It is apparent that

education becomes a lever for aspiration and window of opportunity that helps to promote their

status and contributes to their economic independence (Abu-Saad, 2005; Pessate-Schubert,

2003).

Up to this writing, significant numbers of the research participants are in constant contact

with the researcher. Recently, they have already completed a course on women empowerment

and a course in small business management. Some women have opened their own businesses at

home such as food preparation, marketing of pickled spicy peppers, embroidery, sewing and

photography

between their society value and their personal aspirations, which will ultimately contribute to

them and to their families. The researcher demonstrated vigilance to the importance of men


cooperation in the different initiatives and changes. Since this is a patriarchal society, the

researcher tried to support women while simultaneously obtaining the agreement of the men to

support the change that the women wished for themselves. In doing so, men were involved in the

research. Many husbands supported and collaborated with their wives both in opening the

kindergarten and the following described initiatives. Some of them who previously refused to

allow their wives to get their driv license, thus limit their mobility outside the village, ended

up encouraged them to do that following the renewed discourse during the study. We can

conclude that much caution should be taken when entering a patriarchal society not to create

There is no doubt that process of change and coping is slow, gradual,

and sometimes long and laborious processes. The women themselves do not expect shortcuts or

dramatic changes in their situation; yet, the desire for social change has become a common

discourse among many of them. Abu-Rabia-Queder (2007b) maintains that generally, feminist

activities in non-Western societies are adapted to the contextual reality of the specific culture.

The R Journey:

Various factors influence personality, culture,

education, family circle, the surrounding community, and more. Sometimes it is difficult to get

out comfort-zone and look at things from a different perspective. Ultimately, it is hard

to say that there is one truth, instead just a lot of viewpoints, and from each, people can learn

something else. Being aware of the difference between viewpoints may help in reducing conflicts

between people and between different societies as a result of misunderstanding (Sam & Berry,

2010). However, recognition of different viewpoints enables people to develop an open and real

dialogue, each trying to hold tight to his or her point of view and open up to other points of view

in the knowledge that there is no absolute truth (Shkedi, 2011).

The researcher utilized her background as a Palestinian from Northern Israel, her native

Arabic proficiency, and research efforts, to understand Bedouin culture. By spending three years

in the villages collecting data she managed to

stigma and misunderstanding (Shkedi, 2011; Shlasky & Alpert, 2007). She is well aware of the


worldview in relation to the participants' culture, status, and traditions (Shlasky & Alpert, 2007).

On the one hand, she is involved enough to understand the participants world as they see it, and

on the other hand, she maintained enough distance to allow for a reflective and critical scrutiny

of the reality (Shkedi, 2011). By using her interpersonal skills, her communication skills , and her

ability to listen and acknowledge the Bedouin community, the researcher was able to develop

trust and close relationship with the study participants, which contributed to her increased

identification with them. The researcher sensitivity was mandatory in reducing the study

participants in the beginning. The researcher own life was changed by this journey.

The strengths, coping, resilience, and survival skills provided a life lesson for her

and her research team

The researcher uncovered the Bedouin women . The

women opened their hearts and shared the most difficult experiences they experience in everyday

life. The researcher often felt a heavy responsibility placed on her, not only as a researcher but

also as a women and a human being who witnessed the harsh life conditions and risky situations.

The participating women in the study, who are not used to communicating with women from the

north of Israel, grew to trust her, and expect her support and help, which she tried to provide.

Throughout this journey, the researcher tried her best to stay loyal to her goal to echo the voices

of study participants, and to provide them with an opportunity to share their fears, concerns,

resilience, and hope for a better future for their children. Furthermore, as previously described,

she aspired to support the women in thinking together about goals for a better life and paths to

achieving them.

Thus, one of the future goals of the researcher is to write about the need for a

in the

cases of groups that suffer from inequality, oppression and ongoing discrimination.

