microvariation in finno-ugric possessive markers:...

Microvariation in Finno-Ugric possessive markers:three relational stories

Alexandra Simonenko

McGill University

LSALAA 2013, Paris 8

Introduction

Introduction

Polyfunctionality of 3SG (Komi)

(1) Ponm-ejdog-1sg‘my dog’

(2) Ponm-yddog-2sg‘your dog’

(3) Ponm-ysdog-3sg‘his dog’

(4) Pon-numdog-1pl‘our dog’

(5) Pon-nyddog-2pl‘your (pl.) dog’

(6) Pon-nysdog-3pl‘their dog’

Introduction

Introduction

Polyfunctionality of 3SG (Komi)

(1) Ponm-ejdog-1sg‘my dog’

(2) Ponm-yddog-2sg‘your dog’

(3) Ponm-ysdog-3sg‘his dog’/∼‘that dog’

(4) Pon-numdog-1pl‘our dog’

(5) Pon-nyddog-2pl‘your (pl.) dog’

(6) Pon-nysdog-3pl‘their dog’

Introduction

Introduction

Polyfunctionality of 3SG (Komi)

Head marking of a possessive relation:

(1) Petra-lynPetr-gen

ponm-ysdog-3sg

‘Petja’s dog’

Non-possessive use:

(2) Sond-ysSun-3sg

dep-s’i-s.dep-detr-prt.3sg

‘The sun has set.’

Introduction

Research question

What is the status of 3SG on its non-possessive use?

Introduction

Background

Status of non-possessive uses of 3sg in Finno-Ugric as a group

Collinder (1955:203): “an equivalent of the English definite article”(and references in Nikolaeva 2003)

Kuznetsova (2012:260): “At present we do not have enoughevidence to talk about homophonous possessive, deictic and definitesuffixes” (translation mine – A.S.). A. I. Kuznetsova analysespossessive markers as cumulatively expressing several categories,including definiteness.

Introduction

Background

Status of non-possessive uses of 3sg in Finno-Ugric as a group

Collinder (1955:203): “an equivalent of the English definite article”(and references in Nikolaeva 2003)

Kuznetsova (2012:260): “At present we do not have enoughevidence to talk about homophonous possessive, deictic and definitesuffixes” (translation mine – A.S.). A. I. Kuznetsova analysespossessive markers as cumulatively expressing several categories,including definiteness.

Introduction

Background

Status of non-possessive uses of 3sg in Finno-Ugric as a group

Nikolaeva (2003:135): “...the use of the 3rd person possessive affixin Uralic is comparable to the uses of the definite article in articlelanguages and includes: (i) a direct anaphoric use; (ii) an immediatesituation use, and (iii) a larger situation use (cf. Hawkins 1978 forEnglish). However, the affix is not obligatory in any of thesefunctions and so has not become fully grammaticalized. It is notpossible to speak of the emergence of the category of articlein the languages in question.” Similar in Fraurud (2001)

Gerland (2011): Relational Suffix: 1) “referent is anchored byanother, already unique referent”; or 2) “referent is semantically orpragmatically unique”.

Introduction

Background

Status of non-possessive uses of 3sg in Finno-Ugric as a group

Nikolaeva (2003:135): “...the use of the 3rd person possessive affixin Uralic is comparable to the uses of the definite article in articlelanguages and includes: (i) a direct anaphoric use; (ii) an immediatesituation use, and (iii) a larger situation use (cf. Hawkins 1978 forEnglish). However, the affix is not obligatory in any of thesefunctions and so has not become fully grammaticalized. It is notpossible to speak of the emergence of the category of articlein the languages in question.” Similar in Fraurud (2001)

Gerland (2011): Relational Suffix: 1) “referent is anchored byanother, already unique referent”; or 2) “referent is semantically orpragmatically unique”.

Introduction

Current contribution

Non-possessive uses follow different patterns in differentFinno-Ugric languages.

Mari (Meadow, village Staryj Torjal, Mari El republic)Khanty (Shuryshkarskij dialect, village Tegi, Khanty-Mansidistrict)Komi (Izhem, village Muzhi, Yamal-Nenets district)

The semantics of the non-possessive use in each case isqualitatively different from that of “classic” definite articles.

