ABOUT THIS ISSUE

In the scientific study of human affairs there exists a growing divisionbetween two basic orientations. The general and central aim in oneorientation is to isolate and identify processes of the social integra-

tion of human beings in society and comprehend the mediums and in-novations (markets, information and communication technologies) thatpermit new forms and levels of association and contact between groupsseparated historically, culturally and geographically. In the other, thefocus is on how and when new forms of sociopolitical, economic andideological differentiation emerge from preexisting forms of contact andconnection. The first orientation operates on the assumption of the pri-ority of separation or differentiation and, then, contact and integrationbetween human beings. In contrast, the assumption of the second orien-tation is first connection or contact and then the historical constructionof separation and differences, as well as their use in power relations ref-lected in hierarchical and unequal forms of social and political econom-ic integration.

In all probability, a survey of national museums of Anthropologyand, especially, of the ways in which their exhibition rooms are orga-nized in accordance with supposedly isolated and internally homoge-neous cultures or civilizations, would reveal the power of the first ori-entation in Ethnology and Archaeology during the last century and ahalf. However, in the last two decades we have witnessed the develop-ment within Archaeology of the second orientation which presupposesextensive exchange and communication networks as the conditions thatmake possible the historical construction of complex societies in civi-lizations organized as open historical systems.

It is worth noting that this development in archeology has a non-archeological genealogy. The scholars of the construction of the modernworld and its civilization processes, Karl Marx, Fernand Braudel, Nor-bert Elias, Alexander Lesser, Andre Gunder Frank, Emmanuel Wallers-tein, Sidney Mintz and Eric Wolf, among others, are not archeologists.As this list suggests, approaches first developed in History, Economy,Sociology and Anthropology to deal with the questions and problemsconcerning modernity and the development and expansion of capital-

ism can be applied to the archeological study of premodern civiliza-tions. Of course, this process involves strategies of partial selectionfrom, and modification of, the approaches developed by the scholarsenumerated above, strategies developed specifically for the study ofancient precapitalist worlds. The Thematic Section of this issue (coordi-nated by Eduardo Williams) is an example of this process. The articlesin this section introduce us to a strategy for analyzing Mesoamerica asa world system that emerged in the Postclassic era (950-1521 a.d.).

Frances F. Berdan and Michael E. Smith present the central argu-ment about the characteristics and chronology of the development of asystem of macro-regional interaction; that is, a Mesoamerican worldsystem. They describe two great cycles of change during the Postclassic:first, the Early Postclassic (950-1150), after the collapse of the great civi-lizations that defined the Classic period (Teotihuacan, Monte Alban, theMayan Capitales) – when new patterns of interaction and interdepen-dence between regions were developed such as a common system of thedivision of labor and intensive commercial relations. The second cyclebegins with the collapse of Tula and Chichen Itza in the twelfth centu-ry. During the Middle and Late Postclassic (1200-1520), factors such aspopulation growth and the development of regional systems of city-states permit Berdan and Smith to isolate and identify seven processesthat together operated in the construction of institutional frames ofmacro-regional interaction. The seven processes are viewed in relationto the spatial distribution of networks of integration between processesof political centralization and urbanization, processes of economic pro-duction not yet within centralized domains, and the management ofstrategic natural resources.

A general problem in the study of world systems consists in visual-izing the “global” in the local, where it necessarily operates concretelyin real people doing real things. This problem becomes even more diffi-cult in archaeological work where historical sources are scarce and needto be examined in relation to the systematic study of the materialremains of former lives. Michael E. Smith reviews the findings of theexcavations of households in Yautepec, Cuexcomate and Capilco bet-ween 1100 y 1520. These three sites in the State of Morelos were incor-porated into the Mesoamerican world system around 1300. Yautepec is

a ciudad and Cuexcomate and Capilco, two rural villages. All three, nev-ertheless, have a myriad of imported objects. The exotic objects, even inthe poorest Capilco households, are evidence of the density and thepenetration of commerce within the Mesoamerican world system. Theypermit Smith to trace the consolidation of control over city-states in theMiddle Postclassic and then examine the relative weight of imperialprocesses of expansion, such as Mexica control over Yautepec, in con-trast with the greater impact of the world system.

