1. introduction. the term "baba malays" is used to refer to the straits
TRANSCRIPT
The Development of Articles in Baba Malay
Elzbieta Thurgood
California State University, Chico
Abstract. This paper offers a synchronic analysis of nineteenth-century Baba
Malay ini and itu. On the basis of narrative stories published in the Baba Malay
newspaper Bintang Timor, the paper argues that Baba Malay used these forms
as both definite articles and as demonstratives; when ini and itu precede a
noun, they function as demonstratives, but when they follow a noun, they
function as definite articles. The evidence for the distinction between demon
stratives and definite articles is found in textual frequencies and discourse
functions of ini and itu. Nineteenth-century Baba Malay developed both a
proximal and a distal definite article, with the choice between the two definite
articles ini and itu reflecting complex discourse considerations.
1. Introduction. The term "Baba Malays" is used to refer to the Straits-born
Chinese, who have resided either in Melaka or in Singapore for generations.
Chinese settlements in Melaka can be traced back to at least the fourteenth
century; Chinese settlements in Singapore began with the founding of the city in
1819. The early Chinese immigrants in Melaka intermarried with the local
people, adopting the local Malay culture and the Malay language, but at the
same time they preserved some of their Chinese heritage. On the basis of the
historical facts documented in the work of historians (Clammer 1983; Preedman
1962, among others) as well as nineteenth-century commentators (Vaughan
1974), it is clear that the first contacts between the Chinese and Malays gave the
former full access to Malay culture and language.
The linguistic assimilation of Chinese immigrants in Melaka resulted in the
formation of a new variety of Malay, Baba Malay. The Chinese immigrants who
settled in Melaka and later in Singapore originally spoke Min dialects—primari
ly Hokkien, but closely related Teochiu as well. Prom these dialects they shifted
to local varieties of Malay into which they introduced some Hokkien elements
(Thurgood 1998).
In the nineteenth century, there must have been a rich variety of speakers
of Baba Malay. Baba Malay was the business language used not only by the
already established Babas, but also by Malays and the newly arrived Chinese
immigrants. In 1887, Lim referred to Baba Malay as the Malay "spoken by all
nationalities in the colonies of the Straits Settlements, with the exception of the
Europeans" (l887:i). Given such a variety of speakers, it would be unexpected
for there to be a single, undifferentiated, unified variety of Baba Malay. The
variant of Baba Malay analyzed in this study represents the Baba Malay
471
472 Anthropological Linguistics 43 no. 4
language before it was inundated and dramatically influenced by the arrival of
the great influx of Hokkien and other Chinese speakers at the end of the nine
teenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. It is the Baba Malay
that, at that time, had been spoken for generations by the Babas as their first
language.
The paper makes two claims about the systematic variation between the
prehead and posthead positions of the determiners ini and itu in nineteenth-
century Baba Malay. First, the nineteenth-century Baba Malay determiners
function as demonstratives when in prehead position and as definite articles
when in posthead position, that is, there are the two functions distinguished
only by syntactic position. Second, Baba Malay has, not one, but two definite
articles, one developed from the proximal demonstrative and the other from the
distal demonstrative. The evidence for each claim is both qualitative and quan
titative. The qualitative proof is that Baba Malay articles are found in contexts
that do not allow the use of demonstratives. The quantitative proof is found in
positional frequencies. The frequencies of the demonstrative use correspond to
the frequencies of demonstratives in other languages; the frequencies of the
definite article use correspond to the frequencies of articles. Further, it is shown
that the choice between the proximal article and the distal article is discourse
based, involving the interaction of the animacy hierarchy with a discourse hier
archy (cf. Chafe 1994). The emergence of definite articles from demonstratives has also been pos
ited for a number of other languages, for example, for English (Christophersen
1939); German (Lockwood 1968); Finnish (Laury 1995); and the Romance lan
guages Vulgar Latin, Portuguese, Spanish, and Rumanian (Williams 1962;
Lathrop 1980; Faingold 1996).1 The descriptions of the development of definite
articles in Swahili (Ashton 1944) and in Montagnais (Cyr 1993) offer par
ticularly useful comparisons for the study of Baba Malay definite articles.
Swahili and Montagnais share with Baba Malay two crosslinguistically rather
rare phenomena. First, in Swahili and Montagnais, the articles and demon
stratives are distinguished only by a difference in position. The same claim will
be made for Baba Malay. Second, Montagnais, like Baba Malay, uses the same
form for both, except that the positions are reversed—the postposed determiners
function as definite articles and the preposed determiners function as demon
stratives.
1.1. Baba Malay data. The analysis of Baba Malay demonstratives is based
on the data that come from the first Baba Malay newspaper Bintang Timor
(published from 2 July 1894 to 2 July 1895). The paper was used to report
local news and news from abroad; it was used to advertise, and to tell stories. It
also included Baba Malay pantun and syair, that is, Malay-style poems, and
dondang sayang, that is, Malay-style pantuns set to music.2
The database for this study consists of four narrative stories published in
2001
Bintang Timor 1
orang adekberac
fieri hal mak tit
and her stepchil
(FYC) 'About the
Cherita dua safa
long). Each oft!
period of two to 1
variety of Malay
variety of Malay
2. Demonstrati
language shift
originated when
of Malay. The st
the two demons
nouns (and class
(1) cit ui siai
this CL gen
'this gentlema
(2) hit ui tha\
that CL lad:
'that lady' (Be
In contrast, 1
itu, follow the h<
and itu was note
"they commonly i
before it, as para
'that man'" (1852
not simply obser
had the possibili
head position. O
on Malay only me
said in 1927 that
words, if any, d<
"any descriptive
or adjectival phr;
In Malay, ini
cles. These dual 1
noted that "the
often, where the?
