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Chairs: SKylar britton & zihan kabir

THE IRANIAN REVOLUTION: 1977

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Modern Iran has been the center of countless empires and societies. From Cyrus in the sixth century B.C. to the Pahlavis in the twentieth century, the most interesting figures in the Iranian history have been the “Shahs” – the Kings. To Iranians, the word still evokes images of empires, of flamboyance, pride and nobility, of nationalism, torture, and revolution. Historically, the Shahs have been scorned and embraced by the theocracy, resisted by the merchant class, worshipped by the military, and envied by statesmen of the world.

In any case, the status, power and responsibility of a Shah has been unmatched by any institution or person in Iran. Hence, discontent on any level in Iran would eventually find its way to court of the Shah. That’s where the buck would stop.

The Early Shahs

The role of the Safavids in shaping the modern identity and geography of Iran is unparalleled. It was the Safavids who after almost a millennium of foreign rule unified Iran in the sixteenth century as an independent nation. Then, in order to distinguish the people of themselves from the Ottoman Caliphs they converted to the Shi’a branch of Islam. This distinctive feature of the country is evident even to this day – at present, Iran is a Shi’ite theocracy, unique in the region and the world. Following the Safavids, the crown of the Shah was inherited by the Qajar dynasty in 1796. But by that time, all the players in the Middle East, including the Ottomans, were losing their primacy in the world. The Qajars attempted to rectify this change in the balance of power by strengthening Iran internally, but they were unfortunately unable to effectively implement programs to modernize Iran. This overambitious attempt at self­ strengthening led to and Iran which was mired in corruption, mismanagement and inefficiency. By the end of seventeenth century, Iran had become a pawn in the great game between Russia and Britain. After losing the majority of its territory in Armenia, Azerbaijan, and modern day Turkey to Russia, Iran tried to build alliances and entered into agreements with the British. Unfortunately, this invited Iran into the grand colonial game of the 1800s, which resulted in Iran being frequently used as a pawn in a much larger chess game.

Defeat in this war, increased taxes from war debts and British domination that followed lead to a greatly wounded national pride for many Iranians. This lead to a wave of

dissent throughout the country as many Iranians decided that something must be done to strengthen Iran and stop foreign imperialism. The powerful merchant class, clergy and intelligentsia united to assert their influence in the governance of the country. In 1906, a constitution was signed that created a parliament and a budgetary system in the country. However, the British and Russians were still exerting a large amount of influence on Iranian affairs, so the people of Iran were hardly satisfied. World War I only lead to a further worsening of the situation as Russian and British forces violated Iranian sovereignty to achieve their goals of defeating the Ottoman Empire. By the time the war ended Iran was left in ruins, and the ruling Qajar Shah had but a nominal control over the country.

THE RISE OF THE PAHLAVIS

During this time, Reza Khan was a rising military officer in the Iranian army. He became the Minister of War in 1921, and by 1923 he had become powerful and popular enough to become the Prime Minister of the country. His military skills and leadership helped secure the Iranian territory and bring a semblance of stability to the country. Reza Khan had proved his worth to the Iranian people, and in 1925 he was successful in abolishing the Qajar dynasty and consolidating his own rule as the new Shah of Iran. Hence, the Pahlavi dynasty was established.

Reza Khan was now Reza “Shah”. Inspired by Ataturk of Turkey, he sought to implement his vision of a modern Iran: a strong state with a modern army, stable economy, independent foreign policy, and a skilled and literate population. However, he found himself unable to establish the secular Iranian state he desired due to the huge amount of influence held by the religious intelligentsia. The Shah, however, did build a formidable state. His secret police and the military kept a tight lid on any dissent. Even though the parliament functioned, political opposition had its limits, and civil liberties were compromised as well. Nonetheless, the Iranians recognized that there was a trade­off between political freedom and a strong Iran free from foreign influence. But Iran was too weak to bulwark itself against the chessboard game of global powers. As World War II was nearing, tensions started to build up between the Germans on one hand, and the British and the Russians on the other. Recognizing the dangers of a pro­German Iran, the two countries occupied the country in 1941 and abdicated Reza Shah in the favor of his son, Mohammad Reza. After taking the crown, Mohammad Reza “Shah”, naturally, sided with the Allies and declared war against Germany.