A common grammatical denominator can be found with aproper semantic implementation; we do not have to talkabout under-grammaticalization.

Introduction

Current contribution

Non-possessive uses follow different patterns in differentFinno-Ugric languages.

Mari (Meadow, village Staryj Torjal, Mari El republic)Khanty (Shuryshkarskij dialect, village Tegi, Khanty-Mansidistrict)Komi (Izhem, village Muzhi, Yamal-Nenets district)

The semantics of the non-possessive use in each case isqualitatively different from that of “classic” definite articles.

A common grammatical denominator can be found with aproper semantic implementation; we do not have to talkabout under-grammaticalization.

Introduction

Current contribution

Non-possessive uses follow different patterns in differentFinno-Ugric languages.

Mari (Meadow, village Staryj Torjal, Mari El republic)Khanty (Shuryshkarskij dialect, village Tegi, Khanty-Mansidistrict)Komi (Izhem, village Muzhi, Yamal-Nenets district)

The semantics of the non-possessive use in each case isqualitatively different from that of “classic” definite articles.

A common grammatical denominator can be found with aproper semantic implementation; we do not have to talkabout under-grammaticalization.

Introduction

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Non-possessive use in Komi

Anaphoric antecedent

(3) MeI

mun-iwalk-prt

ulicastreet

kuzaalong

iand

add-il-isee-iter-prt

pon.dog

Ponm-*(ys)dog-*(3sg)

kuc-i-sstart-prt-3

uut-ny.bark-inf

‘I was walking down the street and saw a dog. The dogstarted barking.’ [Kashkin 2008]

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Non-possessive use in Komi

Referent belongs to a known group

(3) Lavkastore

t@rytyesterday

va-i-snybring-prt-3pl

kuimthree

pyzan.table

Tontoday

miwe

ytione

pyzan-??(se)table-??(3sg.acc)

n’eb-i-m.buy-prt-1pl

‘Yesterday they brought three tables to (the/a) store.Today we bought one table.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Non-possessive use in Komi

Referent known from a local situation

(3) @bes-*(se)door-3sg.acc

sipt-i!close-imp

‘Close the door!’ [Kashkin 2008]

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Non-possessive use in Komi

Referent known from a global situation

(3) Sond-*(ys)Sun-*(3sg)

dep-s’-i-s.dep-detr-prt-3sg

‘The sun has set.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Komi pattern

Komi Pattern Summary

Licensing contexts of 3sg

anaph. antc. group immed. sit. global sit.

Komi X X X X

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Anaphoric antecedent – NO

(4) VasjaVasja

kniga-mbook-acc

nal-@n.buy-narr.3sg

Tac’etoday

tudohe

(tide)(that)

kniga-(*z)-@mbook-(*3sg)-acc

lud-es.read-prs.3sg

‘Vasja bought a book. Today he is reading that book.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Referent belongs to a known group (I)

(4) VasjaVasja

kumthree

kniga-mbook-acc

nal-@n.buy-narr.3sg

Tac’etoday

ikone

kniga-z-@mbook-3sg-acc

tudehe

lud-es.read-prs.3sg

‘Vasja bought three books. Today he is reading a book(from those).’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Referent belongs to a known group (II)

(4) M@j-@nI-gen

n@lfour

uskal-emcow-1sg

ulo.is.

m@jI

ikt-@z-@m/ikt-@mone-3sg-acc/one-acc

uzal-@n-em.sell-desid-prs.1sg‘I have four cows. I want to sell one of them.’

a. Uskal-zecow-3sg

siz-esfeel-prs.3sg

stothat

m@jI

tud-@mhe-acc

uzal-emsell-prs.1sg

‘The cow feels that I’m going to sell it.’ [someone else’s]b. *Uskal-em

cow-1sgsiz-esfeel-prs.3sg

stothat

m@jI

tud-@mhe-acc

uzal-emsell-prs.1sg

Intended: ‘The cow feels that I’m going to sell it.’c. Uskal-em-ze

cow-1sg-3sgsiz-esfeel-prs.3sg

stothat

m@jI

tud-@mhe-acc

uzal-emsell-prs.1sg

‘The cow feels that I’m going to sell it.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Referent belongs to a (deictically) known group (III)