43 no. 4
y the arrival of
nd of the nine-
he Baba Malay
is as their first
m between the
in nineteenth-
ay determiners
lefinite articles
s distinguished
tut two definite
j other from the
ative and quan-
und in contexts
jroofisfoundin
je correspond to
quencies of the
ther, it is shown
icle is discourse
* discourse hieir-
is also been pos-
[Christophersen
le Romance lan-
(Williams 1962;
unent of definite
1993) offer par-
iefinite articles,
uistically rather
cles and demon-
j same claim will
iy, uses the same
)sed determiners
action as demon
stratives is based
r Bintang Timor
is used to report
dtotellstories.lt
style poems, and
>ries published in
2001 ELZBIETA THURGOOD 473
Bintang Timor between July and October I894. These stories are Cherita dua
orangadek beradek (CDO) "The story of two siblings' (3,094 words long), Cherita
deri hal mak tiri dengan anak tirinya (CDHMT) 'A story about a stepmother
and her stepchild' (1,766 words long), Putri yang chinta bapanya sperti garam
(PYC) 'About the princess who loved her father like salt' (3,120 words long), and
Cherita dua sahabatyang baik (CDS) 'A story of two good friends' (1,674 words
long). Each of the stories was published in serial form every other day over a
period of two to three weeks. The Baba Malay used in the stories is an informal
variety of Malay whose grammatical patterns are not found in a more standard
variety of Malay.3
2. Demonstratives and definite articles in the Baba Malay context of
language shift. Baba Malay system of demonstratives and definite articles
originated when the Chinese immigrants shifted from Hokkieii to local varieties
of Malay. The shift to Malay required learning a new word order. In Hokkien,
the two demonstratives, the proximal cit and the distal hit always precede
nouns (and classifiers), as shown in (1) and (2).
(1) cit ui sian-si
this CL gentleman
'this gentleman'
(2) hit ui thai-thai
that CL lady
'that lady' (Bodman 1987:15)
In contrast, the two Malay demonstratives, the proximal ini and the distal
itu, follow the head noun. However, a variation in the syntactic position of ini
and itu was noted in nineteenth-century Malay by Crawfurd, who reports that
"they commonly follow the noun or pronoun, but may also be occasionally placed
before it, as parampiian ini or ini parampuan 'this woman'; laki itu or itu laki
'that man'" (1852:28).4 This observation suggests that, assuming Crawfurd was
not simply observing the variation in Baba Malay, rtineteenth-century Malay
had the possibility of prehead position, in addition to the more common post-
head position. Contrary to Crawfurd's early observations, later commentators
on Malay only mention posthead position for ini and itu. Winstedt, for example,
said in 1927 that ini and itu follow "the word that they qualify and follow all the
words, if any, denoting its attributes" (1957:116). Similarly, Lewis said that
"any descriptive words which belong to the noun (i.e., any attributive adjective
or adjectival phrase) must come before the ini or itu" (1968:55).
In Malay, ini and itu may function as both demonstratives and definite arti
cles. These dual functions have been commented on in the literature. Crawfurd
noted that "the demonstrative pronouns, especially itu, are much used, and
often, where they would appear to us, redundant" (1852:28). He suggested that
474 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 43 NO. 4
"they seem to be equivalent to our definite article, or to the Latin Me, turned
into an article ..." (1852:28). Almost a hundred years later, Winstedt gave a
more detailed description of mi and itu saying that the demonstrative pronoun
itu means 'the, that, those' and refers to "the well-known, the distant in time
and space," and that the demonstrative pronoun ini means 'this, these' and
refers to "the particular, the near in time and space" (1957:116). In Lewis's
description of Malay, both ini and itu were marked as being "at times the
equivalent of the English definite article 'the'," when "the thing to which the
noun refers has been under discussion, or is familiar to the hearer, or ... is well
known to everybody" (1968:55-56). Here, Lewis observed that, for Malay, it is
particularly itu that may function as a definite article.
3. The qualitative proof. For a particular language, there is usually agree
ment as to what a demonstrative is and what a definite article is; occasionally,
however, there are problems of definition. These problems arise when demon
stratives do not express what is often at least assumed to be their primary
meaning—denoting spatial distance (cf. Lyons 1977:646; Pillmore 1982:48;
Anderson and Keenan 1985:259; among others). Kirsner (1979:358), for exam
ple, has shown that, in Dutch, demonstratives do not have to signal spatial dis
tance at all, but instead they may signal a relative degree of focus placed on a
referent by the speaker. As a result, in some contexts, the Dutch proximate
demonstrative signals a relatively high degree of attention placed on the refer
ent by the speaker (regardless of the spatial distance), whereas the distal de
monstrative signals a relatively low degree of attention placed on the referent.
In other contexts, however, these demonstratives do signal spatial distance.
Establishing that a particular demonstrative has actually become a definite
article has to be based on criteria that explicitly differentiate between those
usages shared by both definite articles and demonstratives and those usages
restricted just to definite articles. The criteria used in this study follow those of
Hawkins (1978, 1984, 1991), who discusses various different uses of demon
stratives and definite articles, and then collapses them into the following four:
the anaphoric use, the visible situation use, the larger situation use, and the
associative anaphoric use. The first use, the anaphoric use, does not discrimi
nate between demonstratives and articles. The second use, the visible situation
use, discriminates between demonstratives and definite articles under certain
circumstances. The remaining two, the larger situation use and the associative
anaphoric use, are restricted to definite articles; only the posthead occurrences
of ini and itu display these uses. This correlation between the syntactic position
and the functions performed by ini and itu constitute the basis for the claim
that, besides demonstratives, Baba Malay also has two definite articles.
3.1. The anaphoric use. Both demonstratives and definite articles display
the anaphoric use. In (3) below, the anaphoric use of ini is illustrated.
2001
(3) Dahulu ada a
before be 01
perampuan? j
woman <
datang kapad
come to-3SG
'In an earlier tii
the king called
In(3),anewparti(
the numeral satu'
is referred to as
anaphoric definite
Like ini, itu 1
and (5).
