asiatics and abydos from the twelfth dyn

8/18/2019 Asiatics and Abydos From the Twelfth Dyn

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THE BULLETIN OF

THE AUSTRALIAN CENTRE

FOR EGYPTOLOGY

VOLUME 24 ▪ 2013


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Editor Dr Susanne Binder

Editorial Board Professor Heike Behlmer, Göttingen

Assoc. Professor Colin A. Hope

Professor Naguib Kanawati

Professor E. Christiana Köhler, Vienna

Dr Ann McFarlane

Assoc. Professor Boyo Ockinga

Dr Yann Tristant

The articles in this journal are peer reviewed.

All rights reserved

ISSN 1035-7254

ISBN 978-1-74138-408-6

Copyright 2013

The Australian Centre for Egyptology

(A Division of the Macquarie University Ancient Cultures Research Centre)

Macquarie University, Sydney NSW 2109, Australia

Printed by

Ligare Book Printers, 138 Bonds Road, Riverwood NSW 2210, Australiawww.ligare.com.au


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CONTENTS

BACE 24 (2013)

Editorial Foreword 5

Bon Appétit! Bread and Reed in the

Funerary Repast Imagery of the

Old and Middle Kingdom Andrea Kahlbacher 7

Ptah-Sokar-Osiris Statuettesfrom the Mallawi Museum Heba Mahran 21

Asiatics and Abydos:

from the Twelfth Dynasty to the

early Second Intermediate Period Anna-Latifa Mourad 31

Egyptology and the Study of Art History Maya Müller 59

Egypt in Late Antiquity:

the evidence from Ammianus Marcellinus Alanna Nobbs 81

Dictation revisited:

The Admonitions of Ipuwer

9.14–10.2, 13.4 and 14.1–4 Marina Sokolova 89

The Egyptianisation of the Pan-Grave Culture:

a new look at an old idea Aaron de Souza 109

Chronological Considerations:

fragments from the Tomb of Hetepet at Giza Alexandra Woods,

Joyce Swinton 127


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ASIATICS AND ABYDOS:

FROM THE TWELFTH DYNASTY

TO THE EARLY SECOND INTERMEDIATE PERIOD*

Anna-Latifa MouradMacquarie University

The enigmatic Fifteenth Dynasty has spurred much discussion on the role offoreigners during the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period.Manetho's account of the "invaders of obscure race"1 originally led historians

to search for traces of north-eastern warriors violently succeeding the Egyptianregime. The discovery of growing Levantine communities at such sites as Tellel-Dab'a has directed scholars to propose that the Hyksos' takeover may nothave been wholly violent, but that it was partly, perhaps completely, facilitated by the increasing social and political influences of the Levantine population onthe Egyptian administration.2 A study on the rise of the Fifteenth Dynasty mustentail an assessment of Levantines during the Middle Kingdom,3 an exercisewell reflected by the available literature on this topic.4 Still, many researchershave concentrated on developments within a particular site or a specific category

of evidence and, while contact with the Levantine culture was greater in thenorth, the majority of studies have paid little attention to the regions of Middleand Upper Egypt. In an attempt to provide a view from the south, the presentarticle examines the evidence for Levantines in one of the most important culticcentres in Upper Egypt: the site of Abydos.

Connected to Osiris, Abydos was a burial ground since the Pre-Dynastic period and continued to be so into the Middle Kingdom, when a plannedsettlement also developed.5 A place of pilgrimage for Egyptians, the journey toAbydos was a topic of several inscriptions and tomb scenes. Some officials of

the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period chose to be buried therewhile at least one pharaoh of the Twelfth Dynasty, Senwosret III, built hisfunerary complex at the site.6 Officials buried elsewhere additionally erectedstelae, small chapels, statues and other cultic equipment in dedication toOsiris.7

The article explores 34 of these stelae and one shrine.8 The criteria for theirselection include:

a) Stelae assigned from the beginning of the Twelfth Dynasty to at least the

mid-Thirteenth Dynasty (early Second Intermediate Period).9 These are


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presented below under (i) stelae assigned to particular kings' reigns; (ii) stelaedated on stylistic grounds to either the Twelfth or Thirteenth Dynasty; and (iii)stelae generally classified to the period spanning the Middle Kingdom to earlySecond Intermediate Period;

b) Museum publications and excavation reports recording Abydos as thestelae's provenance. Unfortunately, early excavators did not take note of theimmediate context of many stelae, restricting analysis on whether the namedindividuals were inhabitants at/near Abydos;

c) The use of terms linked to north-easterners. The most common is aAm or aAm.t , designating individuals of non-Egyptian, Levantine descent.10 Such persons are not necessarily first-generation immigrants and neither are they allfrom a particular region within the Levant. The term is typically

complemented by an individual's name and title. It is also attested as a personalname. Other designates include Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw, @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw,which are not frequently found for foreigners within the borders of Egypt,unless the text is of bellicose nature.

The stelae are translated first and organised according to criterion (a). This isfollowed by some reflections on the textual data, combined with a perusal of afew archaeological finds from Abydos. For bibliographic references andfurther comments regarding the stelae and depiction of Asiatic individuals,

refer to Table 1. The transcriptions below either follow the figures or the textsas presented in Table 1. All transliterations and translations are by the author,and only feature extracts mentioning Asiatics or Egyptian-Levantine relations. Names of possible Semitic origin are left untranslated.

The Stelae

I. Stelae assigned to particular reigns

Nine stelae have been dated to specific reigns: seven are of the Twelfth

Dynasty and two are of the Thirteenth Dynasty. They span the period fromAmenemhat I to Sebekhetep IV.

[1] Louvre C1 (Amenemhat I, Year 24)11

(4) ... (5)

(6) (7)

(8)

(9)


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(4) ... ssH.n(=i) Iwn.tyw MnTw.tyw (5) @r.yw-Sa

sxn.n(=i) xnr.wt xtA=i (6) mi wnS.wy m (7) aD pri.n(=i) hA.n(=i) xt (8) mr.wt = sn nn snw im(9) m wD.n MnTw nx.t m sxr n ///

(4) … I destroyed the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and (5) @r.yw-Sa ; I demolished theenclosures, I creeping up (6) like two jackals (?)12 at the (7) edge of thecultivation; I came and went through their (8) streets, there being no equaltherein, (9) as Montu had commanded the victory by the plan of ///

[2] Cairo CG 20539 (Senwosret I)

(10) ...

(11) …

(10) ... DD(.w) Awr = f m #As.tyw sgrH(.w) n= f @r.yw-Sa sHtp(.w) (11) %t.(t)yw Hriri.wt = sn …

(10) … the one who puts his oppression/terror upon the foreigners; the one who pacifies the @r.yw-Sa for him; the one who pacifies the (11) %t.(t)yw for theiractions ...