Study Limitations and Recommendations for Future Researches

This dissertation has a number of potential limitations that need to be acknowledged and

addressed. First, although the number of participants in this study is relatively high for

qualitative research, the findings represent only the specific participants and cannot be


generalized in relation to other families undergoing similar experience (Lee, 1993). However,

this study aimed to explore culture specific patterns and use a mixed method approach.

Additional research may extend the study to other cultures living in transition and under socio-

political pressure. A second limitation concerns the small sample size of men. The researcher

met with a focus group of eight men only once. Thus, additional research is needed for a better

. Further research should include another focus groups

and individual interviews with a larger number of men. Third, the study participants were most

notably, mothers with children in their first year of age : the study did not examine the

perceptions of the older children about risk definitions and risk prevention. Additional research

should include individual and group interviews with children in order to hear their voices in the

quest for context informed understanding of risk. Fourth, the study did not include elderly who

experienced the transition from semi-nomad to a sedentary life; it may be of interest to know

how the elderly explain the changes taking place in the Bedouin society. In addition to the

studies that have been suggested, there is a need to conduct research among professionals that

may assist in understanding the complexity of life in the shadow of ongoing risk situations and to

enrich the existing knowledge. A fifth limitation is the ability to validate the study data and

Despite these limitations, this study provides the Bedouin study participants with an opportunity

to voice and share their fears, concerns, resilience, and hope for a better future for their children.

It contributes substantially to the understanding of parenting among indigenous people in cultural

transition.

Practical Contribution

The study has several practical contributions to professionals who work with families in

non- Western communities. Roer-Strier (2007) emphasized the importance of learning

target in order to

develop culturally appropriate intervention and prevention programs and train professionals who

work with diverse communities. Roer-Strier (2007) further argues that professionals are often

informed by Western concepts, which imply universality of normative development among

children, thereby disregarding contextual differences. Accordingly, this study hi ghlights the need


for preparation of context appropriate training programs for professionals working with different

groups during their academic training. Moreover, there is great importance in improving

understanding regarding child development and risk in the non-Western majority world (e.g.

Kagitcibasi, 2007).

A context informed perspective will assist professionals to avoid blaming parents for neglect in

cases where there is limited access to basic services (Visblay, 2006) resulting from structural or

political reasons. Involving parents in defining risk and prevention and , utilizing available

support systems, will result in more effective and sensitive interventions and participant

empowerment. In parallel to intervention at the professional level, it is essential to provide

opportunities for Bedouin parents in the unrecognized villages with regard to the issues of risk

detection, prevention, and intervention. Furthermore, due to the character of Bedouin society, a

prevention and intervention programs also have to acknowledge the importance that parents

attribute to the extended family as a source of support, safety, and protection for the child.

However, in all cases where professionals serve the hegemonic group, they need to

develop a critical view in which they reflect on the needs of the system versus the needs of the

community. As shown in this case, parents may view the hegemonic group and its welfare

system as creating risk to children and preventing protection rather than serving as a trustful

protective agent.

Contribution to the Policy Makers

Although the Bedouins are citizens of Israel and should have equal rights, actually, they

are the most marginalized, discriminated against, and poorest population in Israel (Abu-Saad,

2010; Yiftachel, 2008). They bear the burdens of the tremendous gap between the s

proclaimed ideals, promising equality to all citizens, and the gloomy reality. As study

participants claimed, policies such as house demolition policies create risks for children.

Therefore, any risk interventions will not be effective unless policies to protect children rights

are implemented.


The findings provided a strong basis to support activism in human and children's rights

and welfare. The study shows that the Bedouins are struggling for equality, recognition, and

preservation of their culture and way of life. The findings clearly demonstrate that after sixty-

seven years of citizenship in the State of Israel, there is a still high number of Bedouins in the

Naqab who are denied permits to build houses. The State of Israel did not provide participating

villages basic services such as electricity, running water and paved roads to connect them with

near cities. The ongoing experience of living in unrecognized areas that does not get the needed

infrastructural and basic services (Abu-Bader & Gottlieb, 2009; Abu-Rabia- Queder, 2007b;

Ministry of Health, 2006; Yiftachel, 2008) creates conflicts and dilemmas. Consequently, the

Bedouins feel: "As if we were invisible", as expressed by one of the participants.