After the war ended, stability still eluded Iran as its oil became a commodity to be priced, and as the United States and the Soviet Union played their Cold War games in

the region. In the following years, Iran witnessed several leftist and separatist movements in the country. Also, pressures started to build up in the country to nationalize the oil resources, a move that had the potential to alienate Iran’s allies, or bosses, in the west. Iranian oil resources were being exploited for little benefit to the Iranians by Anglo­Iranian Oil Company (AIOC; today’s British Petroleum, or BP) while the Iranians and their government were mired in poverty.

The Shah responded to criticism and dissent by tightening and consolidating his rule. Iranians were not impressed, and started to consider the Shah as a weak ruler who would follow the orders of his western masters. A wave of nationalist and anti­imperialist movement ensued in Iran and this led to the formation of the National Front in 1949. The party was formed by the many diverse but powerful groups, including reformists, intellectuals and clergy – united in their nationalism and anti­imperialism. Their leader, Muhammad Mosaddegh, was elected the Prime Minister in 1951.

THE MOSSADEGH ERA

What followed was a period of chaos, instability and drama that would be remembered by Iranians to this day and would reshape both domestic and regional politics probably forever. After becoming the Prime Minister, Mosaddegh nationalized Iran’s oil and asserted Iran’s independence from western powers. In this process, British naval forces enforced a naval and economic blockade on Iran. Domestically, the conservative and pro­Shah elements in the country fought tooth­and­nail against the policies of Mossadegh. So instead of reaping benefits of their nationalized oil, Iranians were suffocated in their waning economy and fiery politics, and were becoming frustrated with the lack of progress on the oil issue. As if the things were not in their worst state yet, the National Front started to go through fissures of its own.

The United States saw Mossadegh and his anti­imperialist rhetoric as a threat to the global capitalist order. A successful nationalist revolution in one part of the world may inspire revolutions and nationalism in other parts of the world, or so did the domino theory go. Meanwhile, the state of affairs deteriorated to such a level in Iran that the Shah decided to leave the country (ostensibly for a vacation) before an interesting event. In a carefully planned CIA operation, the United States provided support (the extent of US involvement is debated) to the anti­Mosaddegh and pro­Shah camp in Iran, leading to the 1953 ouster of Mosaddegh. The 1953 coup of a democratically elected leader, purportedly by the CIA, has been etched in the Iranian memory, literally, forever. This event shaped the average Iranians world­view, and their perception of the Shah for decades to come. It confirmed the Iranian suspicion that the western powers would not

want to see an independent and prosperous Iran. That the United States, or whoever is the world hegemon, will seek to dominate and exploit Iran, and would not tolerate Iranians leaders who look for the interests of their own country.

THE RETURN OF THE SHAH

After the coup, the Shah returned. But it was not business as usual, as aa new era in Iranian history had begun. With CIA’s help, the Shah created a new intelligence agency called SAVAK – one of the most dreaded secret police of the times. Such was the level of penetration and power of this agency that everyday Iranians would dare not speak of controversial politics in public. Feeding off the dissent, the leftist and Islamist armed movements gained traction in the country.

Incidentally, the outright exploitation of oil that had preceded the coup didn’t hold up for long, and in the years that followed, Iran in fact nationalized the production of oil in the country. The oil proceeds were used by the Shah to push for modernization in the country and build a strong economy and a stronger military. Using oil receipts, Iran became the biggest buyer of US arms in the years that followed. Also, the Shah’s administration and the United States grew much closer to each other – driven by a desire to keep the Soviets out of the resource­rich Persian Gulf and also combat the domestic threats to the pro­western regime of the Shah. Iran, under the Shah, became America’s closest ally in the region – part of the twin pillar strategy with Saudi Arabia.

After the oil shock of 1973 and the subsequent wave of rising prices of oil, the Shah became increasingly dependent on the volatile and high oil prices, in order to pay for his overambitious military and domestic expenditures, and to keep his population under control. However, the relationship with the United States started to deteriorate as the Shah couldn’t control his habit of overspending and using OPEC to push up the price of oil to finance his aggressive budget plans. Economic mismanagement and inflation, combined with opposition to the forced modernization and the autocratic tactics of the Shah, led to considerable dissent and turmoil in the country.

CURRENT SITUATION

President Carter Toasts the Shah of Iran on New Year’s Day Source: History Channel

Today, on December 31, 1977, the American President Jimmy Carter visited our country to ring in their western new year with a toast of western alcohol. As he raised his glass these words rang throughout the hall “Iran, because of the great leadership of

the Shah, is an island of stability in one of the more troubled areas of the world”. However, where Mr. Carter sees stability, the only thing the Iranian people see is bloodshed, poverty, and oppression. The Iranian people have had enough of the Shah’s iron rule, but many people are afraid of the consequences of standing up against the Shah on their own.