(4) dan atorkan s)
and arrange a
'and everything
(5) kumdian diai
afterwards 3PL
'then they took 8
In (4), kemah 'ten
precedes the head:
rumah 'house'. In
position. A more c<
(6) dia tengok api
3SG look fire
ayer sudah
water already
tetapi dia ta't
but 3SG not
'he saw that th<
already brough
done all the wor
The anaphoric de
events: the fire be
the tables and cha
events are the refe
Intheanaphoi
position, but also ii
43 no. 4 2001 Elzbieta Thurgood 475
.tin Me, turned
ifinstedt gave a
xative pronoun
distant in time
Jus, these' and
16). In Lewis's
I "at times the
ng to which the
•er, or... is well
, for Malay, it is
s usually agree-
is; occasionally,
ge when demon-
e their primary
illmore 1982:48;
):358), for exam-
ignal spatial dis-
bcus placed on a
)utch proximate
iced on the refer-
>as the distal de-
1 on the referent,
itial distance.
Decome a definite
te between those
and those usages
dy follow those of
t uses of demon-
he following four:
tion use, and the
ioes not discrirni-
e visible situation
:les under certain
ad the associative
thead occurrences
syntactic position
■asis for the claim
te articles.
.te articles display
istrated.
(3) Dahulu ada aatu raja dalam sebuah negri yang ada tujoh anak
before be one king inside one-CL country that have seven child
perampuan.6 Pads suatu hari raja ini panggil anak-nya tujoh tujoh
woman on one day king this call child-3SG seven seven
datang kapada-nya,
come to-3SG
'In an earlier time, there was a king of a country who had seven daughters. One day
the king called his seven daughters to him,' (PYC:l-2)
In (3), a new participant, raja 'king', is first introduced as satu raja 'a king' with
the numeral satu 'one' functioning very much like an indefinite article. Then, he
is referred to as raja ini 'the king'. Ini in raja ini marks the phrase as an
anaphoric definite NP.
like ini, itu also marks a particular referent as definite, as shown in (4)
and (5).
(4) dan atorkan smoa barang itu didalam aatu rumah kemah
and arrange all thing that inside one CL tent
'and everything was arranged inside a tent1 (PYC:265)
(5) kumdian diaorang ambil satu krosi letakkan diluar kemah itu
afterwards 3PL take one chair put outside tent that
'then they took a chair and put it outside the tent' (PYC:272-73)
In (4), kemah 'tent' is marked as a new referent by the classifier phrase that
precedes the head noun and consists of the numeral satu 'one' and the classifier
rumah 'house'. In (5), kemah 'tent' is marked as definite by itu in the posthead
position. A more complicated example of anaphora is shown in (6).
(6) dia tengok api dapor-nya sudah menyala bilek-nya sudah sapu,
3SG look fire kitchen-3SG already light room-3SG already sweep
ayer sudah sedia angkat, meja dan bangku smoa sudah bersih,
water already ready lift table and stool all already clean
tetapi dia ta'tahu siapa yang sudah bikin smoa kerja ini,
but 3SG not.know who that already make all work this
'he saw that the fire in his kitchen was lit, his room was swept, the water was
already brought, the tables and chairs were all clean, but he did not know who had
done all the work,' (CDHMT: 178-81)
The anaphoric definite NP smoa kerja ini 'all the work' refers back to four
events: the fire being lit; the room being swept; the water being brought; and,
the tables and chairs being cleaned. The anaphoric use of ini signals that these
events are the referents of the NP smoa kerja ini 'all the work'.
In the anaphoric use, Baba Malay ini and itu occur not only in the posthead
position, but also in the prehead position. Compare (4M6) above with (7) below.
476 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 43 NO. 4
(7) dan dia dapat satu mimpi dia tengok ada satu hutan, daXam itu
and 3SG get one dream 3SG look be one jungle inside that
hutan ada satu orang bertapo, ini orang bertapa jikalau dia tidor
jungle be one person hermit this person hermit if 3SG sleep
dua bias tahun
two teen year
'and he had a dream in which he seemed to be in a jungle, in the jungle there was a
hermit, the hermit would sleep twelve years' (PYC:l62-64)
Examples (4M7) illustrate the anaphoric use of ini and itu characteristic of
definite articles and demonstratives.
3.2. The immediate situation use. Hawkins (1978:110-15) says that, with a
demonstrative, it is essential for the hearer to be able to see the referent; but,
with a definite article, the hearer does not have to be able to see the referent. He
observes that it is not the function of definite articles to signal visibility "even
when the referent is to be located in the immediate situation of utterance in
which it is potentially visible" (1978:114). Thus, in (8), the hearer is warned
about a dog in the immediate vicinity, but it is not necessarily visible to him.
(8) Don't go there, chum. The dog will biteyou. (Hawkins 1978:112)
In contrast, a demonstrative in the same sentence would instruct the hearer "to
identify the object itself, and thus it actually has a visibility requirement built
into it as part of its meaning" (Hawkins 1978:115).
The four Baba Malay texts examined in this study have been analyzed in
light of Hawkins's observation. Although ini and itu do not often occur in the
prehead position, when they do and when this is a first mention, the referent is
always visible. For example, it is clear from the story PYC that, in (9), the
interlocutors can see the jungle that is referred to with the NP ini hutan 'this
jungle'. Similarly, it is clear from the story CDO that, in (10), the interlocutors
can see the water referred to with the NP itu ayer 'that water'.
(9) mengapa angkau datang didalam ini hutan,
why 2SG come inside this jungle
'Why did you come into this jungle?' (FYC:198)
(10) "jikalau angkau mandi badan bulih dapat kuat dan segar,
if 2SG bathe body can get strong and refreshed
lekas-lah itu ayer nanti sejok"
fast-EMPH that water later cold
'"if you wash, you will feel strong and be refreshed, quickly before that water gets
cold,"' (CDO:263-64)
2001
However, w
their referents a
visible, as, for ex
red to as raja ini
(11) angkau dud*
2SG sit
'please sit an<
But the crucial e?
the hearer is in i
with the posthea
(12) Maka bertru
then cry.ou'
selak klaml
open mosqi
"Then the ol<
(CDO:276-7'/
Thus, in (12), itu
such cases, ini an
demonstratives i
3.3. Larger sitx
noted that there
namely, what he1
use. "The larger
various kinds, e.j
objects" (Hawkin
lish town has a to
mentioned for th<
(13) Halifax is as
last year. (Ht
Hawkins (19'
for the associative
cles requires a lin
(14) The man drovt
1978:123)
Hawkins (1978:1
lead to the definii
43 no. 4
alam
iside
itu
that
siau dia tidor
3SG sleep
angle there was a
characteristic of
jays that, with a
he referent; but,
the referent. He
I visibility "even
i of utterance in
earer is warned
risible to him.
ict the hearer "to
squirement built
been analyzed in
ften occur in the
m, the referent is
that, in (9), the
fP ini hutan 'this
the interlocutors
egar,
efreshed
fore that water gets
2001 ELZBIETA THURGOOD 477
However, when ini and itu occur in posthead position, there are times when
their referents are clearly not visible. Sometimes, of course, the referents are
visible, as, for example, in (11), where both interlocutors can see the king refer
red to as raja ini 'the king'.