[3] Cairo CG 20296 (Senwosret III)

(l.1) (l.2)

(l.4)

(l.1) afty aAm iri.n @tp.t sn= f %bk-nx.t sn= f im.y-rA Sna(.w) (l.2) %bk-nx.t(l.4) ir.y-a.t Imny iri n aAm ai

(l.1) The brewer aAm born to13 Hetepet; his brother Sebeknakht; his brother,overseer of a storehouse, (l.2) Sebeknakht; (l.4) the hall-keeper Imeny born to

aAm ai14

[4] Rio de Janeiro 627 [2419; no. 1] (Senwosret III)

(55-57 [XV])

(58 [II])

(55-57 [XV]) Gbgb aAm iri n Imi (58 [II]) sA= f !rw-nfr aAm iri n mw.t = f

(55-57 [XV]) Gebgeb,15 aAm born to Imi;16 (58 [II]) his son Herunefer,17 aAm, born

to his mother


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[5] Manchester 3306 (Senwosret III)

(c.1)

(c.2)

(c.3)

(c.4)

(c.5)

(c.1) wDA Hm= f m xdi r sxr.t MnTw %t.t spr Hm= f r spA.t %kmm rn= s (c.2) rDi.t

Hm= f tp-nfr m wDA r Xnw anx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) aHa.n %kmm xr = s Hna RTnwXsi.t (c.3) iw=i Hr iri(.t) pH [mSa aH]a.n Abx.n anx.w n.w mSa r aHA Hna aAm.w aHa.n(c.4)

sx.n=i aAm aHa.n rDi.n=i iTi.tw xa.w= f in anx 2 n(.y) mSa nn tS.t Hr aHA Hr =iHsi(.w) n rDi=i sA=i n aAm anx n(=i) %n-wsr.t (c.5) Dd.n(=i) m mAa.t aHa.n Di.n= fn=i sTs18 m Dam r dr.t =i mtpn.t 19 Hna bAgsw bAk(.w) m Dam Hna xfa[w]20 ///

(c.1) His Majesty's proceeding in travelling northwards to overthrow the MnTw of %t.t ; his Majesty's arrival at the district of %kmm,21 its name; (c.2) hisMajesty's making a good start in proceeding to the Residence,22 may it live, be prosperous and healthy. Then %kmm fell with the miserable RTnw,23 (c.3) I actingas the army's rearguard. Then the soldiers of the army engaged to fight with

the aAm.w. (c.4)

Then I hit the aAm and I caused that his weapons be taken by twosoldiers of the army, without desisting from fighting, my face was

courageous24 and I did not turn my back on the aAm. As Senwosret lives (forme), (c.5) I have spoken in truth. Then he gave to me a staff of electrum for myhand, a sheath with a dagger worked with electrum and a handle ///.

[6] Cairo CG 20231 (Amenemhat III)

(h) wdp.w aAm #nti-wr the butler, aAm Khentywer

[7] Fitzwilliam Museum E.207.1900 (Amenemhat III)

aAm wdp.w Rn= f-snb aAm, the butler Renefseneb

aAm Nb-swmn.w aAm Nebsumenu

[8] Liverpool E.30 (Khendjer)

afty aAm Ir[s?]i the brewer,

aAm Ir[s?]i


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aAm %bk-iry aAm Sebekiry

aAm.t %nb-imny-nb-itf aAm.t Senebimenynebitef

aAm %bk-iry aAm Sebekiry

[9] Vienna ÄS 204 (Sebekhetep IV ?)25

(11) sn= f aAm mAa-xrw his brother aAm, justified

II. Stelae assigned to a particular dynasty

Based on stylistic grounds, three stelae here have been allocated to the TwelfthDynasty, two to the late Twelfth or early Thirteenth Dynasty, and four to theThirteenth Dynasty.

[10] Cairo CG 20125 (12th Dynasty)

(h.1) (h.2)

(h.1) imAx %Htp-ib-Ra.w mAa-xrw (h.2) Hm.t = f aAm mAa(.t)-xrw(h.1) the revered Sehetepibra, justified; (h.2) his wife aAm,26 justified

[11] Cairo CG 20421 (12th Dynasty ?)

(4) (5)

(6) (7)

(8)

(4) %nb.t(y)=fy msi n aAm.t %A-Mntw (5) msi n ///ti-n(.y)-[kA.w]= sn

(6) aAm.t msi n @pyw anx.w (7) msi n aAm.t %nb-r-Aw msi n aAm.t(8) Iw-%nb msi n aAm.t anx(.w) D.t

(4) Senebtyfy born to27 aAm.t ; Samontu (5) born to ///tiny[kau]sen;

(6) aAm.t born to Hepyu; Ankhu (7) born to aAm.t ; Senebraw born to aAm.t ;

(8) Iuseneb born to aAm.t ; may he/they live eternally.

[12] Vienna ÄS 169 (12th Dynasty ?)

(12) (13)

(12)

Hm.t =

f %n.t-%bk iri.t (13) n aAm.t (12) his wife Senet-Sebek (13) born to aAm.t


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[13] Vienna ÄS 99 (late 12th – 13th Dynasty)

(12) sA.t = s aAm.t +D.t her daughter aAm.t Djedjet

[14] Vienna ÄS 186 (shrine) (late 12th – 13th Dynasty)

(85a) (85b) (85c)

(85a) aAm.t Wp-wA.wt-Htp mAa(.t)-xrw nfw N(.y)[email protected] (85b) aAm.t [^]Aa

(85c) aAm.t [+fA]-snb, mAa.t-[xrw]

(85a) aAm.t Wepwawethetep, justified; the sailor Ny-Heru; (85b) aAm.t [Sh]aa; (85c) aAm.t [Djefa]seneb, justified

[15] British Museum EA 428 (mid-13th Dynasty)

ir.y-a.t n(.y) Kpny Hall-keeper of (goods from) %bk-Hr-HAb Kpny28 Sebekherhab

[16] Vienna ÄS 143 (13th Dynasty)

(27) aAm.t Wr-nb aAm.t Werneb

(28) aAm.t %bk-nx.t aAm.t Sebeknekhet

[17] Vienna ÄS 160 (13th Dynasty; Figure 1)

(1) (2a)

(3a)

(1) Htp Di nsw.t Wsir nb +dw nTr aA nb AbDw niw.t Di= f pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w)

Apd(.w) Ss(.wt) mnx.wt (2a) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t wdp.w Wr-mr.wt-r = f iri n(3a) Imnty-aAm.t iri n Ny-sw wHm(.w) anx mr n(.y) Inp.w

(1) An offering which the king gives and Osiris, lord of Busiris, the great god,lord of the city Abydos: may he give an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef, fowl, (ointment) alabasters and clothes (2a) which are for the kA of thehall-keeper and butler Wermerutef born to (3a) Imnty-aAm.t and born to Nysu,may he live again, beloved of Anubis.

(4) (2b) (3b)


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(4) Htp Di nsw.t Gb @py wAD.w imA.w (2b) xnty.w n kA n(.y) ir.y-a.t aH Im.y-rA-mSa

iri n (3b) Imnty-aAm.t wHm(.t) anx Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w

(4) An offering which the king gives and Geb and Hapy, may he/she be

prosperous and splendid; (2b) which are for the

kA of the hall-keeper of the palace,Imyramesha29 born to (3b) Imnty-aAm.t , may she live again, and an offering whichthe king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous and splendid.

(5)

Htp Di nsw.t @py wAD.w imA.w

An offering which the king gives and Hapy, may he/she be prosperous andsplendid.

(6)

Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) aAm.t iri.t n I-it Di= ssic pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w)

An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for the kA of aAm.t born to I-it: may shegive/be given an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef and fowl.

(7)

Htp Di nsw.t Wsir n kA n(.y) Ny-sw iri n Kki pr.t-xrw t Hnq.t kA(.w) Apd(.w)

An offering which the king gives and Osiris, for the kA of Nysu born to Keki: may hegive/be given an invocation offering of bread, beer, beef and fowl.