If we ever want to see the end of the Shah’s tyrannical rule, then we need to have the people behind us. However, the Shah has a strong military, and an even stronger propaganda apparatus, so in order to remove the Shah you will need to work together. This is why, despite your differing viewpoints as socialists, democrats, and Islamists you have chosen to meet and work together against the Shah. Before we can achieve this goal however, we must face certain roadblocks.

The first roadblock facing our forces is organization. Years of repression under the Shah have taken their collective toll on our organizations, as SAVAK interference has caused many of us to lose leaders, popular support, and stable supply routes. In order for the revolution to survive these coming months, our organizations need to do a couple of things. First, we need to get the people back on our side. The oppression of the Shah and his cronies has made the people of Iran afraid to stand up for what they believe in, so we will need to break that fear to gain steady popular support. Secondly, we need to secure supplies for our operations. Whether it be Ak­47 magazines or supplies for a newspaper, every evolution has a cost. It will be absolutely crucial for the revolution to secure steady streams of supplies and finances to keep the revolution alive. Finally we need to organize the revolution and send a clear message. Currently the anti­regime movement is very nebulous and disorganized, with few strong leaders of the revolution. Should the revolution prevail we will need to provide a clear direction, with a clear goal through well­ structured organizations.

THE ECONOMICS OF DISSENT

The economic situation in Iran has become dire in the past few years. Ironically however, these economic troubles originally arose out of a time of growing economic prosperity in Iran. After the 1973 oil embargo drastically raised the price of oil by more than 70%, oil revenues in Iran skyrocketed. The Shah then took the money from these increased revenues and chose to radically invest in the Iranian economy and military. While this may seem like a good thing at first glance, it unfortunately lead to a host of unforeseen economic consequences. As the Iranian economy was flooded with outside cash, more people began wanting to spend their newfound wealth on consumer goods and better housing. However, due to the sudden nature of this boom, both of these

markets were not able to keep up with the sharp increase in demand, which lead to rapidly rising prices and frequent shortages. These issues were then further aggravated as more and more people began moving to urban centers in search of better lives from the oil boom.

The situation in Iran then went from bad to worse in 1975 when the end of the embargo lead to drastically falling oil prices. These combination of these events left Iran with rapidly increasing inflation, insufficient goods supplies, and wildly speculative housing markets. In order to combat these economic troubles, the Shah appointed our current Prime Minister, Jamshid Amuzegar. Unfortunately, while his actions may have been well intentioned, they brought a lot of additional hardships to Iran. First, in order to curb inflation and the speculative housing market Amuzegar ordered a massive cutback in construction. This not only angered the merchant class, who were often invested in the housing market, but it also lead to massive unemployment in the country and further housing shortages in the newly crowded urban centers. Amuzegar then went on to aggravate the elite of Iran by cutting payments to the Ulama, Iran’s Islamic scholar class, in order to balance the budget. This led many of Iran’s elite to begin petitioning and writing letters for greater economic and political freedom in the country and provided an organizing force for the revolution.

While it is certainly undoubtedly sad to see your fellow countrymen caught in this economic quagmire, it may be possible to use the current situation to further our cause. While unfortunate, the recent crowding of Iran’s urban centers and high levels of unemployment have made many of the nation’s poor more susceptible to our collective revolutionary messages. Should we find new ways to target our recruitment methods towards the needs of the poor, then we should be able to find a rather large supply of new recruits. Furthermore, Amuzegar’s cut back on the housing market angered many of the Bazaaris, or Iran’s merchant class. As a result of this, we may be able to find new avenues of financing for our revolution should we choose to engage the Bazaaris. In addition, should we get the Ulama on our side then we may be able to use their influence in the population to organize large scale protests around the country.