The situation in the studied villages violates basic human rights, such as the right to

health care, housing, and education. Even though Israel adopted the United Nations Convention

on the Rights of the Child (CRC 1989), which places the child's welfare as a fundamental

principle, the findings demonstrate a wide range of risk conditions, hindering societal and

individual development and children's well-being. Evidently, the problematic issues facing the

Bedouin in the Naqab today, lie in Israeli planning policies and dispossession of lands (for more

details see also Boteach, 2006). Any proposed solution to protect the residents of the

unrecognized villages, that doesn't include and provision of all necessary services may end up

disjointed and unable to cope with the broad scope of government control, discrimination, and

non-equality ineffective.



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119 Appendices

Appendices

Appendix 1: Interview guideline

Interview with the mother when the child is 2.5-4 months of age

Date: ___________ Name of child: ___________________ _ Subject number: _____

Instruction:

We would like to know about you and your child. Please notice that everything you tell

us is of importance and that you cannot do wrong. We do not judge the things that you

are going to tell us as right or wrong. We are only gathering information.

-important things that happened to this child during his first year of

life. Describe in detail everything you can remember. Take your time, we will listen to

you, afterwards we will ask you some questions.

(1 open question)

If yes, what kind of problems?

(2 maternal health problems)

child?

(3 place of birth)

(4 delivery complications)

(6

If yes, what kind of medicaments?

(7 medication)

(8 maternal hospitalization)

120 Appendices

(9 breastfeeding)

(10 sleeping)

(11 maternal working day)

If they spend time together, what

do they do?

(15 father and child)

(16 grandparents)

(17 alloparents)

(18 favorite caretaker)

(19 looking for elders)

(20 white man)

In addition, how do you teach

your child these habits?

(21 habits)

(22 meaning of crying)

121 Appendices

(23 reaction to crying)

what does it signify?

(24 meaning of following)

(25 appraisal of following)

what do you do?

(26 meaning of sticking)

(27 reaction to sticking)

(28 meaning of laughing)

(29 reaction to laughing)

(30 stimulation)

(31 importance of bathing)

(32 importance of breastfeeding)

at is the importance of clothing the child?

(33 importance of dressing)

(34 carrying)

(35 playing)

child?

(36 toys)

122 Appendices

(37 talking)

(38 eye contact)

(39 feeling good)

do you know that the child is feeling bad?

(40 feeling bad)

Which to your opinion are places that are not safe or secure?

(41 dangers)

How would you define a child at risk from: Developmental perspective, social

perspective, emotional perspective and physical development perspective?

To your opinion, would other members of your community (family, friends, and

neighbors) give similar answers? If not what would be different and why?

(42+53 (42 risk definitions)

What to your opinion is child neglect can you give me some examples

How can you help neglected children?

How can you prevent neglect?

(44-46 child neglect)

How can you prevent the child from danger?

(47 prevention)

If you need any assistance as a mother, where or who do you go to? For example financial

assistance.

(48 financial assistance)

(49 moral assistance)

(50-sickness assistance)

(51 marital assistance)

123 Appendices

(52-child assistance)

(54 separations)

shopping, to the farm or visiting somebody? Can you describe how the child is reacting

when you are leaving and how the child is reacting when you return?

(55 situations)

wants only to be with you?

(56 exclusiveness)

(57 affection)

d love you?

(59 boys)

(60 girls)

uld they follow?

Moreover, why?

(61 values)

(62 good mother)

(63 bad mother)

(64 good father)

?

124 Appendices

(65 bad father)

(66 good child)

(67 bad child)

General topics:

development?

Any metaphor you can give to the child.