(8) %A-@pi iri n Rn-%(n)b Sahepi born to Rense(ne)b

Nn-Di-rx.tw= f iri n aAm.t Nendjirekhtuef born to aAm.t

(9) N.t-HD.t iri.t n aAm.t Nethedjet born to aAm.t

(10) Imn-m-HA.t iri n Amenemhat born to

N.t-HD.t Nethedjet (11) Bnr.t iri.t (n) N.t-HD.t Beneret born to Nethedjet

(12) Im.y-rA-mSa iri n Imyramesha born to N.t-HD.t Nethedjet

(13) aAm.t iri.t n N.t-HD.t aAm.t born to Nethedjet

(14) Wr-mr.wt = f iri n Wermerutef born to N.t-HD.t Nethedjet


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(15) Im.y-rA-mSa iri n Imyramesha born to N.t-HD.t Nethedjet

(16) Im.y-rA-mSa iri n aAm.t Imyramesha born to aAm.t

[18] Cairo CG 20281 (13th Dynasty)

(g) sn.t = f aAm.t MAa.t His sister aAm.t Maat

[19] Marseille 227 (13th Dynasty ?)

...

... aAm %-nfrw aAm.t [%nb]-rH.w aAm NTr-m-mr aAm Rn-[snb] aAm.t Wr -n-PtH aAm.t%A.t-$nmw ///

...aAm Seneferu; aAm.t [Seneb]rehu; aAm Neteremer; aAm Ren[seneb]; aAm.t Werenptah; aAm.t Sat-Khenemu ///

III. Stelae broadly assigned between the Twelfth and Thirteenth Dynasties

Seventeen stelae are placed in this category. Despite their uncertain date, thetexts supply significant evidence on the names and/or activities of individualsof Levantine descent.

[20] Cairo CG 20028

(f) aAm.t iri.t n @nw.t aAm.t born to Henut

(h) sA.t = f aAm.t iri.t n his daughter aAm.t born

Mrr.t to Mereret

[21] Cairo CG 20062

(c) aAm iri n MAa.t mAa-xrw aAm born to Maat, justified

[22] Cairo CG 20103

(d) aAm= f PtH-wn= f (?) his aAm Ptahwenef (?)30


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[23] Cairo CG 20114

(3)

(4)

(3) sA= s Gbw Hm.t = f %s.t-iyi(.t)-Hb iri n Pr.ty-(4) ityti sA %nHy iri n aAm.t QA-sn.w

(3) Her son, Gebu; his wife, Sesetiyitheb born to Perty-(4)ityti;31 son of

Senehy32 born to aAm.t Qasenu

[24] Cairo CG 20119

(n) [aAm].t Nfr-iw [aAm].t Neferiu

[25] Cairo CG 20158

(b) aAm.t Iyi-m-Htp aAm.t Iyiemhetep

[26] Cairo CG 20164

(g)

aAm.t PtH-aA.t fAi(.t) dfA.w n nb=

saAm.t Ptahaat, the one who carries provisions for her lord

[27] Cairo CG 20227

(k) aAm.t It aAm.t It

aAm.t Nfr-iw aAm.t Neferiu

aAm.t It aAm.t It

[28] Cairo CG 20392

(e.1) aAm= f %nbi his aAm Senbi

[29] Cairo CG 20520

(i.1) it n(.y) Xrd aAm the father of the child,33 aAm,

mAa-xrw justified


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[30] Cairo CG 20549

(b) aAm.t WAH-kA aAm.t (of?) Wahka34

(e.2) aAm.t N.t-HD aAm.t Nethedj

(e.3) aAm.t @tp.wy aAm.t Hetepwy

(e.4) aAm.t @ri aAm.t Heri

(e.5) aAm.t Rn= s-snb aAm.t Renesseneb

[31] Cairo CG 20550

(a) aAm.t %bk-htp aAm.t Sebekhetep

(c.4) aAm.t %bk-aA aAm.t Sebekaa

[32] Cairo CG 20571

(c.1) wdp.w @p.w aAm the butler Hepu, aAm

[33] Cairo CG 20650

(b.3) ... b.4

(b.5)

(b.6)

(b.7)

(b.8)

(b.9)

(b.3) ... im.y-rA mSa (b.4) NhAi iri n [BA]k.t

(b.5) nb.t pr aAm.t iri.t n [&it]///

(b.6) im.y-rA pr I-y iri n aAm.t nb.t imAx (b.7) nb.t pr [BAk.t] iri.t n aAm(.t) nb.t imAx

(b.8) nb.t pr ///t-pw-PtH iri.t n [BAk.t](b.9) nb.t pr %nb= f iri.t n I-ttw nb.t imAx

(b.3) ... the overseer of the army (b.4) Nehai born to [Ba]ket

(b.5) Lady of the house aAm.t born to [Tit]///

(b.6) Steward I-y born to aAm.t possessor of veneration

(b.7) Lady of the house [Baket] born to aAm.t possessor of veneration

(b.8) Lady of the house ///t-pu-Ptah born to [Baket]

(b.9) Lady of the house Senebef, born to I-tetu possessor of veneration


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[34] Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of Penn-sylvania 69-29-56

Smsw aAm mAa-xrw the retainer aAm, justified

[35] Rio de Janeiro 680 [No. 21]

(20)

(21)

(22)

(20) im.y-rA Hm.wt apr(21) iri n I-bi mAa.t-xrw(22)

aAm im.y-rA n(.y) Hmw.t &wty

(20) Overseer of craftsmen apr 35 (21) born to I-bi,36 justified; (22) aAm , overseer of craftsmen &wty37

Reflections on the Stelae

The textual and artistic representations of Asiatics

Amidst the 35 texts and over 75 instances of individuals of Asiatic ancestry,only five names may be of Semitic origin,38 the rest being simply aAm orderived from the Egyptian. Pictorially, individuals labelled aAm are illustratedas Egyptians seated, kneeling or standing. Unfortunately, publications of most

of the stelae are in greyscale, restricting any comments on skin colour. Wherecoloured photographs are presented, no colour is preserved for the Asiaticmen. A few Asiatics bear offerings, including ox legs (E.207.1900 [7], CG20571 [32]), lotus stems (E.207.1900 [7], CG 20550 [31]), fowl (E.207.1900[7], CG 20550 [31]) as well as baskets or vessels (CG 20158 [25], CG 20164[26], CG 20550 [31]). Three appear engaged in daily activities such as pouring beer, grinding grain and sowing seed (E.30 [8]).

The stelae offer a significant insight into the Asiatics' acceptance of Egyptian

traditions. The majority of identified Asiatic descendants are represented withEgyptian names, titles and dress, taking part in Egyptian daily activities andrituals. Two stelae owners are conclusively of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33],ÄS 160 [17]), leading to the proposition that such individuals also assumedEgyptian religious obligations by placing their stelae at Abydos. Furthermore,they appear familiar with Egyptian deities as apparent by the utilisation ofoffering formulae expressing their devotion to Osiris, Anubis, Geb and Hapy.

Correspondingly, the stelae owners (bar the bellicose Louvre C1 [1], CG20539 [2] and Manchester 3306 [5]) did not portray or treat the aAm.w

negatively but included them in their lists of household members,


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acknowledging them as efficient officials of private households and the localadministration. The dedicators of the stelae recognised and recorded thegenealogies of individuals of foreign descent, not only signifying that theaAm.w were fully integrated within Egyptian society, but that the Egyptians

were similarly well-acquainted with the Levantines and their ancestry. This actof recording the genealogy reflects a level of care in preserving the memory ofan Asiatic's descent. Does the explicit mention of Asiatic descent mean that theEgyptians were accepting of an established foreign group within their society?Did the Egyptians consider the mention of Asiatic members in their families asa sign of prestige? Or, was it a required appellation signalling their foreignnessand, perhaps, their inequality compared to other Egyptians? Because people ofAsiatic descent did not hide or conceal their ancestry on their own stelae, asshown in the two examples we have, it is possible to surmise that having an

Asiatic background was not shunned. In such cases, the term aAm was notemployed in a derogatory sense. It simply labelled the origins of individualsliving among Egyptians.39

Asiatics in the Egyptian community

Stelae from Categories (i) and (ii) dating from the reign of Amenemhat III tothe mid-Thirteenth Dynasty refer to the aAm.w as part of the typical Egyptianhousehold. Their numbers remain steadily the same but with a slight increaseduring the Thirteenth Dynasty. They could be employed as 'overseer of astorehouse' (CG 20296 [3]), 'hall-keepers' (CG 20296 [3], ÄS 160 [17]) as wellas 'butlers' (CG 20231 [6], E.207.1900 [7], ÄS 160 [17]) and take part in suchEgyptian daily activities as brewing, cooking and agricultural work (CG 20296[3], E.30 [7]). Stela E.30 (7) infers their participation in cultic rituals possiblyrelated with the stela owner's position as a 'regulator of a phyle'. The foreignersare also associated with such individuals as the 'overseer of a storehouse' (Rio627 [4]), 'overseer of the law-court' (ÄS 99 [13]) and 'chief steward of thegreat house' (Marseille 227 [19]).