REPRESSION AND REVOLUTION

In order to keep the lid on the pot of dissent brewing in his nation, the Shah has resorted to brutal repression by the police and the army to keep dissidents in check. The most feared, hated, and powerful wing of this repression is the Organization of Intelligence and National Security (SAVAK) which was created in 1957. The height of SAVAK’s terror campaign began in 1971 when armed Marxists attacked a Gendarmerie

guard post in the small town of Siahkal. In response to this attack, SAVAK initiated a brutal crackdown on all political dissention, but especially on Marxist factions in Iran. Between 1971 and 1979 SAVAK used brutal new methods of torture to find and kill the leadership of many Marxist groups in Iran, including the Organization of People’s Fedai Geurillas and the People’s Mojahedin of Iran. In addition, it has been estimated that they have killed over 300 members of these organizations without trial and executed over a hundred political prisoners and activists against the Shah. In addition to killing many leaders and members of revolutionary organizations within Iran, SAVAK has imprisoned, threatened, or beaten countless thousands of other political prisoners. Many members of this committee have been or currently are held within SAVAK custody, and all of you know too well the brutal tactics used once you are within their grip.

However the extreme brutality of the SAVAK prisons often makes death a preferable alternative to a life’s worth of imprisonment under SAVAK’s brutal torture methods. The Shah has granted SAVAK an almost unlimited license to find and destroy his enemies using whatever means necessary. He has allowed SAVAK to operate its own prison facilities, act almost completely outside the law, and have access to intelligence and tactics used by foreign agencies such as the CIA and FBI. This intelligence and improved technique has allowed SAVAK to keep very close tabs on their population SAVAK keeps extremely close tabs on the Iranian population and closely monitors any perceived dissidents. Then once the dissidents are in their custody, they use brutal torture methods, such as electric shock, acid, burning, rape, sleep deprivation, and any other means deemed necessary to gather information and bring the prisoner as close to death as possible without killing them.

In addition to SAVAK’s violent methods of repression, they also other “softer” methods of preventing dissention. The most visible and prevalent of these is the censoring and promotion of state approved stories. Ever since 1969, television has been primarily state owned under the National Iranian Radio and Television Organization(NIRT), which allows the Shah to maintain a tight control on what his citizens see on the Television. Most of Iran’s news tends to come from newspapers however, and the Shah has frequently used fear tactics, inside men, and blatant censoring to prevent the newspapers from starting dissent.

The prying eye of international organizations such as the Red Cross and Amnesty International have forced SAVAK to tone down its brutality and repression this year, but citizens are still frequently kidnapped, beaten, and assassinated for their dissidence. Even without some of their more brutal tactics, SAVAK still maintains its most potent

weapon, fear. While they may not seem as brutal now as they were before, the fear that they have instilled in our society maintains its grip on the people of Iran. If we ever want to break the Shah’s grip on Iran then we need to break the grip of fear from the people.

However, this fear and repression in the populace has become somewhat of a double edged sword for our cause. On the one hand the brutal repression and all seeing eye of SAVAK makes it incredibly difficult for us to conduct our operations and makes people apprehensive to join us, but it also makes the Iranian people long to be free from the Shah’s iron grasp. Whether we defeat SAVAK by force, win them over by words, or weaken them by laws, we must overcome them for our revolution to survive.

CAUGHT BETWEEN EAST AND WEST

Above all, this revolution is and should be a revolution of the Iranian people, by the Iranian people, and for the Iranian people, though the political situation of the present makes that a difficult reality to realize. Iran’s strategic position as the gateway between east and west means that the foreign powers of the world will be taking great interest in out revolution, and it may be necessary to elicit some of their help to break Iran from the Shah’s iron rule.

The first of the revolution’s potential partners would be the Soviet Union. Surrounded on all sides by enemies and desperately looking to expand its influence in the Middle East, the Soviet Union would have a lot of reasons to want to support our revolutions. First of all, since we border the Soviets to the north, a friendly Tehran would mean one less enemy on the Soviet borders. Furthermore, since the Shah is currently a United States Ally, supporting our revolution would allow them to drastically change the balance of power in the Middle East.

Furthermore, the Soviets do have a lot of benefits that they could potentially offer us. First of all their geographic proximity means that they would be able to easily assist us in obtaining supplies and funds for our revolution. Additionally, the Soviet propaganda wing is well known for its skills, and should we gain Soviet support it may be possible to broadcast our revolutionary broadcasts over the Soviet radio stations near the Iranian border. Finally, the Soviets are incredibly experienced in training guerilla fighters, and their assistance in organizing our forces could prove invaluable.

There also significant downsides to working with the Soviets, however. First of all, the regime’s Communist, Atheistic agenda could threaten to alienate the support of Iran’s many religious citizens. Secondly, the Soviets would most likely only support a

revolution in Iran if it was one based on Socialism, since they would not want to wish the Democratic, and Islamist separatists currently in their nation. This not only severely limits the potential goals of our revolution, but also puts us at significant odds with the United States, which could lead to a new cold war conflict in Iran.