(11) angkau dudok tunggu raja ini,
2SG sit watch.over king this
'please sit and watch over the king,' (PYC:93)
But the crucial examples are when the referents are not visible, as in (12), where
the hearer is in another room and thus cannot see the mosquito net referred to
with the posthead determiner itu.
(12) Maka bertriak-lah baboo tua itu, dengan berkata, "Hai, jangan-lah
then cry.out-EMPH domestic old that with say hey don't-EMFH
selak klambu itu,"
open mosquito.net that
'Then the old nurse called out, saying, "Hey, don't open the mosquito net,"'
(CDO:276-77)
Thus, in (12), itu must be an article since the referent is clearly not visible. In
such cases, ini and itu pattern like definite articles in posthead position, but like
demonstratives in prehead position.
3.3. Larger situation and associative anaphoric uses. Hawkins (1978)
noted that there are uses of articles that are not shared by demonstratives,
namely, what he terms "the larger situation use" and "the associative anaphoric
use." The larger situation use requires "a general knowledge that situations of
various kinds, e.g., weddings, villages, countries, etc., generally contain certain
objects" (Hawkins 1978:119). For example, the general knowledge that an Eng
lish town has a town clerk makes it possible to refer to the town clerk even when
mentioned for the first time, as in (13)-
(13) Halifax is a sleepy little Yorkshire town. The town clerk was involved in a scandal
last year. (Hawkins 1978:120)
Hawkins (1978) shows that referring to general knowledge is also the basis
for the associative anaphoric use of the definite article. This use of definite arti
cles requires a linguistic referent which triggers relevant associations, as in (14).
(14) The man drove past our house in a car. The exhaust fumes were terrible. (Hawkins
1978:123)
Hawkins (1978:123) observes that the first NP a car triggers associations that
lead to the definiteness of the exhaust fumes. Hawkins notes that, although it is
478 Anthropological Linguistics 43 no. 4 2001
not clear what the parameters defining the set of possible associates are, "the
notion 'part-of' seems to play and important role in denning... possible associ
ates" (1978:123). He observes that "the trigger must conjure up a set of objects
which are generally known to be part of some larger object or situation" (1978:
123-24).
This associative use of Baba Malay itu is illustrated in (15) and (16) below.
(15) Tetakala sudah sampai ka-iatana-nya, dia suroh orang orang-nya
when already arrive to-palace-3SG 3SG order person person-3SG
riaskan dalam istana itu dengan segala perhiasan
decorate inside palace that with all decoration
'When they arrived at his palace, he ordered his/the people to decorate the inside of
the palace' (CDO:226-27)
(16) Maka sahari hari dia bermain main-lah di dalam taman itu,
after.that one.day day 3SG play play-EMPH at inside garden that
"Then every day he/she/it played in the garden,' (CDO:234)
In (16), this associative, first-mention use of taman 'garden' occurs with the
determiner itu already in posthead position, suggesting that it is an article. The
larger context provided by the story makes it clear that the definiteness of
taman 'garden' has been established by associating it with istana 'palace' refer
red to in (15).
In a similar way, but in a different story, the earlier mention of tempat tidur
'the bed' in. (17) allows the narrator to use a posthead itu when referring to a
nearby corner penjuru itu 'the corner' in (18).
. (17) angkau mesti masok tempat tidor,
you must enter place sleep
'you must go to bed,' (CDHMT: 19)
(18) baik juga dia ada berdiri ditepi penjuru itu,
good again 3SG be stand at.edge corner that
'it was good that she was standing in the corner,' (CDHMT:24)
Reference to general knowledge is also illustrated in (19), where the deter
miner ini is used to refer to kebun 'garden* on the first mention.
(19) bagaimana elok nampaknya rumah ini, dan brapa chantek
how handsome see house this and how.much beautiful
kebun ini dengan kolam-nya,
garden this with pool-3SG
'how handsome the house looked, and how beautiful the garden with its pool was,'
(PYC:6l-62)
Examples (16M
in which the twc
some larger obje
tion, suggesting
Baba Malay
other nrst-menti
ically related to
that in such uses
(20) tengok mats
see eye-d
diseblah
down.at.sidt
'did you see
(CDS:9-11)
In (20), mata-hai
visible to the in
introduced refert
Obviously, this \
makes it possibh
The general
(in standard Me
cheritakan dent
Beginda Sultan <
the Sultan of Jo
mention, as in (2
(21) Dato ini n
dato this g
di rumahny
to house-3S
'The Dato ga
Chinese.' (D
Similarly, the re
mentioned for th
(22) Pada suaiu
on one
'One day the 1
In (22), howeve
country' intervej
ambiguity as in ]
43 no. 4
iciates are, "the
possible associ-
) a set of objects
ituation" (1978:
and (16) below.
orang-nya
person-3SG
>rate the inside of
taman itu,
garden that
occurs with the
s an article. The
; definiteness of
xa 'palace' refer-
l of tempat tidur
m referring to a
2001 Elzbieta Thurgood 479
where the deter-
i.
chantek
luch beautiful
with its pool was,'
Examples (16)-(19) illustrate a very frequent use of Baba Malay ini and itu, one
in which the two determiners are used to mark a particular NP as being part of
some larger object. In such uses, ini and itu always occur in the posthead posi
tion, suggesting that posthead position is associated with definite articles.