125 Appendices

Appendix 2: Interview guideline with the mother when the child is one year of age


Instruction:

We would like to know about you and your child. Please notice that everything you tell

us is of importance and that you cannot do wrong. We do not judge the things that you

are going to tell us as right or wrong. We are only gathering information.

Your child is 12 months old now; many things have changed since I visited you last time.

Tell me first about the important things that happened to the child at this year, try to tell

me in detail everything that you remember, take your time, I will listen to you and then

ask you a few questions.

Is your child suffering from an illness or other problem during the year?

Is he/she still breastfeeding?

During his first year of his/her life, your child gotten used to different people, who would

you say that he sees regularly.

What your child does with each of the people he sees regularly?

Who do you think your child likes among those that care for him, and why?

Do you think it is important that the child have connections with many people, and why?

How would you prefer your child to behave with strangers?

Are there are cases in which your child prefers to be only with you? Give an example.

Does your child like you? How do you know that?

How do you express your unique relationship with your child?

What the baby does on a regular day from morning to evening?

What are the dangers that your child encountered in the first year of life?

How would you describe a good mother?

How would you describe a bad mother?

How would you describe a good father?

How would you describe a bad father?

How would you describe a good child?

How would you describe a bad child?

126 Appendices

Appendix 3: Socio-demographic questionnaire

Questionnaire for mothers

1. Name:

2. Age in years:

3. Place of birth:

4. Economic activity:

5. Years of schooling:

6. Marital status: Married Widowed Divorced Single

Since when?

7. Are you living in your house? Yes No

If no, renting provided by a relative

8. With whom do you live?

Husband Grandparents Siblings Sitter Other relatives

If other relatives, who?

9. How many children do you have?

Age Gender

Temperament:

hot or cold

How much time do

you spend with this

child

What activities do you

like best to do with this

child

127 Appendices

Appendix 4: Socialization goals questionnaire


Instruction:

first

three years. Please express your agreement or disagreement spontaneously and in the same way as

before.

I agree ... 1

not at all

2

3

4

5 6

completely

During the first three years of life, children should:

1. learn to share with others 1 2 3 4 5 6

2. develop own ideas 1

2 3 4 5 6

3. learn to understand the emotions of others 1

2 3 4 5 6

4. learn not to misbehave 1 2 3 4 5 6

5. develop independence 1 2 3 4 5 6

6. develop self-confidence 1 2 3 4 5 6

7. learn to obey parents 1

2 3 4 5 6

8. learn to be independent 1

2 3 4 5 6

128 Appendices

9. learn to obey older people 1 2 3 4 5 6

10. learn to care for the wellbeing of others 1 2 3 4 5 6

11. become assertive 1

2 3 4 5 6

12. develop self-esteem 1

2 3 4 5 6

13. learn to help others (mother, siblings) 1

2 3 4 5 6

14. learn to cheer up others 1 2 3 4 5 6

15. learn to make own decisions (e.g., what to do or eat) 1 2 3 4 5 6

16. learn to do something on their own 1

2 3 4 5 6

17. learn not to answer their parents back 1

2 3 4 5 6

18. learn to be different from the group 1 2 3 4 5 6

19. learn to behave appropriately 1

2 3 4 5 6

20. learn to respect elderly persons 1

2 3 4 5 6

21. learn to follow their own needs 1

2 3 4 5 6

22. learn to do what parents say 1

2 3 4 5 6

129 Appendices

Appendix 5:

- Designing context-informed interventions

1. Whom do you consider children at risk in your community?

2. What causes problems?

3. What kind of problems that children have in your community need other type of

assistance than what you can offer?

4. What type of assistance do they need?

5. How do you help children at risk in your community?

6. What solves problems for children?

7. What kind of help is offered to children at risk in your community that does not fit your

tradition?