Combined with the undated stelae of Category (iii), further notes are offered.Additional professions include a 'carrier of provisions' (CG 20164 [26]), a'steward' (CG 20650 [33]), a 'retainer' (Penn Museum 69-29-56 [34]), an'overseer of the military' (CG 20650 [33]) and 'overseers of craftsmen' (Rio680 [35]). In two instances, Asiatics appear in the custody of Egyptians (CG20103 [22], CG 20392 [28]) while one stela sees Asiatic women of successivegenerations with the title of 'lady of the house' (CG 20650 [33]).

Other Asiatic women are among several lists of household members. Theyappear in at least three stelae as concubines or secondary wives seeminglymarried to Egyptian men (CG 20125 [10], ÄS 160 [17], ÄS 169 [12]). In one


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instance, a sister of Asiatic descent is listed, although her parentage is notspecified (CG 20281 [18]). Stela ÄS 160 (17) additionally records fivegenerations of individuals of Asiatic ancestry following the matrilineal line(Figure 1),40 the last three featuring persons with Egyptian names, a likely

indicator that the family had resided in Egypt for at least three generations.Individuals with other Asiatic relatives similarly arise in at least 11 stelae.

Keki I-it

Senebni Nysu + Imnty-Am.t (I)

Wermerutef (I) Imyramesha (I) Nendjirekhtuef Nethedjet

Amenemhat Beneret Imyramesha(II)

aAm.t (II) Wermerutef(II)

Imyramesha(III)

Imyramesha (IV)

Figure 1. Vienna ÄS 160 [17]: Genealogy of Weremerutef (I) and Imyramesha (I).

On the selected stelae, the number of Asiatic men and women mentioned isalmost equal: approximately 52% are male and 48% are female. As always, itis important to note the fragmentary nature of the evidence itself, particularlyas a small percentage of it actually survives the passage of time.41 The presence of variability and the possibility that the excavated evidence onlyconcerns a small percentage of the entire population should also berecognised.42 Nevertheless, such findings considerably differ from the 90%male and 10% female attestations calculated for Asiatics in el-Lahun papyri of

the Middle Kingdom.

43

One explanation may lie in the fragility of the papyricompared to that of the stelae, the latter being more likely to survive. Anothermay be sought in the sites themselves: the el-Lahun papyri mainly concernindividuals living/working in the settlement's immediate vicinity while thestelae could belong to individuals from across Egypt. Furthermore, the el-Lahun papyri are of a variety of textual genres (letters, accounts, legal texts,hymns, etc.) and thus for a range of purposes, contrary to the stelae's predominantly funerary function, so the individuals listed in the stelae may notwarrant mention in the el-Lahun papyri and vice versa. Despite the differences,

such interpretations highlight the value of the Abydos stelae which offer a


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sampling of individuals of Asiatic ancestry linked to a range of professions inEgyptian society.

Foreign affairs: Asiatics outside the borders of Egypt

Five stelae address foreign relations between the Egyptian administration andLevantine groups. Four of these concern the Egyptian army, three of whichnote possible military encounters against foreigners (Louvre C1 [1], CG 20539[2], Manchester 3306 [5]) while one presents an 'overseer of the army' as anindividual of Asiatic descent (CG 20650 [33]). The stela of general44 Nesumontu (Louvre C1 [1]) has been utilized as evidence for military actionagainst Levantine fortresses during Amenemhat I's reign;45 however thedamaged text does not specify the location of the enclosures, merely

expressing Nesumontu's victory over the xnr.wt of the Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw and @r.yw-Sa . So, the xnr.wt could be enclosures within Egypt, the Eastern Desertor the Sinai region.46 Montuhetep's bellicose epithet [2] focuses on the vizier'scontrol over the @r.yw-Sa and %t.(t)yw during Senwosret I's reign. Khusebek, by contrast [5], relays his personal encounter against one aAm in an event whichmost certainly transpired following Senwosret III's visit to the Levant, the lastmilitary campaign recorded on a monument from Abydos.

As the text recounts, Senwosret III and Khusebek marched47 northwardstowards ¤t.t specifically to overthrow the MnTw. The expedition reached ¤kmm

after which it turned back for an unspecified reason, probably an unsuccessfulmilitary venture.48 Because the text lacks any clear outline of the venture's progress, it is likely that such a description was not necessary for inclusion inKhusebek's stela. On the contrary, the focal point seems to be the official'sown contribution to the expedition,49 amplifying Khusebek's personalachievements and his perspective on the unfolding events. Thus, the first linesfunction to set the scene, purposely overlooking the pharaoh's exploits at ¤t.t ,¤kmm and RTnw and only noting that the latter two 'fell'50 following theMajesty's return trip to the Residence. Then, Khusebek relays his experience in

a skirmish against the aAm.w, when, fulfilling his duty as a courageousrearguard, he fought victoriously against one aAm and was consequentlyrewarded with weapons.51 Khusebek's account insinuates that the Egyptianarmy traversed through the Levant up to ¤kmm, near RTnw, providing evidencefor both Senwosret III's political interests in this region as well as the oftenviolent nature of Egyptian-Levantine relations during the Twelfth Dynasty. Itis, therefore, of social and political importance that a aAm descendent couldreach the position of an 'overseer of the army' (CG 20650 [33]), signalling theacceptance of such individuals not only within Egyptian society and

administration but also in the military.


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An allusion to trade relations with the Northern Levant is supplied by BM EA428 [15] in which a 'hall-keeper of (goods from) Kpny' is listed. The titleemphasises that trade with the coastal city of Byblos would have been on suchfrequent terms during the mid-Thirteenth Dynasty as to warrant the appointment

of this individual.52 His inclusion among a treasurer's list of officials furtherhighlights the association of trade with members of the elite. Interestingly, thisassociation is also reflected in archaeological markers for contact with theLevant at Abydos.

Archaeological markers

The adoption of Egyptian customs by Levantine descendants hints that thearchaeological record may not reveal the full extent of Asiatic presence at

Abydos. There are a few markers of possible contact, two of which areindicative of trade and a third possibly connected to a growing Levantineinfluence in Egypt. The first is an anchor axe-head from Twelfth DynastyTomb 51 (?) at Abydos.53 The bronze weapon is a precursor to the EarlyBronze Age IV (EBIV) and Middle Bronze Age IIA (MBIIA) fenestrated eyeand duckbill shapes, with two open sockets and a knob in the centre.54 Parallelsderive from such Northern Levantine sites as Ur (Middle to Late AkkadianPeriod),55 Tell Qarqur (EBIV)56 and Byblos (MBIIA),57 as well as a FirstIntermediate Period tomb at Helwan.58 So, the axe-head may be an imported, perhaps prestige, item from the Northern Levant.