(4) Mem-na-nwe-1pl-gen

skol-naschool-1pl

u,new

abut

tengeceyesterday

alakosomeone

??(tide)??(that)

okna-z-@mwindow-3sg-acc

sal-alt-enbreak-detr-prt

‘Our school is new, but yesterday someone broke thatwindow.’ [pointing to one window]

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Referent know from an local situation – NO

(4) Pet@r@zaclose-imp

omsa-(*z)-@m!door-(*3sg)-acc

‘Close the door!’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Non-possessive use in Mari

Referent known from a global situation – NO

(4) Yarabare

singaeye

denewith

*kec’-@s-(*se)sun-lat-(*3sg)

onc-aslook-inf

ogneg

lijbe

‘One shouldn’t look at the sun with unprotected eyes.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Mari pattern

Komi & Mari Pattern Summary

Licensing contexts of 3sg

anaph. antc. group immed. sit. global sit.

Mari X X X XKomi X X X X

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Non-possessive use in Khanty

Anaphoric antecedent (I)

(5) VasjaVasja

johtree

hoc’aat

la@m-ynaxe-loc

sevyrm-@s.bring.down-pst

Joh-*(@L)tree-*(3sg)

iLdown

rakn-@s.fall-pst

‘Vasja hit the tree with an axe. The tree fell.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Non-possessive use in Khanty

Anaphoric antecedent (II)

(5) Ank-@mmoher-1sg

mulhatLyesterday

lut-@sbuy-pst

huL.fish.

C’iThat

hul-*(@L)fish-*(3sg)

tamhatLtoday

lezi.eat.1pl

‘Yesterday my mother bought a fish. Today we ate thisfish.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Non-possessive use in Khanty

Referent belongs to a known group – NO

(5) a. XoL@mthree

purwoodpecker

newoman

juxanriver

kimaL-@nedge-loc

vuoL-L-@t...live-npst-3pl‘Three woodpecker women live by the river...’

b. ...S’aLtathen

ione

purwoodpecker

newoman

s’ar-titell.fortunes-inf

oms@mti-j-@Lsit-obl-npst.3sg‘...Then one woodpecker woman sits down to tellfortunes.’ [MSU Linguistics 2011–2012]

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Non-possessive use in Khanty

Referent known from a local situation – NO

(5) c’ithat

amp-(*@L)dog-(*3sg)

takanstrong

navar-@L.run-npst

‘This dog runs fast.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Non-possessive use in Khanty

Referent known from a global situation – NO

(5) Vuntforest

jis-telnforever

vuL.be.pst

‘The forest has always existed.’

Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sg

Khanty pattern

Komi & Mari & Khanty Pattern Summary

Licensing contexts of 3sg

anaph. antc. group immed. sit. global sit.

Khanty X X X X

Mari X X X X

Komi X X X X

Analysis

Outline

1 Introduction

2 Patterns of non-possessive use of 3sgKomi patternMari patternKhanty pattern

3 Analysis

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Restating the observations

Khanty: 3SG marks a noun if the referent is identical to arecently introduced one.

Mari: 3SG marks a noun if the referent belongs to a groupmentioned in the previous discourse/pointed at.

Komi: 3SG marks a noun if the intended referent belongs to aset of individuals whose existence is part of the CommonGround.

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Restating the observations

Khanty: 3SG marks a noun if the referent is identical to arecently introduced one.

Mari: 3SG marks a noun if the referent belongs to a groupmentioned in the previous discourse/pointed at.

Komi: 3SG marks a noun if the intended referent belongs to aset of individuals whose existence is part of the CommonGround.

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Restating the observations

Khanty: 3SG marks a noun if the referent is identical to arecently introduced one.

Mari: 3SG marks a noun if the referent belongs to a groupmentioned in the previous discourse/pointed at.