Contrastingly, we could also attempt to sway the United States government away from the Shah and over to our cause. This would be difficult concerning the United States’ current stance on the Shah, but not impossible. Jimmy Carter is a firm believer in the protection of human rights, a belief which is frequently called into question by his relationship with the Shah. Therefore, should we prove that we could provide a more stable, democratic, and peaceful ally for the United States they may be willing to support us. In addition to saving face regarding human rights, a less authoritarian Iran would allow the US to better redistribute its resources to other arenas of the cold war.

Should we be able to sway the United States government away from the Shah then they could provide us with a whole host of benefits. First of all, as the Shah’s principal military and political ally, the United States holds an immense amount of bargaining power over the Shah. This bargaining power could then be used to force the Shah to tone down his brutality or even force negotiations with the revolution. Furthermore, the American positions in Saudi Arabia mean that they would be able to easily provide us with logistical and financial support in our operations. Finally, since SAVAK and the American intelligence community are so close, a potential alliance with the American government could enable us to learn SAVAK’s tactics and secrets.

Working with the Americans also carries certain drawbacks however. To start, since the United States was the primary backer of the Shah, it is possible that some in the revolution may view working with the United States as betraying the revolution and landing Iran back where it started. Next, the anti­western sentiment growing within the Islamic intellectual community means that a possible relationship with the United States could potentially alienate religious scholars and citizens in Iran. Finally, much like the Soviets would want a Socialist revolution in Iran, the United States would likely only back a Democratic revolution. This would similarly limit our revolutions options.

Alternatively, the committee could choose to forego cooperation with the two superpowers, leaving them with a couple of alternative options. One option would be to reach out to the neighboring nations of the Middle East for assistance, but this would be difficult due to Iran’s composition of mainly Shi’a Persians rather than Sunni Arabs. France may be willing to help in an effort to rekindle their old greatness, but their recent economic difficulties will make that difficult. Finally, the revolution could choose to

forego all international cooperation and attempt to overthrow the Shah by ourselves, but many difficulties will lie ahead for this route.

CONCLUSION/ISSUES TO SOLVE

1. The Revolution needs popular support­While many Iranian citizens may privately

wish for a better and more peaceful life, they are currently afraid to do so under the Shah’s repressive eye. If the Revolution is to succeed, we must get the people behind us and establish a stable recruitment pool.

2. The Revolution needs supplies­Most of our organizations are woefully underfunded and undersupplied. Revolutions need supplies, whether they be military or peaceful, and for ours to succeed we will need a steady stream of financial supplies.

3. The Revolution needs a direction­ A revolution pulling in multiple directions is simply a civil war. For the people of Iran to rally behind us we must provide a clear, well­ structured vision for the future, as well as ways to obtain it.

4. How should the Revolution react to Iran’s economic situation­The economic issues in Iran are one of the largest causes of discontent within the nation. We can either capitalize on this dissent by forcefully worsening the Iranian economy to encourage revolution, or we can try to gain the favor of the masses by helping them in these troubled economic times. Either way, we must address the issue of the economy.

5. How Should the Revolution handle SAVAK­SAVAK has become the revolutions most feared mortal enemy. Their ever present surveillance, constant threats, brutal torture, and frequent assassinations have severely hindered our operations inside and outside of Iran. If we want to survive the coming months, let alone succeed, we must weaken SAVAK.

6. How will the Revolution handle the International Community­Will the Revolution side with the Soviet Union for a Socialist future? Will it reconcile its differences with the United States for a Democratic future? Or will it forsake the international community to find its own way.

The choices are yours, the victories are yours, the defeats are yours, and the revolution is yours. Down with the Shah!

CHARACTER POSITIONS Ali Khamenei­ Co­Founder of the Combatant Clergy Association.

Born in 1939 to a mixed Azeri Iranian family, Ali Khamenei took an interest in religious studies from a young age. He began his religious studies at the Hawza of Mashhad before travelling to Najaf, back to Mashhad, and finally to Qom. It was in Qom where he met Ruhollah Khomeini and almost immediately became a loyal follower. This loyalty came into play in 1963 when Khamenei participated in the June 5th demonstrations of 1963, at which Khamenei was arrested. After these demonstrations, Khomeini was forced into exile in Iraq, which forced Khamenei to continue organizing revolutionary elements on his own. This led him to assist in organizing the Combatant Clergy Association, an organization which attempts to use cultural and religious pressure to overthrow the Shah. This did not go unnoticed, however, and in 1977 Khamenei was sent to the remote town of Iranshar, where he remains today. Despite his remote exile however, Khamenei’s relationship with Khomeini, popularity throughout Iran, and contacts inside and outside Iran make him a continuing source of revolutionary fervor

Mehdi Bazargan – Leader of the Liberation Movement of Iran.