Helen Pollard describes the case of the Tarascans or P’urhépecha forthe consolidation of regional control and imperial organization withinthe Mesoamerican world system. The Tarascan profile is different fromthe cases described in the works of Berdan and Smith. The secondlargest Mesoamerican Empire was consolidated in the Late Postclassicand achieved its greatest territorial extension around 1470. Through areview of sixteenth century documents as well as archaeological studiesin the area, Pollard describes the internal commerce of the Empire andits links with the Mesoamerican world system.

The three works by Berdan and Smith, Smith, and Pollard arereadapted versions of chapters from the book, The Postclassic Mesoame-rican World. In a review essay of this book, Eduardo Williams returns totopics such as the differences between the Mexica and Tarascan imperi-al consolidations and the relation of those differences to their respectiveinsertions into the Mesoamerican world system. The studies revieweddemonstrate that during the Postclassic the economies and political sys-tems of Mesoamerican groups became partially interdependent andsustained long-distance exchange networks. Williams notes that thecomprehension of these processes of macro-regional interrelationrequires a theoretical framework that breaks with the model based onthe diffusion of cultural traits and the reconstruction of contact throughimperial conquest – this is to say, a break with models that set out fromthe premise of isolation, autonomous social integration and, then, con-tact between groups with their own logic and history.

In the documentary section, Benedict Warren and Cristina Monzónpresent a testament to the eclipse of the Mesoamerican world systemand its incorporation into the European world system. The Tarascanleadership in Pátzcuaro sent a letter to Vasco de Quiroga during his stay

in Spain. The letter, dated the March 10th

1549, is the oldest text inP’urhépecha still preserved in its original form. Written in alternatingSpanish and P’urhépecha paragraphs, it details conflicts between theTarascan nobles, the encomenderos and the Spanish vecinos or neigh-bors. The letter is also an important record of the speech of the noblesand of the orality of the period, that contains interesting examples ofcontact and tension between the P’urhépecha and Spanish languages.The document, accompanied by extensive historical notes, is tran-scribed, translated and presented with a linguistic analysis of its text.

The General Section of this issue opens with an article covering animportant period of political and economic conflict in Puebla de losÁngeles. The trajectory of Puebla, a city in clear competition with Me-xico City as an economic and cultural center, changes radically duringthe first half of the eighteenth century. Gustavo Rafael Alfaro presentsevidence that one of the reasons for this change was the authoritariangovernment of Juan José de Veytía y Linaje between 1697 and 1722. Theregents of the cabildo in Puebla controlled the contracts for tax collection(encabezonamiento de alcabalas) for all of New Spain from 1601 until 1697.During this period, they entered into important relations with powerfulCommercial Houses in Puebla in order to borrow money to pay debtson uncollected taxes, and in 1691 these houses began to participatedirectly in the administration of tax collecting. But in 1697, Juan José deVeytía y Linaje arrived as the Supervising Judge for tax collecting andinitiated a prolonged struggle between the Puebla elite and his govern-ment. The Byzantine process of the struggle and its consequences aredescribed in detail. As Alfaro observes, the practices and the reach ofVeytía y Linaje’s power anticipate the Intendencias that were establishedwith the Bourbon reforms.

The figure of Hidalgo is omnipresent in the study of selective tradi-tions in the formation of Mexico: not only is he the principal actor in thesocial drama of the insurrection and the creator of national symbols but,as Carlos Herrejón observes, he is a national symbol. Herrejón leads usthrough the complex constructions of Hidalgo himself as well as thoseattributed, often in an apocryphal fashion, to the Capitán General deAmérica. Herrejón explains through his examination of historical docu-ments and the study of the references to national unity and its exten- ◆ ◆ ◆

sions in time, the strategy adopted by Hidalgo in the articulation andpromulgation of a national project.

We close the General Section with an essay on the relations betweenAnthropology and History in the work of E. P. Thompson. MiguelÁngel Díaz Perera reviews the innovations of Thompson in historiogra-phy and his anthropological influences. In a central way, Díaz Pereracreates a dialogue between Thompson and various contemporaryauthors from Italian microhistory and historical ethnography; a verynecessary dialogue concerning the cultural analysis of class and itsroots, sadly hidden in the work of Marx.

ILUSTRACIONES DE ESTE NÚMERO

PAGINA 3: Códice Borbónico, detalle.

PAGINA 6, 7, 8 (recuadros): Códice Feyérváry-Mayer, detalles.

PAGINA 9: Deidad husteca, Postclásico en: Flor y canto del arte prehispánico enMéxico, Fondo Editorial de la Plástica Mexicana, 1964, figura 281.

PAGINA 17: Códice Mendocino, detalle.