Baba Malay determiners in posthead position are also used to refer to still
other first-mention objects that are neither visible to interlocutors nor anaphor-
ically related to a previously introduced referent. Nonetheless, it can be shown
that in such uses ini and itu function as definite articles, as, for example, in (20).
(20) tengok mata-hari itu chahyanya merah lagi, tetapi dia sudah turun
see eye-day that glow-3SG red more but 3SG already come
diseblah kanan,
down.at.side right
'did you see the sun glowing red, but it has already set on the right side,'
(CDS:9-H)
In (20), mata-hari 'sun' is mentioned for the first time in the story. Although not
visible to the interlocutors, and not anaphorically related to any previously
introduced referent, mata-hari 'sun' is referred to with itu in posthead position.
Obviously, this use results from shared general knowledge about the sun that
makes it possible to refer to it with a definite article even on the first mention.
The general knowledge that a Malay state has a governor called a dato
(in standard Malay datuk) makes it possible for the narrator of the story Di
cheritakan dengan rengkasnya waktu kawin-nya Tuan putri anak-anda
Beginda Sultan Johore (DDR) 'A short report of the wedding of the daughter of
the Sultan of Johore' to refer to the dato with the definite article on the first
mention, as in (21).
(21) Dato ini membri satu mata-matanya menyuroh sahya pergi
dato this give one eye-eye-3SG order 1SG go
di rumahnya satu towkay China
to house-3SG one towkay China
'The Dato gave one of his constables an order that I was to go to the house of a
Chinese.' (DDR: 18)
Similarly, the raja 'king' in (22) is referred to as raja . . . itu 'the king' when
mentioned for the first time.
(22) Pada suatu hari raja didalam negri itu datang memburu,
on one day king at.inside country that come hunt
' One day the king of that country came to hunt,' (CDO:98)
In (22), however, there is the prepositional phrase didalam negri 'in the
country' intervening between raja and the determiner itu. This leads to scope
ambiguity as in Baba Malay it is not possible to say *raja didalam negri itu itu
480 Anthropological Linguistics 43 no. 4 2001
(cf. Cumming [1991:23] about Malay). However, regardless of the reading, this
use is consistent with the analysis given in this paper.
3.4. Concluding remarks. Qualitative proof for the existence of the Baba
Malay posthead definite articles ini and itu is found in their four basic uses. In
each case, when a use differentiates between demonstratives and articles, the
demonstrative use is associated with prehead position and the article use is
associated with posthead position. Thus, demonstratives and articles are readily
differentiated on the basis of these tests and on the basis of their syntactic
position.
4. The quantitative proof. The quantitative proof for the existence of Baba
Malay definite articles is found in positional frequencies. The numbers given in
table 1 show the frequencies of ini and itu per full NP in the four Baba Malay
stories analyzed for this study. The frequency of ini and itu is far, far higher in
posthead position than in prehead position, as might be expected. In the four of
the Baba Malay stories analyzed here, posthead ini and itu are used with
between 32.9 percent and 40.2 percent of the NPs. In contrast, in none of the
stories does the frequency of prehead ini and itu exceed 6.8 percent. These tex
tual frequencies by themselves suggest that posthead ini and itu are articles and
prehead ini and itu are demonstratives.
Table 1. Textual Frequencies of ini and itu in Two Syntactic Positions
TEXT NP + ini/itu ini/itu + HP TOTAL NPs
CDO
CDHMT
PYC
CDS
Total
38.4% (144) 39-5% (75) 40.2% (159)
32.9% (84)
38.0% (462)
3.5% (13)
3-7% (7) 6.8% (27)
4-7% (12)
4-9% (59)
100%
100%
100%
100%
(375) (190)
(395)
(255)
100% (1,215)
The Baba Malay textual frequencies correlate with the frequencies found in
other languages. In her study, Cyr (1993:221) compares the textual frequencies
of definite articles with the frequencies of demonstratives in such languages as
French, Italian, Cree, Swedish, Montagnais, and German. Her statistics are
based on narrative texts, short stories, and condensed versions of larger tales
(Cyr 1993:222). Cyr's frequencies for definite articles and demonstratives are
presented in table 2 and, for comparison, the textual frequencies of Baba Malay
ini and itu have been added.
The posthead frequencies of Baba Malay ini and itu correspond to the fre
quencies in other languages for definite articles; and, the prehead frequencies of
ini and itu correspond to the frequencies of demonstratives in other languages.
These numbers provide additional support for the claim that, in posthead posi
tion, Baba Malay ini and itu function as definite articles, but, in prehead posi
tion, they fun<
guages, NPs w
percent (in Pn
Malay with its
Table&Frequf
Malay, Italian,
Languac
Baba Me
Italian
French
Cree
Swedish
Montagr
German
4.1. Other Bi
represent less
Baba Malay N
are marked as •
As shown in tt
marks primari
Table 3. Freq
Constructions
Text
PYC6 CDO
CDHMT
Iftheyrefe
first-mention :
frequencies arc
Table4.Textui
Text
CDO
PYC
CDHM
Nouns the
characters tha
1994:90) occui
43 no. 4
the reading, this
jnce of the Baba
•ur basic uses. In
and articles, the
he article use is
tides are readily
>f their syntactic
ixistence of Baba
lumbers given in
four Baba Malay
far, far higher in
bed. In the four of
:u are used with
st, in none of the
jrcent. These tex-
u are articles and
*b8itions
italNPb
0% (375)
0% (190)
0% (395)
0% (255)
0% (1,215)
squencies found in
jxtual frequencies
such languages as
Her statistics are
ons of larger tales
emonstratives are
:ies of Baba Malay
respond to the fre-
tead frequencies of
n other languages.
;, in posthead posi-
it, in prehead posi-
2001 Elzbieta Thurgood 481
tion, they function as demonstratives. Table 2 shows that, in the seven lan
guages, NPs with definite articles and demonstratives represent from over 41
percent (in French) to over 62 percent (in German) of all NPs in the data; Baba
Malay with its 42.9 percent is more like French than German.