The second marker is characterised by four fragments of Tell el-Yahudiyahware uncovered in tombs assigned to Second Intermediate Period contexts.59 These include a piriform jug from Tomb B13 with parallels from MBIIByblos, Jericho and Tell el-Dab'a strata F–E/2;60 a biconical jug from Tomb 21with similar ware from Tell el-Dab'a strata E/2–D/1;61 and a fragment of avessel's shoulder decorated with lotus petals from Tomb D11, apparently datedto the Seventeenth Dynasty.62 The Tell el-Yahudiyah ware, particularly the piriform and biconical jugs, can be stylistically dated between the second half

of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Fifteenth Dynasty, indicating some relations between Abydos and the north.

The third artefact is an ivory sphinx figurine from Shaft Tomb 477. Identifiedas a portrayal of a Fifteenth Dynasty king, namely Khayan,63 the itemcomprises of the forepart of a sphinx holding the head of an Egyptian64 between its paws. The sphinx's head is crowned with a nemes headdress and auraeus. Facial characteristics include large ears, almond-shaped eyes slantingin towards an aquiline, curved nose, and straight, thick lips. These elements,especially the nose, have directed scholars to interpret the face as that of anAsiatic;65 however, it has been suggested that the sphinx represents Senwosret I,66


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despite the scanty comparative material.67 The context does not allow for aconcrete date: the shaft's excavation is not fully published and accompanyingobjects from 477 as well as the two adjoining shafts, 476 and 478, have beenassigned to the Middle Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, with notes

of secondary usage and disturbed contexts.68 From the context, one can onlyconclude that the shaft belonged to middle or high ranking individual(s). Asfor the artefact's function, two peg-holes in the underside suggest that it was afixture, perhaps for a box or a piece of furniture.69 Accordingly, the availablematerial does not allow for the identification of the sphinx as a TwelfthDynasty king nor as a Hyksos ruler. It is worthy of note that the shape of thenose and the eyes is more akin to foreign, north-eastern characteristics.70 But,rather than classifying such features as those of a foreign king, perhaps theycan be viewed as an artistic fusion of Egyptian royal symbols with Asiatic

elements. Subsequently, the hybrid representation may not necessarily depict a pharaoh's own mixed ancestry; it could also denote an artist's attempt to portray the king with a more heterogeneous character,71 probably by or formulti-ethnic followers. In view of the Asiatic population in Egypt, as well astheir presence among varying levels of society as witnessed in the Abydosstelae, both cases are possible but more likely in the late Twelfth Dynasty toSecond Intermediate Period.

Combined, the archaeological material at Abydos is largely related to middleor high ranking individuals, adding a possible prestige function for the axe.The Tell el-Yahudiyah vessels signify the continuance of Second IntermediatePeriod contact with the north while the ivory sphinx indicates possibleinfluences on Pharaonic art. Such reflections agree with the data gathered fromthe stelae, denoting that at least the middle to high echelons of the Egyptian population at Abydos were familiar with some aspects of Levantine culture between the Twelfth Dynasty and the early Second Intermediate Period.

Conclusions

The examined texts present substantial evidence on the status of Asiaticswithin Egyptian society. They illustrate:

(1) A slight increase in the number of Asiatics during the Thirteenth Dynastyand early Second Intermediate Period, perhaps resulting in 'hybrid'artistic fusions reaching Abydos;

(2) The presence of Asiatics, both male and female, working and livingamong Egyptians of mid to high social rank;

(3) The acceptance of Asiatics in the social, administrative and military

spheres;(4) Asiatics partaking in Egyptian religious duties and daily activities;


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(5) The artistic representations of Asiatics as Egyptians;(6) A lack of bellicose representations of Asiatics after Senwosret III's reign;

and(7) The elite's control of trade with the north, particularly the Northern

Levant, during the Thirteenth Dynasty.

Abydos was certainly accessible to Asiatics, a few of whom placed their ownstelae at the site following popular Egyptian traditions. They were employedwithin the Egyptian administration, holding titles involved with privatehouseholds as well as the local administration and workforce. Some may havealso resided in Egypt for over three generations, adopting particular aspects ofthe Egyptian culture and intermingling with the local population withoutabandoning their own ancestry. The Egyptians accepted the foreign lineage of

their neighbours and did not represent them in a derogatory way. Despiterecords of conflict over the borders, the situation within Egypt marks mutualwork and familial relations. Descendants of Asiatics were recognised for theircontributions and were most probably encountered on a daily basis, in typicalsituations and, at the very least, by middle to high ranking individuals withinEgypt as far south as Abydos. Therefore, the stelae convey considerable dataon the rising status and recognition of the Asiatic population, noting that, in thetime preceding the rise of the Hyksos, Abydos was more than familiar withAsiatic descendents – it was also visited by them.


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STELA STELA FOR … ASIATIC(S)* DEPICTION / MENTION OF ASIATIC(S)

1 LOUVRE C1 Count, Overseer of the Army, Nesumontu

3 groups:

Iwn.tyw, MnTw.tyw, @r.yw-Sa

text separated from main text describing Asiatics

as destroyed targets

2

CG 20539

Vizier, Treasurer,

Montuhetep 2 groups:

@r.yw-Sa, %t.(t)yw

in a sequence

of

phrases

concerning

the

control

over foreigners

3 CG 20296 Overseer of tenant farmers, Seneb (father of Iunefert,

Rio 627)

4 x m in list of individuals (household members?)

4 RIO DE JANEIRO 627 [2419, NO. 1]

Overseer of a/the storehouse,

Senwosret‐Iunefert

2 x m one as Egyptian, kneeling; the other in list of

individuals as son of Senwosret‐Iunofert and a

woman of Asiatic descent

5 MANCHESTER 3306

Great Attendant of the City,

Khusebek

2 groups:

MnTwaAm.w

text separated from main text; conjectured to

have been inscribed either first or last; royal

military activity against %kmm and RTnw and personal success against

aAm 6 CG 20231 Scribe of the Outer Chamber, Senebi

1 x m as Egyptian, seated among officials

7 FITZWILLIAM E.207.1900

Steward of Divine Offerings,

Amenemhat, Nebwy

2 x m as Egyptians, standing: carrying an ox leg before

offering table; carrying a bundle of lotus and

baskets of fowl

8 LIVERPOOL E.30

Regulator of a phyle,

Amenyseneb

3 x m

1 x f

as Egyptians: straining liquid into a jar, pouring

beer into a jar, grinding grain, sowing seed

9 VIENNA ÄS 204

Great Attendant of the City,

Sarerut

1 x m as Egyptian, seated among individuals (household

members?); described as 'brother'; unclear to

whom he is related or whether his mother or

father is of Asiatic descent. If it is the father, then

Sarerut also

had

Asiatic

ancestry.

10 CG 20125 Senwosret 1 x f in list of family relatives

11 CG 20421 Senwosret 5 x m 2 x f

in list of individuals (household members?)

12 VIENNA ÄS 169

Kheperkara and Kuki 1 x f as Egyptian, seated behind her husband, Weren‐

Her at an offering table

13 VIENNA ÄS 99

Overseer of a law‐court,

Khentykhetyhetep

1 x f in list of individuals; daughter of Khentykhety‐

hetep’s wife Kui; paternal parentage not

recorded; 5 step(?)‐brothers and 2 step(?)‐sisters

listed, but with no identifiable foreign ancestry

14 VIENNA ÄS 186

(SHRINE)

Overseer of a half ‐gang of

stone‐masons, Hori

3 x f in list of individuals; Ni‐Heru's title and name are

written in the same designated rectangle as

Wepwawethetep, perhaps

signifying

some

relation

15 BM EA 428 Treasurer, Senbi ‐ in title related to Kpny 16 VIENNA

ÄS 143 Chamberlain of the private

apartments, Titi and others

2 x f in list of individuals (household members?)