PAGINA 79: Códice Mendocino, detalle.

PAGINA 115: Lámina XXIX, diversos oficios, en: Jerónimo de Alcalá, Relaciónde Michoacán, Moisés Franco, coordinador, Zamora, Gobierno del Estado deMichoacán, El Colegio de Michoacán, 2000.

PAGINA 143: Códice Mendocino, detalle.

PAGINA 175: Lienzo de Jicalán, detalle.

PAGINA 213: Miguel Cabrera, Comunidad de frailes adorando a la virgen de Gua-dalupe, detalle, óleo sobre tela, en: Imágenes guadalupanas cuatro siglos,México, Centro Cultural Arte Contemporáneo, 1987.

PAGINA 317: Códice Feyérváry-Mayer, detalle.

E N E L P R Ó X I M O N Ú M E R O ,

RELACIONESabordará en su sección temática:

No. 100“Historia, geografía humana y etnografía”

RELACIONES 99Sección temática:SISTEMA MUNDIAL MESOAMERICANO. NUEVAS PERSPECTIVAS

Sección general: publicación de artículosinéditos de investigación.

Documentos: edición crítica de una fuente inédita proveniente de archivos de México y otros.

Reseñas de actualidad de estudios mexicanos, sin olvidar los trabajos de difícil acceso o de difusión restringida.

E S T I M A D O S C O L E G A S ,

RELACIONESESTUDIOS DE HISTORIA Y SOCIEDADES LA REVISTA TRIMESTRAL DE EL COLEGIO

DE MICHOACÁN, INSTITUCIÓN FUNDADA

POR EL HISTORIADOR LUIS GONZÁLEZ,

PIONERO DE LA MICROHISTORIA EN

MÉXICO (PUEBLO EN VILO, 1968).

ALGUNOS ARTÍCULOS PUBLICADOS ANTERIORMENTE

No. 52, 1992“Prefacio a los Reyes taumaturgos de Marc Bloch”JACQUES LE GOFF,

Escuela de Altos Estudios en Ciencias Sociales, París.

No. 51, 1992“De los reyes que no son taumaturgos:fundamentos de la realeza en España”.ADELINE RUCQUOI, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, París.

No. 48, 1991“¿Cuál es el texto auténtico de la ‘Historia Verdadera’[de Bernal Díaz]?”.

HERÓN PÉREZ MARTÍNEZ,El Colegio de Michoacán.

No. 39, 1989“...De corazón contrito y ánimo apocado. Conceptos de los curas párrocos sobre los indios en la Nueva España del siglo XVIII”.WILLIAM B. TAYLOR, University of Virginia.

No. 8, 1981“Los estudios regionales y laantropología social en México”.GUILLERMO DE LA PEÑA, El Colegio de Michoacàn/CIESAS.

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CERTAINS ARTICLES DÉJÀ PAREUS

No. 52, 1992“El paganismo maya como resistencia a la evangelización y colonizaciónespañola 1546-1761”.MELCHOR CAMPOS GARCÍA

No. 51, 1992“De los reyes que no son taumaturgos:fundamentos de la realeza en España”.ADELINE RUCQUOI

No. 9, 1982“Místicos en los siglos XVI y XVII. El problema de la palabra”.

MICHEL DE CERTEAU

No. 5, 1981“El clero mexicano y el movimientoinsurgente de 1810”.DAVID BRADING

No. 8, 1981“El sueño del conquistador”.JEAN MARIE LECLEZIO

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SOME PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED ARTICLES

No. 39, 1989

“...de corazón pequeño y ánimo apocado. Conceptos de los curas párrocos sobre los indios en la Nueva España del siglo XVIII”.WILLIAM B. TAYLOR

No. 45, 1990

“El campo y los nuevos movimientossociales: una crítica de algunas tendencias teóricas de moda”.JOHN GLEDHILL

No. 5, 1981

“El clero mexicano y el movimientoinsurgente de 1810”.

DAVID A. BRADING

No. 8, 1981

“Los estudios regionales y laantropología social en México”.GUILLERMO DE LA PEÑA,

Y O U R R E M A R K S A N D

S U G G E S T I O N S A B O U T

RELACIONESare welcome. Do not hesitate to send them

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RELACIONESwelcomes papers in Spanish (including

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RELACIONES 99Sección temática:MESOAMERICAN WORLD SYSTEM, NEW PERSPECTIVESSección general: publication of

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