Bazargan was born in 1907 to an Azeri family living in Tehran. From an early age he began to show prowess in leadership as he began a successful career in the Iranian Bazaar. From there he decided to move to Paris to get an education in thermodynamics and engineering. After a brief volunteer service in the French Army during World War II, Bazargan returned to Iran where he gained a senior position at the University of Tehran, which is where he began his political activism. This was eventually noticed by Prime Minister Mossadegh, who made him the head of the new National Iranian Oil Company before he was ousted by a coup. After Mossadegh’s downfall, Bazargan took up his democratic mantle by founding the Liberation Movement of Iran in 1961. Since then he has been under the constant eye of SAVAK, and arrested many times. Despite SAVAK’s surveillance, Bazargan has still been able to be a powerful force in the revolution, and his contacts with the Bazaar, as well as contacts outside of the country make him a force to be reckoned with.

Iraj Eskandari – Leader of the Tudeh Party of Iran.

Born in 1907 in Tehran, Eskandari was exposed to politics at a very young age. Both of his parents were active supporters of constitutional government, and so was he until he went to Paris to study law. There he met Persian and French communist leaders, which

eventually swayed him to the red cause before his return to Iran. Once he returned he became incredibly active in Iranian Politics, serving as the Minister of Justice and heading the newspapers Mardom and Donya. He also served in Prime Minister Ahmad Qawan’s cabinet before it collapsed, at which point he moved to Paris. From Europe Eskandari has continued to be such a thorn in the side of SAVAK they have even sentenced him to death in absentia. As Iran’s strongest communist party, the Tudeh Party receives the most scrutiny from SAVAK, but it is still quite strong despite this. Eskandari’s status outside of Iran and contacts around the world put him in a very good position to find help for the revolution, and his party in Iran gives him significant strength to defend it.

Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou­Secretary General of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI)

Ghassemlou was born in 1930 to a Kurdish family in Western Azerbaijan. His father was a strong Kurdish nationalist and advisor to the Shah, which influenced Ghassemlou’s political development at an early age. He was old enough to have witnessed the short lived Kurdish Republic of Mahabad, and then went on to found the youth wing of the already strong KDPI. He then went on to finish studies in France before returning to Iranian Kurdistan to fight for the Kurdish cause. He was eventually elected Secretary General of the party in 1973 and continues to lobby for Kurdish autonomy or independence in Iran. His experience as a leader as well as his time as a militant makes Ghassemlou extremely popular in within the Kurdish population. As head of the largest Kurdish party in Iran, he carries significant power in the Kurdish held areas of the north, and could be an invaluable asset to the revolution.

Mir­Hossein Mousavi­Leader of the Movement of Militant Muslim

Mir­Hossein Mousavi was born to an Azeri family in Khameneh, Iran in 1942, and is related to Ali Khamenei. Mousavi spent his early years receiving his education from the National University of Tehran, where he was active participant in the Islamic Association of students. Despite his relationship with the aforementioned leftist group, Mousavi also remained close with the Freedom Movement of Iran, a more religious party. He is married to Zahra Rahnavard, who maintains a close relationship with Ali Shariati. Mousavi’s political position puts him at the intersection of the Democratic and Islamist movements in Iran, and his influence with college students makes him a valuable asset to both sides.

Karim Sanjabi­President of the National Front of Iran

Karim Sanjabi was born in Kermanshah in 1904 to a Kurdish family. His father was the chief of his native tribe of Sanjabi, which means that Sanjabi still holds significant sway within certain areas of Kurdistan. Sanjabi studied law at the University of Tehran before going on to lead the Iran Party, which would eventually join with the National Front of Iran under Mossadegh. Sanjabi was a loyal supporter of Mossadegh, and became heavily involved with the revolution after the coup that ousted Mossadegh. Despite the turmoil in Iran, the National Front lost much of its support during the 70s, but the events of late have revived the Iranian desire for liberty. This lead Sanjabi to reconstitute a new National Front, of which he is currently the leader. Sanjabi’s tenure as a law professor earned him skills as a fierce negotiator, and the National Front party has made an impressive showing in the revolution lately, making Sanjabi a valuable asset to the revolution.