17 VIENNA ÄS 160

Hall‐keeper and butler,

Wermerutef and

Hall‐keeper of the palace,

Imyramesha

8 x m

4 x f

stela of brothers of Asiatic descent (genealogy,

see Fig. 1); immediate family members noted to

be of Asiatic descent; all as Egyptians; 20 further

individuals not directly linked to the family also

listed

18 CG 20281 Rekhtyhetep 1 x f as Egyptian, seated; probably connected with CG 20062

19

MARSEILLE 227

Chief steward

of

the

great

house, Renseneb 3 x m

3 x f in

list

of

individuals

(household

members?)


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20 CG 20028 Keshu 2 x f Mereret's daughter as an Egyptian; other in list of individuals

21 CG 20062 Panetyn 1 x m as Egyptian, seated in a row of relatives (?); probable connection to CG 20281

22 CG 20103 Bedjetynshema‐ankhu 1 x m as Egyptian, behind son of Bedjetynshema‐ankhu;

pronoun (aAm=

f ) refers

to

the

son

or

father 23 CG 20114 Bedjetysenyseneb 1 x m in complicated list of family relatives

24 CG 20119 Keeper of a property, Nehnen

1 x f (?) as Egyptian kneeling; reading of aAm.t uncertain

25 CG 20158 Steward, Neferrudj 1 x f as Egyptian, standing, carrying basket in left hand and a rope with hanging vessel in her right

26 CG 20164 Sebekhetep 1 x f as Egyptian standing, carrying basket on her head

27 CG 20227 Overseer of fields, Antyhetep

3 x f in list of individuals (household members?)

28 CG 20392 Steward of divine offerings Sebekhetep

1 x m in list of individuals (household members?)

29 CG 20520 Magnate of the southern tens,

Nehy

1 x m as Egyptian, seated before offering table

30 CG 50549 Steward, Wahka 5 x f aAm.t as standing Egyptian bringing offerings to Wahka; others as Egyptian girls, standing behind

Wahka's wives (?) 31 CG 20550 Steward, Sebekaa 2 x f as Egyptians: Sebekhotep, standing, basket on

head, jug and lotus in left hand; Sebekaa,

kneeling, basket on head, fowl in right hand

32 CG 20571 Chamberlain of the bureau of the overseer of the treasury,

Remnyankh

1 x m as Egyptian, offering an ox leg

33 CG20650 Overseer of the army, Nehai

2 x m

4 x f

stela of individual of Asiatic descent; most, if not

all, people in list noted to be of Asiatic descent

34

U. PENN. 69‐29‐56

unknown

1 x m

in

list

of

individuals

(household

members?);

as

Egyptian, seated

35 RIO DE JANEIRO 680 [NO. 21]

Member of the foremen,

Karu

2 x m apr as Egyptian; name and title of &wty appear near figure of apr

* Terms designating groups of Asiatic foreigners are supplied and individuals are labelled either as m (male) or f (female); numbers do not include Asiatic parents.

Table 1. Overview: stelae from Abydos mentioning Asiatics.

SELECTION OF R EFERENCES FOR TABLE 1

1 Sethe, Ägyptische Lesestücke, 82 [12–15]; Simpson, The Terrace of the Great God at Abydos: The Offering Chapels of Dynasties 12 and 13 (New Haven / Philadelphia, 1974) pl. 14 [6.2]; Obsomer, in: RdE 44 (1993) 103–140.

2 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine des Mittleren Reichs im Museum von Kairo, I–IV(Cairo, 1902–1908) II: 150–58, IV: pl. 41.

3 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 309–10; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II , 40– 41.

4 Kitchen, Catalogue of the Egyptian Collection in the National Museum, Rio de Janeiro(Warminster, 1990) I: 14–22; II: pls. 1–2; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II , 68–69.


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5 Garstang, El-Arábah, 6, 32–34, pls. 4–5; Peet, The Stela of Sebek-Khu. The Earliest Recordof an Egyptian Campaign in Asia (Manchester, 1914) 5, pls. 1–2; Sethe, Lesestücke, 83 [8– 15]; Baines, in: Form und Mass, 43–61, pl. 1.

6 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 250–252, IV: pl. 18; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 39.

7 Garstang, El-Arábah, 33–34, pl. 6; Bourriau, Pharoahs and Mortals, 50–51 [39].8 Kitchen, in: JEA 47 (1961) 10–18; Kitchen, in: JEA 48 (1962) 159–160; Bourriau,

Pharaohs and Mortals, 60–63 [48]; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 52. 9 Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I: 162–67; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 77,

80–81.10 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 147–48; IV: pl. 11; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II:

38.11 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 16–17; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 43–44.12 Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 87–93; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 79–

80.13 Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 28–32; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 77.

14Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 111–27; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 80

15 Peet, Abydos II: 111, fig. 65, pl. 23 [3]; Grajetzki, Two Treasurers, 27–28 [1.4].16 Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches I, 68–74; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten

II , 78.17 Hein / Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren Reiches II: 79–86; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten

II: 78–79.18 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 295–97, IV: pl. 20; Schneider, Ausländer in

Ägypten II: 40.19 Maspero, "Monument égyptiens du Musée de Marseille", in: Rec Trav 13 (1890) 116–17

[27]; Satzinger / Stefanović, "The Domestic Servant of the Palace rn-snb", in: Bechtold /Gulyàs / Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft, BAR Int. Ser. 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 241–45; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 58.

20 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 36–37, IV: pl. 3; Schneider, Ausländer in ÄgyptenII: 36.

21 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 75–77; IV: pl. 6; Schneider, Ausländer in ÄgyptenII: 37.

22 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 125–27; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 37.23 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 136–37; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 37.24 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 141–43; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38.25 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 185–86; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 38.26 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 195–97, IV: pl. 14; Schneider, Ausländer in

Ägypten II: 38–39.27 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 246–47; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 39.

28 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine I: 388–89, IV: pl. 28; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 41–42.29 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 116–22, IV: pl. 36; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II:

44–45.30 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 177–79; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 45.31 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 179–81, IV: pl. 43; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II:

45–46.32 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 209–11, IV: pl. 46; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II:

46.33 Lange / Schäfer, Grab- u. Denksteine II: 284–85; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 46.34 Simpson, Inscribed Material from the Pennsylvania Yale Excavations at Abydos,

Publications of the Pennsylvania–Yale Expedition to Egypt 6 (New Haven / Philadelphia,1995) 40–41, fig. 67, pl. 8 [d]; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 68.

35 Kitchen, Catalogue I: 64–67, II: pl. 45; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II: 69–70.


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* I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Professor Naguib Kanawati andAssociate Professor Boyo Ockinga for their valuable and constructive comments

regarding this article.1 Manetho, Aegyptiaca, frag. 42, 1.75–1.76, in W.G. Waddell (ed.), Manetho, LoebClassical Library 350 (Cambridge, 1971) 79.

2 See, for instance, T. Säve-Söderbergh, "The Hykos Rule in Egypt" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 37 (1951) 53–71; J. van Seters, The Hyksos: A New Investigation (New Haven / London, 1966); M. Bietak, Avaris: The Capital of the Hyksos. Recent Excavations at Tell el-Dab'a (London, 1996); M. Bietak, "FromWhere Came the Hyksos and Where did they Go?" in: M. Marée (ed.), The Second Intermediate Period (Thirteenth to Seventeenth Dynasties): Current Research, Future Prospects (Leuven / Paris / Walpole, 2010) 139–81. For supporters of a

violent takeover, see H.E. Winlock, The Rise and Fall of the Middle Kingdom inThebes (New York, 1947) 96–97; D. Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel in AncientTimes (Princeton, 1992) 98–06.