130 Appendices

Appendix 6: A women's focus group at the end of the data collection

1. What do you think about the study and about the acquaintance with me?

2. Is my entry to the villages affected on you and how?

3. What do you think about the process that the women passed?

4. What do you take from my study?

5. How do you want me to I introduce you in the article that I am writing? As a society in

transition, as a society in change? As a traditional society?

6. After the data analysis, I noticed that happening a dynamic process in the Bedouin

society. How this process occurs and how it affects the society in general and the women

in particular.

7.

8. The findings showed that the value of education get an important place in the interviews,

what are you doing to nurture the child and encourage him to get an educatio n? How your

desire to higher education affects your child rearing practices?

9. When I want to write about your faith and the forces that keep the child against the evil

eye, what do you prefer to write about this issue?

131 Appendices

group- stranger anxiety

1. Greet everyone; ask for permission for audiotaping the conversation.

2. What is the first thing that comes to mind when you hear the word stranger

3. Videos

a. Introduction: we are now going to watch two videos about two children

reacting to the presence of a stranger.

b. Show the two videos directly after another without a break inbetween

i. Video A (child that is fearful of stranger and protests the separation)

ii. Video B (child that shows no reaction or is engaging with the stranger

and is fine with being separated from the mother)

c. What do you think about the Videos you just saw?

d. Which reaction is more normal, which would you have expected

e. Which reaction would you prefer?

f. Why do the children react the way they do?

g. Would you like your child to develop relationships with a small amount of

people or with many people?

132 Appendices

Appendix 8: Focus groups with Bedouin fathers

What puts Bedouin children at risk?

What are sources of different risks? - In the family, outside the family, natural or caused

by people or circumstances?

Was there an organization of the residents to solve the shortage problem of recreational

places for children?

How do you think you can escape the circle of danger?

How do different risks effect children?

How do you help a child in distress?

What is the role of man in the Bedouin family?

If something bad happens in the family, to one of the family members, does it affect the

small children? How? What do you do about it? Who is supposed to do it? Who can/

should help?

What makes a child feel safe?

How would you describe a good mother?

How would you describe a bad mother?

How would you describe a good father?

How would you describe a bad father?

How would you describe a good child?

How would you describe a bad child?

What are cultural practices, which it is desirable to educate the child in order to succeed

in the future?

What is the impact of the environment in which the child lives, in life in general and in

his/her education?

Is polygamy has an impact on children? How?

Is polygamy affects women themselves? How?

What is your dream for your children?

133 Appendices

Appendix 9: Coding scheme for mother- infant spontaneous interaction (Carra, Lavelli,

Keller & Kärtner, 2013)

7

A. GAZE DIRECTION

1. Gazing elsewhere

2.

3. Gazing at the object

B. EXPRESSIVE CONFIGURATIONS

1. Neutral attention

2. Active attention

3. Excited attention

4. Smiling

5. Cooing without sound emission

6. Cooing with sound emission

7. Fussy/Crying

8. Drowsy

0. NOT ENGAGED

A. FACIAL BEHAVIORS

1. No facial behavior

2. Observing

3.

4. Gazing at the infant with smiling

5. Facial stimulation

134 Appendices

6. Facial mirroring

B. VOCAL BEHAVIORS

1. No vocal behavior

2. Talking

3. Affectionate talking

4. Rhythmic vocalizing

5. Singing

6. Vocal mirroring

C. BODY CONTACT

1. No body contact

2. Whole body

3. On the lap

4. With hands

D. BODY STIMULATION

1. No body stimulation

2. Vestibular

3. Rhythmic vestibular

4. Kinesthetic

5. Rhythmic kinesthetic

6. Motor

7. Rhythmic motor

8. Tactile

9. Rhythmic tactile

10. Body mirroring

E. PRIMARY CARE

1. No primary care

2. Primary care

F. OBJECT STIMULATION

1. No object stimulation

2. Object orientation

135 Appendices

3. Visual

4. Auditory

5. Visual and auditory

6. Tactile

7. Tactile and visual

8. Tactile, visual and auditory

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