Komi: 3SG marks a noun if the intended referent belongs to aset of individuals whose existence is part of the CommonGround.

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Three individual-set relations

Common denominator: Relation to a set with presupposedexistence.

Khanty: singleton anaphoric set

Mari: non-singleton anaphoric/deictic set

Komi: Common Ground set

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Three individual-set relations

Common denominator: Relation to a set with presupposedexistence.

Khanty: singleton anaphoric set

Mari: non-singleton anaphoric/deictic set

Komi: Common Ground set

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

Three individual-set relations

Common denominator: Relation to a set with presupposedexistence.

Khanty: singleton anaphoric set

Mari: non-singleton anaphoric/deictic set

Komi: Common Ground set

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

3SG is not a definite article

Definite article: Fregean uniqueness & existencepresuppositions (and much subsequent literature)

3SG: only existential quantification (over the intersection of[[N]] and a relevant set).

Analysis

Analysis: three relations

3SG is not a definite article

Definite article: Fregean uniqueness & existencepresuppositions (and much subsequent literature)

3SG: only existential quantification (over the intersection of[[N]] and a relevant set).

Analysis

Concluding remarks

Is this all there is to it?

anaph. antc. group immed. sit. global sit.

Khanty X X X X

Mari X X X X

Komi X X X X

Analysis

Concluding remarks

Is this all there is to it? No. Tentatively:

anaph. antc. group immed. sit. global sit.

Khanty X X obj. agr./2SG 2SG

Mari case/dem. X case/dem. X

Komi X X X X

Analysis

Some Consequences

Expectation

Mari: Two Suffixes should be able to co-occur since a set of“my things” is different from a locally introduced set (fromthe semantic standpoint).

Komi: Two Suffixes should not be able to co-occur becausethe set of “my things” is just a subset of things withpresupposed existence.

Analysis

Some Consequences

Possessive suffix co-occurrence is possible in Mari

(6) m@j-@nI-gen

n@lfour

uskal-emcow-1sg

ulo.is.

m@jI

ikt-@z-@m/ikt-@mone-3sg-acc

uzal-@n-em...sell-desid-prs.1sg‘I have four cows. I want to sell one of them...’

(7) ...uskal-em-ze...cow-1sg-3sg

siz-esfeel-prs.3sg

stothat

m@jI

tud-@mhe-acc

uzal-emsell-prs.1sg‘...that cow of mine feels that I’m going to sell her.’

Analysis

Some Consequences

Possessive suffix co-occurrence is possible in Mari but not in Komi

(6) Sy-athat-nom

mosk-(*ym)-yscow-(*1sg)-3sg

cuvstvujt-o,feel-prs.3sg

myjthat

meI

mod-awant-prs.1sg

sij-othat-acc

vuzoo-nysell-inf

‘That cow (*of mine) feels that I want to sell her.’

Analysis

Conclusions

Language-specific patterns are consistent: the sphere of 3SGis delimited by categorical judgements.

3SG grammaticalizes a category different from definiteness– one whose semantics does not involve a uniquenesspresupposition.

Analysis

I’m very thankful to Jessica Coon, Luis Alonso-Ovalle, Bernhard Schwarz,and Svetlana Y. Toldova for multiple discussions.

Thanks for helpful comments to the audiences at McGillSyntax-Semantics Reading Group, Finno-Ugric Studies Association ofCanada (FUSAC), and NELS 43.

This work has been made possible by N. V. Elmekeeva, A. V. Ershova, G.G. Pushkina, I. V. Shabalina, L. A. Yangabysheva, Z. V. Klyucheva, E. F.Hozyainova, S. S. Veniaminova, I. D. Makarova, E. Y. Makarova, L. M.Nettina, L. M. Kuznetzova, U. P. Nenzilova, V. F. Ozilov, Z. K. Ozilova,V. P. Pyryseva, P. S. Saltykova, who unsparingly shared with me theirknowledge of their languages.

Fieldwork 2011–2012 has been supported by McGill Arts Research TravelAward.

Analysis

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