3 I am currently conducting PhD research investigating in detail the evidence on thistopic from across Egypt.

4 For example, Bietak, in: Second Intermediate Period , 139–81; J. Bourriau, "TheSecond Intermediate Period (c. 1650–1550 B.C.)" in: I. Shaw (ed.), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 32003) 172–206; T. Schneider, "MiddleKingdom and the Second Intermediate Period", in: E. Hornung / R. Krauss / D.A.Warburton (eds.), Ancient Egyptian Chronology (Leiden / Boston, 2006) 168–96;

T. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten während des Mittleren Reiches und der Hyksoszeit II: Die ausländische Bevölkerung, Ägypten und Altes Testament 42(Wiesbaden, 1998–2002). Although different in its approach, Schneider'smonograph presents a significant contribution to the study of Asiatics within Egypt,investigating references to a range of foreigners amid the available textual materialfrom the Twelfth to Fifteenth Dynasties.

5 B. Porter / R. Moss, Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian HieroglyphicTexts, Reliefs and Paintings V (reprint, Oxford, 1962) 39–105; J. Richards, Societyand Death in Ancient Egypt: Mortuary Landscapes of the Middle Kingdom(Cambridge, 2005) 129–31; W. Grajetzki, The Middle Kingdom of Ancient Egypt:

History, Archaeology and Society (London, 2006) 95–97; M.D. Adams,"Community and Societal Organization in Early Historic Egypt. IntroductoryReport on 1991–92 Fieldwork Conducted at the Abydos Settlement Site" in: Newsletter of the American Research Center in Egypt 158/189 (1992) 1–9; J.Wegner, "Excavations at the Town of Enduring-are-the-Places-of-Khakaure-Maa-Kheru-in-Abydos. A Preliminary Report on the 1994 and 1997 Seasons" in: Journalof the American Research Center in Egypt 35 (1998) 1–44; J. Wegner, "The Townof Wah-sut at South Abydos: 1999 Excavations", in: Mitteilungen des deutschenarchäologischen Instituts Kairo 57 (2001) 281–308.

6 Kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty and the Second Intermediate Period may have also been buried at Abydos: Richards, Society and Death, 131–36, 169–72; E. Ayrton /C. Currelly / A. Weigall, Abydos III (London, 1904) 11–34; J. Wegner, "The


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Organization of the Temple NFR-KA of Senwosret III at Abydos" in: Ägypten und Levante 10 (2000) 83–125; J. Wegner, The Mortuary Temple of Senwosret III at

Abydos, Publications of the Pennsylvania-Yale Expedition to Egypt 8 (New Haven /Philadelphia, 2007); J. Wegner, "The Tomb of Senwosret III at Abydos:Considerations on the Origins and Development of the Royal Amduat-Tomb", in:D.P. Silverman / W.K. Simpson / J. Wegner (eds.), Archaism and Innovation:Studies in the Culture of Middle Kingdom Egypt (New Haven and Philadelphia,2009) 103–68; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 95–97.

7 Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 95.8 The shrine is considered in the group's identification as 'stelae' from henceforth.9 For the issues and proposed developments in the epigraphy of stelae, see C.J.C.

Bennett, "Growth of the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Middle Kingdom" in: Journal of

Egyptian Archaeology 27 (1941) 77–82; D. Franke, "The Middle KingdomOffering Formulas – A Challenge", in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 89 (2003)39–57; W. Barta, Aufbau und Bedeutung der altägyptischen Opferformel,Ägyptologische Forschungen 24 (Glückstadt, 1968) 43–84; A. Ilin-Tomich,"Changes in the Htp-Dj-nsw Formula in the Late Middle Kingdom and the SecondIntermediate Period" in: Zeitschrift für ägyptische und allgemeine Kunstwissenschaft 138 (2011) 20–34.

10 The term does not only refer to individuals. It could also be employed to refer to anobject of Asiatic origin/resemblance or to an Egyptian with Asiatic features. Yet,the majority of Old and Middle Kingdom references seem to refer to people of

Levantine ancestry. As Luft writes, "the only acceptable starting point to search for Asiatics in the Egyptian material is the use of aAm before the name". See Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 7; U. Luft, "Asiatics in Illahun: A Preliminary Report" in:Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia Atti II (Turin, 1993) 292.

11 The stela opens with the titulary of both Amenemhat I and Senwosret I, leadingscholars to postulate a possible co-regency between the two. Some consequentlyassign the events to the period of co-regency, or Year 4 of Senwosret I's reign. J.H.Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt I: The First to the Seventeenth Dynasties(Chicago, 1906) 227; G. Posener, Littérature et politique dans l'Égypte de la XII e dynastie (Paris, 1969) 54, 66; D. Wildung, "Ein Würfelhocker des Generals Nes-Month" in: Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts Kairo 37 (1981)507; C. Obsomer, "La Date de Nésou-Montou (Louvre C1)" in: Revued'égyptologie 44 (1993) 103–40; A.J. Spalinger, "Orientations on Sinuhe" in: Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 25 (1998) 318.

12 Berman translates it as 'wolves': L.M. Berman, Amenemhet I (PhD Thesis: YaleUniversity, 1985) 109.

13 The expression iri n 'born to' may also be translated as a perfective relative formiri.n 'whom has conceived'. The same is the case with msi n which is similarlytranslated in this article as 'born to' rather than the equally correct msi.n 'whom hasengendered'.

14 Perhaps the name is of foreign origin: H. Ranke, Die Ägyptischen Personennamen I (Glückstadt, 1935) 59 [12].


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15 Rio de Janeiro 627 [4] is cited as the only reference for this name in Ranke, Personennamen I, 350 [22]. Kitchen prefers an Egyptian derivative, translating it as

'the lame' rather than a Semitic origin with relation to gba 'tall': K.A. Kitchen,"Early Canaanites in Rio De Janeiro and a 'Corrupt' Ramesside Land-Sale" in: S.Israelit-Groll (ed.), Studies in Egyptology: Presented to Miriam Lichtheim II(Jerusalem, 1990) 638–639, ns. 20–21.

16 Possibly relating to the Semitic ummi 'my mother': Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 638, n. 19; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 131; T. Schneider, Asiatische Personennamen in ägyptischen Quellen des Neuen Reiches, OrbisBiblicus et Orientalis 114 (Gottingen, 1992) 20 [22]. For Egyptian attestations, seeRanke, Personennamen I, 25 [17].

17 Ranke, Personennamen I, 231 [4]; K.A. Kitchen, "Non-Egyptians recorded on

Middle Kingdom Stelae in Rio de Janeiro", in: S. Quirke (ed.), Middle KingdomStudies (New Malden, 1991) 88.18 The reading could also be amaA 'throw-stick' or, as Goedicke suggests, sTn 'support'.

H. Goedicke, "Khu-u-Sobek's Fight in 'Asia'", in: Ägypten und Levante 7 (1998) 36.19 See Wb 2, 170 [6].20 Garstang and Sethe end the term with two quail chicks (G43), however the reading

is uncertain: J. Garstang, El-Arábah: A Cemetery of the Middle Kingdom Survey ofthe Old Kingdom Temenos Graffiti from the Temple of Sety (London, 1901) pl. 5;K. Sethe, Ägyptische Lesestücke (Leipzig, 1924) 83 [15]; J. Baines, "The Stela ofKhusobek: Private and Royal Military Narrative and Values", in: J. Osing / G.