Ashraf Dehghani­ Senior Member of the Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas

Ashraf Dehghani was born in 1948 to a poor family in Azerbaijan. All her life the only thing her family ever knew was poverty and misery, which greatly influenced her political life. While she was still in grade school she got in trouble with SAVAK for writing a letter criticizing the Shah and his regime. From there her path of revolution was set. She then teamed up with Behrouz Navalli to join the Organization of Iranian People’s Fedai Guerillas, where she began the armed struggle against the Shah. In 1971 she was captured by SAVAK and tortured for her revolutionary activities, but managed to pull off a daring escape in 1973. Later that year, she was sent outside the country to organize the group’s international initiatives. Unfortunately in 1975 a huge SAVAK raid executed much of the OIPFG’s leadership, and Dehghani lost contact with the organization. Dehghani was not one to give up though, and as one of the organization’s few surviving leadership she began to reorganize the organization. While the OIPFG may need rebuilding, Dehghani remains a strong force in Iranian politics due to her incredibly popularity with the poor of Iran.

Foad Mostafa Soltani­Leader of the Komalah Party

Foad Soltani, also known as Kak Foad, was born in 1948 to Kurdish parents in the village of Sarvabad. He studied electrical engineering in Aryamehr University in Tehran, at which point he came into contact with a number of leftist political activists. Eventually, Foad and the other Kurdish revolutionaries began meeting in secret, and they eventually created the Komalah Party, a combination of Socialist and Kurdish Nationalist principles. This new event immediately caught the attention of SAVAK, who

arrested Foad a month after he finished his national service. Since then Foad has been held in SAVAK custody, but has remained active in the revolutionary process by communicating with outside members via coded communication. He is well respected and very influential among those held by SAVAK, and should he escape his bondage he could become an important rallying figure for the Kurdish cause.

Mahmoud Taleghani­Senior Member of the Freedom Movement of Iran

Born in 1911 in Galird, Iran, Taleghani was destined for the religious life from birth. Hailing from a religious family, his father taught him much about the scripture before Taleghani moved to Qom to formalize his education. At the age of 27 Taleghani was already at odds with the Shah’s regime, and he was imprisoned for opposing the Shah after he held a lecture on Islam in Iran. After being released he held lectures in Tehran, traveled to Jordan, Egypt, Pakistan, and Palestine to meet other religious leaders, and was actively in support of Mossadegh’s nationalization program. Despite his deeply held religious beliefs, Taleghani is seen by many as an excellent mediator between disagreeing parties, and is often cited as enjoying conversations with leftists and other political opposites. Possibly more so than anyone in this committee, Taleghani is a seasoned veteran of the fight against the Shah. His years of political activism have given him excellent skills in organizing and rallying the people of Iran. Additionally, his contacts with Muslim religious leaders around the world make him an incredible asset to this committee.

Mansoor Hekmat­Leader of the Union of Communist Militias

Hekmat was born in Tehran in 1953 in Shiraz, where he would stay for his education. He was not always the stalwart of Marxism that he would later become however. In fact, it wasn’t until he moved to London in 1973 after graduating that he was swayed to the Marxist view of the world. Contrastingly though, unlike most other communists, Hekmat did not see China and the USSR as role models, but rather as perversions of Marx’s vision. He has frequently participated in rallies against the Shah, and is well respected in the intellectual community for his Marxist theses. Should he organize more people around his vision of pure Marxism he could be a powerful force amongst the poor and intellectuals of Iran.

Dariush Forouhar­Head of the Nation Party of Iran

Forouhar was born in Isfahan to Persian parents in 1928. His father was a high ranking official in the Iranian Army when the nation was illegally occupied by the Allies in 1945.

Ever since then Forouhar has been a staunch Iranian nationalist, opposed both to outside influences and those who would seek to divide the nation of Iran. He was a loyal follower of Mossadegh and helped him to form the Iran Nation party in 1951. Ever since the coup that ousted Mossadegh, Forouhar has been active in organizing the underground resistance against the Shah. His party has its own paper, the Armane Mellat, and is well supported among democrats in Iran.