Table 2. Frequencies in the Use of Definite Articles and Demonstratives in Baba
Malay, Italian, French, Cree, Swedish, Montagnais, and German
Demonstrative
4.9%
7.2%
2.9%
2.9%
3.1%
2.9%
7.2%
4.1. Other Baba Malay NPs. In Baba Malay, the NPs with ini and itu
represent less than 50 percent of all NPs in the data, leaving the majority of
Baba Malay NPs marked in another way or unmarked. Some Baba Malay NPs
are marked as definite, not by ini or itu, but by free or bound pronominal forms.
As shown in table 3, the most common bound form is the enclitic -nya, which
marks primarily the third person as the possessor, and, of course, as definite.
Table 3. Frequencies of NPs with -nya and with Pronouns in Possessive
Constructions
TEXT
PYC6 CDO
CDHMT
NP-nya
11.6% (46)
31.5% (118)
33.2% (63)
NP +PRONOUN
3-3% (13) 4.0%
1.6%
(15)
(3)
Total NPs
100% (395)
100% (375)
100% (190)
If they refer to characters of primary or secondary importance (Chafe 1994),
first-mention referential indefinite NPs occur with classifiers. The textual
frequencies are given in table 4>
Table 4. Textual Frequencies of Indefinite NPs with Classifier Constructions
Text Classifier+NP TotalNPs
CDO
PYC
CDHMT
6.1% (23)
9.9% (39)
10.5% (20)
100% (375)
100% (395)
100% (190)
Nouns that refer to props and characters of trivial importance, that is,
characters that are "sources of information, but trivial in the discourse" (Chafe
1994:90) occur unmarked, not just on their first mention, but also on the
482 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 43 NO. 4 2001
subsequent mentions, a pattern that Baba Malay shares with Malay (Cumming
1991:96). Hie textual frequencies of unmarked nouns are given in table 5.
Table 5. Textual Frequencies of Unmarked Nouns ^^_
Text
cdo
PYC
CDHMT
CDS
Total
Unmarked NPb
16.5% (62)
15.1% (60)
10.5% (20)
8.6% (22)
13.5% (164)
TOTAL NPs
100% (375)
100% (395)
100% (190)
100% (255)
100% (1,215)
Thus, in their article use, ini and itu refer to primary and secondary charac
ters; references to props and trivial characters remain unmarked. The question
that remains to be answered is what Baba Malay does with the two definite
articles, ini and itu.
5. The two definite articles in Baba Malay. Baba Malay has two definite
articles—one developed from the proximal demonstrative and the other from
the distal demonstrative. As shown in table 6, both of the articles are used with
roughly equal frequency. The question is what determines which is used where.
Table 6. The Distribution of the Two Definite Articles
Text NP+ini NP+ itu
43% (36)
48% (69)
56% (42)
61% (97)
Total NPs
100% (84)
ioo% (144)
100% (75)
100% (159)
In the following sections, it is shown that the choice between the two definite
articles reflects the complex interaction of two different tendencies. The crucial
interplay is between Kuno's (1976) notion of "empathy," that is, in part, the
tendency to empathize with the subjects, and Chafe's (1994) notion of referen
tial importance.
5.1. Narrator's.empathy. Kuno suggests that grammatical choices can be
influenced by "the speaker's attitude towards the participants of the event that
he is describing" (1976:431). He uses the term "empathy" to "characterize the
speaker's identification, in varying degrees, with a participant in an event"
(Kuno 1976:431). Kuno describes the speaker's empathy hierarchy as follows:
Surface Structure Empathy Hierarchy (revised): It is easiest for the speaker to
empathize with the referent of the subject than with the referents of other NPs
in the sentence. [Kuno 1987:211]
This hierarchy
the proximal articl<
the narrators use t
the subject. The re]
distal by itu. That ii
other NPs. Compar
(23) maka raja ini
then king this
'then the king be
(24) dan itek ini
and duck this
'and the duck sw
In (23), the subj
but anak perawan
Likewise, in (24) fro
as definite in diffei
subject or not. Exe
throughout the Bal
the proximal defini
distal definite articl
Table 7 present
versus nonsubjects
stories, the use of i
with nonsubjects is
tion is reversed witt
Table 7. The Use oft
Text
CDHMT
PYC
CDO
Table 8-The Use oft
TEXT
CDHMT
PYC
CDO
The use of itu w
jects it occurs over
itu also correlates v
43 no. 4
lalay (Cumming
i in table 5.
NPs
(375)
(395) (190)
(255)
1,215)
scondary charac-
:ed. The question
the two definite
' has two definite
d the other from
les are used with
ch is used where.
otalNPs
)0% (84)
D0% (144)
30% (75)
30% (159)
n the two definite
ncies. The crucial
at is, in part, the
notion of referen-
sal choices can be
9 of the event that
"characterize the
>ant in an event"
archy as follows:
.* the speaker to
its of other NPs
2001 Elzbieta Thurgood 483
This hierarchy of "empathy" can be seen in the Baba Malay distribution of
the proximal article and the distal article. Throughout the Baba Malay stories,
the narrators use the proximal definite article ini to mark high empathy with
the subject. The referents of the other NPs, in contrast, are usually marked as
distal by itu. That is, typically, the speaker is "closer" to the subject than to the
other NPs. Compare (23) and (24) below.
(23) maka raja ini jnulai berchakap kepada anak perawan itu
then king this begin speak to child woman that
'then the king began speaking to the girl' (CDO:217)
(24) dan itek ini bernang-lah kolam itu.
and duck this swim-EMPH pool that
'and the duck swam on the pond.' (CDHMT:103)
In (23), the subject raja 'king' occurs with the proximal definite article ini,
but anak perawan 'female child' occurs with the distal definite article itu.
Likewise, in (24) from a different story, the two NPs are grammatically marked
as definite in different ways depending on whether the particular NP is the
subject or not. Examples (23)-(24) illustrate a very common pattern found
throughout the Baba Malay narratives: referents of subjects are marked with
the proximal definite article ini; referents of other NPs are marked with the
distal definite article itu.
Table 7 presents the statistical frequencies in the use of ini with subjects
versus nonsubjects in three Baba Malay stories. In all three of the Baba Malay
stories, the use of ini with subjects exceeds 70.6 percent, while the use of ini
with nonsubjects is under 30 percent. However, as shown in table 8, the situa
tion is reversed with itu, which occurs predominately with nonsubjects.
Table 7. The Use of ini with Subjects vs. Nonsubjects
Text
cdhmt
PYC
CDO
Subjects
87.5% (28)
78.5% (51)
70.7% (53)
Nonsubjects
12.5% (4)
21.5% (14) 29.3% (12)
Table 8. The Use of itu with Subjects vs. Nonsubjects
Text
CDHMT
PYC
CDO
Subjects
22.0% (9)
24-7% (23) 32.4% (22)
Nonsubjects
78.0% (32)
75-3% (70) .
67.6% (46)
The use of itu with subjects never passes 32.4 percent, while with nonsub
jects it occurs over 67 percent of the time. Clearly, the occurrence of ini and
itu also correlates with the distinction between subjects and nonsubjects, and
484 ANTHROPOLOGICAL LINGUISTICS 43 NO. 4
reflects what Kuno described as a tendency to empathize with the subject.
Although this tendency usually completes the animacy hierarchy, at times the
two conflict.
5.2. The animacy hierarchy. The animacy hierarchy can be represented as
the distinction between human, nonhuman animate, and inanimate categories
in language. In the animacy hierarchy, humans are ranked above animals, and
animals are ranked above objects (Comrie 1989):
human > nonhuman animate > inanimate
The animacy hierarchy reflects the human point of view of the world: of primary
importance to humans are other humans, of secondary importance to humans
are animals, and of tertiary importance are objects. This hierarchy is sometimes
reflected in grammatical choices and sometimes in discourse choices.
In Baba Malay, the animacy hierarchy is reflected in the use of the two
definite articles ini and itu. Example (25) illustrates a case in which the gram
matical categories do not coincide with the animacy hierarchy.
(25) dan pintu itu pun terbuka lalu rusa ini masok dan pintu itu and door that also open then deer this enter and door that
tertutop kembali.
close return
' and the door opened, the deer entered, and the door closed again.' (CDO: 152-53)
Here, the first and the third clauses have the inanimate noun pintu 'door' as
their subjects; the second clause has the animate noun rusa 'deer' as its subject.
Notice that it is only the animate subject rusa 'deer' that is marked by ini; the
inanimate pintu, even though in the subject position, is marked by itu.
In (23)-(24), the grammatical category predicts the choice between the pro
ximal article ini and the distal article itu. Example (25) shows that the gram
matical category may not determine the choice if it conflicts with the animacy
hierarchy. Note that the animacy hierarchy, even more directly than the gram
matical category, reflects Kuno's (1976) empathy. In (25), where the animacy
considerations override the grammatical category, it is the most empathized
referent that is marked with im.
The statistical frequencies presented in table 6 show that the definite article
ini is used primarily to refer to human referents. In all three Baba Malay
stories, ini is used with human referents more than 84.5 percent of the time,
while the use of ini never exceeds 15-4 percent.
2001
Table 9. The Us<
Text
CDO
CDHMT
PYC
Unlike ini,
with nonhumar
table 10.
Table 10. The Ui
Text
CDO
CDHMT
PYC
5.3.Theinflue
definite article!
(1994) notion 0
characters of p
tance, with cer
example, consic
(26) dia-orang
3SG-person
'they both li:
The expression
her child who 1
expression dia-
though it is in
occurs with the
characters in t
taken from ano1
nonsubject posi
'hermit*.
(27) orang her
person hen
'the hermit'.
In(26H27),th<
in (28) below,
hierarchy are 0
43 no. 4
with the subject,
rchy, at times the
be represented as
nimate categories
bove animals, and
i world: of primary
trtance to humans
irchy is sometimes
choices.
he use of the two
n which the gram-
y-
n pintu itu
d door that
iin.' (CDO: 152-53)
>un pintu 'door' as
deer' as its subject,
marked by ini; the
•ced by itu.
:e between the pro-
)ws that the gram-
3 with the animacy
ctly than the gram-
svhere the animacy
3 most empathized
,the definite article
three Baba Malay
>ercent of the time,
2001 ElzbietaThurgood
Table 9. The Use of ini with Human Referents
485
Text
cdo
CDHMT
PYC
Human
100% (75)
87.5% (28)
84.6% (55)
NONHUMAN
0% (0)
12.5% (4)
15.4% (10)
Unlike ini, the use of itu correlates neither with human referents nor
with nonhuman referents, as shown by the statistical frequencies presented in
table 10.
Table 10. The Use of itu with Human and Nonhuman Referents
Text
CDO
CDHMT
PYC
Human
50.0% (34)
41.5% (17)
50.5% (47)
Nonhuman
50.0% (34)
59.0% (24)
49-5% (46)
5.3. The influence of the discourse hierarchy. The choice between the two
definite articles also interacts with a discourse hierarchy reflected in Chafe's
(1994) notion of referential importance. Chafe (1994) distinguishes between
characters of primary importance, secondary importance, and trivial impor
tance, with certain props, of course, falling outside of the classification. For
example, consider (26) below.
(26) dia-orang berdua itu angkat-lah permesuri ini
3SG-person both that lift-EMPH queen this
'they both lifted the queen' (CDO:265)
The expression dia-orang berdua 'both of them' refers to the stepmother and
her child who are characters of secondary importance. As a consequence, the
expression dia-orang berdua 'both of them' co-occurs with the distal itu, even
though it is in a subject position. In contrast, the noun permesuri 'queen' co-
occurs with the proximal article ini, because the queen is one of the two major
characters in the story and, thus, of primary importance. Similarly, in (27),
taken from another story, the raja 'king' is followed by ini, even though it is in a
nonsubject position, because the king is more important than the orang bertapa
'hermit*.
(27) orang bertapa itu banyaklah suka dengan raja ini,
person hermit that many-EMPH like with king this
'the hermit liked the king very much,' (FYC:196)
In (26)-(27), the influence of the grammatical category was overridden, whereas
in (28) below, the effects of both the grammatical category and the animacy
hierarchy are overridden.