Oan Ali Mohammed­Arab Khuzestani Nationalist

Oan Ali Mohammed was born in 1946 in the Khuzestan region of Iran. Concerned by the state of the Arab minorities within Iran, Mohammed began campaigning for Arab rights from a young age. However, due to the Shah’s enemy in Iraq, Saddam Hussein, being a Pan­Arab politician, SAVAK has had very close eyes on the Khuzestan region for a long time. As a result any rebellions in Khuzestan so far have been small and crushed, but with growing discontent around the nation, it may be time for the Arabs of Iran to break their chains from the oppressive Persians. Oan’s contacts with other dissidents in Khuzestan and proximity to Iraq make him an excellent organizing force for this oppressed minority.

Masoud Rajavi­Secretary General of the People’s Mojahedin Organization

Rajavi was born in 1948 in the city of Tabas, Iran. From an early age Rajavi was in the sights of SAVAK due to his political beliefs. This resulted in him being executed by SAVAK by the time he was 20 and being sentenced to death. The only reason he still breathes today is because his brother, along with international organizations such as amnesty international lobbied for his life. His life may have been saved, but the other leaders of the People’s Mojahedin were all executed, which left the mantle in Rajavi’s lap. Despite still being held in SAVAK custody, Rajavi has been able to maintain effective control over the organization and has kept it a strong force in the revolution. He is committed to regaining the organization’s full strength when he breaks out of prison or is released.

Mohammad Beheshti­Religious Leader

Born in Isfahan to Persian parents in 1929, Beheshti took an early interest in religious leadership. He studied both at both the University of Tehran and at Qom during his time in Iran, and then went to become a religious leader for Muslims in Germany. His influence grew so rapidly that many people began to think of him as the leader of Islam for Europe. He frequently organized rallies against the Shah and was arrested multiple

times by SAVAK before joining Khomeini’s side in Iraq. Despite being outside of the country, Beheshti is still an incredible asset to the revolution. His legal and religious knowledge are nearly unparalleled, he has contacts with almost all Muslims in Europe, and he is a close confidant of Khomeini

Mahmudali Chehregani­ Azerbaijani Nationalist

An incredibly young activist for his age, Chehregani was born in 1958 to his Azeri parents in the town of Shabestar. The son of another Azeri nationalist, Chehregani became involved in anti­ Shah activism after his father was arrested and tortured by SAVAK for treason and separatism. Considering more than a fifth of Iran’s population, and many members of this committee are ethnically Azeri, and considering there are more Azeris in Iran than there are in Azerbaijan Chehregani’s cause could potentially gain a huge base of support.

Yadollah Sahabi­Co­Founder of the Freedom Movement of Iran

Born in Tehran in 1905, Sahabi has become an important face in Iran for the Democracy and reform movements of Iran. Sahabi gained his fame through his scholarship and his writings, despite getting his degree in Geology at a university in France. He gained political fame when he became an active campaigner for Mossadegh in the 1950s, and has been a staunch activist for pluralism ever since. His contacts in France and within Tehran make him an important force within the Democratic movement.

Morteza Motanhari­Founding Member of the Combatant Clergy Association

Motanhari was born in 1919 in the city of Fariman. He advanced his religious studies at the Hawza of Qom before moving to Tehran to teach philosophy. Above all, Motanhari is a scholar of Islam and he has given many influential lectures regarding the status of Islam in modern day life. This would include his condemnation of groups that claimed to be Islam, but actually campaigned for other goals, such as the People’s Mojahedin. He also wrote several books outlining Islamic philosophy regarding the rights of people, and morality. Motanhari has proven to be an excellent organizer among the clergy, and his support will be crucial to gain the religious intelligentsia.

Mohammad Kazem Shariatmadari­Azerbaijani Cleric

Shariatmadari was born in 1905 to an Azerbaijani family in the city of Tabriz. Shariatmadari showed promise in religious studies at an early age and quickly rose through the ranks to become one of the most senior clerical leaders in Shi’a Islam. Shariatmadari saved Khomeini’s life in 1963 by promoting him to Grand Ayatollah, since Grand Ayatollah’s cannot be executed under the Iranian constitution. Despite saving his life Shariatmadari and Khomeini did not always see eye to eye, as Shariatmadari had much more moderate liberal views than his counterpart. As a moderate Muslim scholar and one of the most famous Azerbaijanis in Iran, Shariatmadari stands at the intersection of Democratic, Islamist, and Separatist factions brewing within Iran. His skill at organizing and moderate positions may allow him to bring these factions together for a common cause.

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