"*Hj«r
486 anthropological Linguistics 43 no. 4
(28) maka raja itu sudah tengok
then king that already look
'Then the king saw the deer come/ (CDO:191)
rusa ini datang
deer this come
Here, the raja, is markedby the distal article itu, while rusa 'deer' is marked by
the proximal article ini. The ignoring of the grammatical category and of the
animacy hierarchy is imposed by the discourse importance of the rusa 'the deer',
which is of more importance in the story than the raja.
6. Conclusion. This study has examined ini and itu in the literary Baba
Malay of the nineteenth century. Using narrative stories published in the Baba
Malay newspaper Bintang Timor as a database, the paper has argued that ini
and itu function both as definite articles and as demonstratives. When ini and
itu precede nouns, they function as demonstratives; when they follow nouns,
they function as definite articles. Further, the Baba Malay system of definite
articles is particularly interesting because it distinguishes between a proximal
definite article ini and a distal definite article itu, a choice determined by the
interaction of grammatical and discourse considerations.
Baba Malay developed its system of articles in the course of language shift,
when Hokkien speakers shifted to Malay. The findings of this study suggest that
the system of nineteenth-century Baba Malay determiners reflects a com
promise between the distributional patterns found in Malay and in Hokkien.
The statistically more common Baba Malay pattern head + article comes from
Malay, while the statistically less common pattern demonstrative + head comes
from Hokkien, which itself has demonstratives in that position.
The Malay-like Baba language analyzed in this study was later influenced
by two events: a large influx of new Chinese immigrants, and the growth of
Singapore and other British controlled towns. From a linguistic point of view,
the first event brought an enormous number of new speakers of not just
Hokkien, but of other Chinese languages as well. The second event resulted both
in Baba Malay, not the Malay of the Malays, becoming the dominant language of
the Straits Settlements, and in English, not Malay, being the most important
second language of the region. Thus, it would be interesting to examine modern
Baba Malay7 texts to see in what ways its determiner system resembles the
system of the nineteenth century and in what ways it has changed.
Notes
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Mohamed Risham Fauzi and Solakhia
Januari for assisting with text translation. I am indebted to Graham Thurgood, George
Grace, and Roderick Jacobs for helpful comments and discussions. I am grateful to
Barbara Anday a for generous assistance with the historical aspects of this paper, and to
Benjamin Ts'ou for his information about the Min dialects. Thanks are also due to Hein
Stemhauer and to an anonymous referee for their thoughtful comments. All errors, of
course, remain mine.
2001
Abbreviations
person; 3 = third ;
singular.
1. Frajzyngier
demonstratives (d
definite markers d
example, verbs of s
2. Vaughan s;
clever in extempor
themselves and the
and tomtoms" (19
tells how when he
Baba from Malacc
peting in the comp
489).
3. Although be;
widespread the syn
varieties of Malay
(Rafferty 1982), an
4. The Malays
5.TheBabaM:
6. Not included
main character of 1
used very much lil
son 1959:1101) ma
7. See, howeve:
modern Baba Mais
Anderson, Stephen
1985 Deixii
matic
Camb
Ashton, E. O.
1944 Swak Bodman, Nicholas
1987 Spoke
Chafe, Wallace
1994 Disco-
scious
Press
Christophersen, Ps
1939 The 4
Einar
Clammer, John
1983 The&
Capit
Whea
Collins, J.T.
1980 Ambo:
danP
43 no. 4
deer' is marked by
ategory and of the
he rusa 'the deer',
the literary Baba
)iished in the Baba
las argued that ini
ives. When ini and
they follow nouns,
system of definite
►etween a proximal
determined by the
e of language shift,
study suggest that
srs reflects a com-
ay and in Hokkien.
article comes from
rative + head comes
ion.
ras later influenced
and "the growth of
uistic point of view,
jeakers of not just
event resulted both
iminant language of
the most important
to examine modern
stem resembles the
nanged.
n Fauzi and Solakhia
lam Thurgood, George
iona. I am grateful to
:ts of this paper, and to
ks are also due to Hein
moments. All errors, of
2001 ELZBIETA THURGOOD 487
Abbreviations. The abbreviations used in the glosses are as follows: 2 = second
person; 3 = third person; CL = classifier; EMFH = emphatic particle; PL = plural; SG =
singular.
1. Frajzyngier (1996) challenges the assumption that definite articles develop from
demonstratives (cf. Greenberg 1978). On the basis of Chadic languages, he argues that
definite markers do not have to derive from deictic markers, but may originate from, for
example, verbs of saying (see Frajzyngier [1996] for discussion).
2. Vaughan says that "the Malacca Babas are exceedingly musical and are very
clever in extemporizing words to their tunes, and will for several hours at a time amuse
themselves and their guests by singing their pantuns, and lagus, accompanied by fiddles
and tomtoms" (1974:39). Vaughan's reports are confirmed by Munshi Abdullah, "who
tells how when he was accompanying his master from Johor on a voyage in 1871, four
Baba from Malacca were brought in to entertain the company in the evening by com
peting in the competition of pantun and songs with an old blind Malay" (Salmon 1987:
489). 3- Although beyond the scope of this work, it might be interesting to investigate how
widespread the syntactic patterns found in Baba Malay have been among other regional
varieties of Malay, which include Kelantan Peranakan Hokkien (Teo 1993), Chindo
(Rafferty 1982), and Ambonese Malay (Collins 1980; Dix Grimes 1991,1994).
4. The Malay spelling is the original orthography used by Crawfurd (1852).
5.The Baba Malay spelling is the original orthography used in Bintang Timor.
6. Not included here are the fifty occurrences of the term si Putri used to refer to the
main character of the story, the princess. The term si Putri in this Baba Malay story is
used very much like in Malay (cf. Marsden 1973:156), with "a titular prefix" si (Wilkin
son 1959:1101) marking a title-like use of the noun putri 'princess'.
7. See, however, Pakir (1986) andlim (1988) for their analyses of different aspects of
modern Baba Malay.
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