Dreyer (eds.), Form und Mass: Beiträge zur Literatur, Sprache und Kunst des alten Ägypten. Festschrift für Gerhard Fecht zum 65. Geburtstag am 6. Februar 1987(Wiesbaden, 1987) 52 [rr].

21 Postulated to be the city of Shechem, although the determinative as well as the preceding word point to a regional designate. For a similar toponym, see E6 of theSaqqara Execration Texts. Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 34–35; G. Posener, Princeset Pays d'Asie et de Nubie. Textes Hiératiques sur des Figurines d'Envoûtement du Moyen Empire (Brussels, 1940) 68; S. Aḥituv, Canaanite Toponyms in Ancient Egyptian Documents (Jerusalem, 1984) 173–74; Redford, Egypt, Canaan, and Israel, 76; T.L. Thompson, The Historicity of the Patriarchal Narratives: TheQuest for the Historical Abraham (Harrisburg, 2003) 132; S.L. Cohen, Canaanites,Chronologies, and Connections: The Relationship of Middle Bronze IIA Canaan to Middle Kingdom Egypt, Studies in the Archaeology and History of the Levant 3(Indiana, 2002) 46–47, n. 59.

22 For Xnw's identification as the Residence, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 51 [dd].A different interpretation recognises Xnw as the citadel at %kmm, with the ensuinganx(.w) (w)DA(.w) s(nb.w) formula referring back to the majesty. As Baines writes,the formula typically follows Hm= f rather than Xnw. The term Xnw is also usedtwice in other sections of the stela to refer to Egyptian men of the Xnw, therebymost likely pointing to the Egyptian Residence rather than that of %kmm. Goedicke,in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; R. Gundlach, Die Zwangsumsiedlung auswärtiger Bevölkerung als Mittel ägyptische Politik bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches


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(Stuttgart, 1994) 172.23 Goedicke translates the expression as "when %kmm withstood – it and RTnw will

fall ": Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35.24 For this expression, see Baines, in: Form und Mass, 52 [ll].25 Possibly connected to a household listed in Stela Turin 98 (1629) dating to

Sebekhetep IV's reign. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 77, 80–81.26 Either her name or appellation.27 See n. 13 above.28 Identified as Byblos. The title is also attested on an unprovenanced stela currently

at University College Dublin (UC 1360) dated to the late Middle Kingdom. W.Grajetzki, Two Treasurers of the Late Middle Kingdom, BAR International Series1007 (Oxford, 2001) 27–28 [1.4]; Grajetzki, Middle Kingdom, 71; S. Quirke, "Six

Hieroglyphic Inscriptions in University College Dublin" in: Revue d'égyptologie 51(2000) 223–51; S. Quirke, Title and Bureaux of Egypt 1850-1700 BC (London,2004) 71.

29 The name is not attested in Ranke, Personennamen I, but derives from the Egyptiantitle 'overseer of the army'. Its usage here as a name is supported by its position onthe stela, which is comparable to the mirrored offering formula, title and name ofImyramesha's brother, Wermerutef (lines 1-3a).

30 Schneider reads the name as &pH-wn= f : Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37.31 As the two halves of the name are on separate lines, they could belong to two

separate individuals. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37.

32 The sequence could also be translated as iri n Pr.ty-ityti sA= s NHy 'born to Pertyityti;her son Nehy'. Nehy would then have two mothers (Perty-ityti and aAm.t Qasenu),though the addition of the feminine .t in aAm may be a scribal error. The name NHy could additionally be rendered as %A-%nhy or %nHy, which is favoured here.Alternatively, the addition of a suffix-pronoun may refer to a different individual,Ityti (see above, n. 31). Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 37.

33 It-n-Xrd could also be the name of the individual, but it is unattested in Ranke, Personennamen I. While the placement of aAm after this rare name is uncommon, itis not unattested (see CG 20571 [32] for an example).

34 aAm.t could either be a name or part of the nomens regens of a direct genitive in

'aAm.t of Wahka', as Wahka is also the name of the stela's dedicator.35 The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies,89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 637–38; Schneider, Ausländer in ÄgyptenII, 141; Ranke, Personennamen I, 60 [12].

36 The name is possibly of Semitic origin. Ranke, Personennamen I, 20 [5–10];Kitchen, in: Middle Kingdom Studies, 89; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 638; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 125–26.

37 The name is most possibly of Semitic origin. Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II,172; Kitchen, in: Studies in Egyptology II, 636–37; Kitchen, in: Middle KingdomStudies, 88–89; Schneider, Asiatische Personennamen, 243–44 [521].

38

ai in CG 20296 [2], Gbgb and his mother Imi in Rio de Janeiro 627 [4], as well as Ibi and &wty in Rio de Janeiro 680 [35].


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39 Foreigners of the south may have also experienced the same treatment. For morediscussion and a perusal of the textual evidence mentioning southerners, see

Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 82–108.40 Previously postulated to be three generations; a re-reading of the text suggests thatthe repetition of particular names denotes different individuals. As such, fivegenerations are proposed here: I. Hein / H. Satzinger, Stelen des Mittleren ReichesII, Corpus Antiquitatum Aegyptiacum Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien Lieferung7 (Mainz am Rhein, 1993) 82; Schneider, Ausländer in Ägypten II, 79, 308.

41 D. Clarke, "Archaeology: The Loss of Innocence" in: Antiquity 47 (1973) 16; C.Renfrew / P. Bahn, Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practices (London, 2008)54–72.

42 D. O'Connor, "A Regional Population in Egypt to circa 600 BC" in: B. Spooner

(ed.), Population Growth: Anthropological Implications (Cambridge, 1972) 81–83;J. Baines / C. Eyre, "Four Notes on Literacy" in: Gottinger Miszellen 61 (1983) 65– 67; J. Baines / P. Lacovara, "Burial and the Dead in Ancient Egyptian Society:Respect, Formalism, Neglect" in: Journal of Social Archaeology 2 (2002) 12;Richards, Society and Death in Ancient Egypt , 66.

43 M. Petrik, "Foreign Groups at Lahun during the Late Middle Kingdom" in: E.Bechtold / A. Gulyàs / A. Hasznos (eds.), From Illahun to Djeme: Papers Presented in Honour of Ulrich Luft , British Archaeological Reports InternationalSeries 2311 (Oxford, 2011) 213.

44 Another statue of Nesumontu distinguishes him as "the very great general of the

entire land " or " generalissimo": Wildung, in: MDAIK 37 (1981) 503–07; Cohen,Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38, n. 39.45 Kemp writes that "when the Egyptians refer to or depict foreign fortresses, we

should understand nothing less than the fortified cities of Early and Middle Bronze Age Palestine": B.J. Kemp, "Old Kingdom, Middle Kingdom and SecondIntermediate Period c. 2686–1552 BC" in: B.G. Trigger et. al. (eds.), Ancient Egypt: A Social History (Cambridge, 1983) 143; Redford, Egypt , Canaan and Israel , 77, 82; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38; M. Bárta,Sinuhe, the Bible, and the Patriarchs (Prague, 2003) 105.

46 Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 38. For more on the term

xnr.wt , see S. Quirke, "A Reconsideration of the Term xnrt ", in: Revued'égyptologie 39 (1988) 83–106.47 Both spr and wDA of line C.1 are determined by , most probably indicating that

the army travelled by foot: J.W. Wells, War in Ancient Egypt (PhD Thesis: JohnsHopkins University, 1995) 133–34.

48 Some have posited that the king led an unsuccessful siege against ¤kmm, despite thelack of details and the identification of the toponym as a region rather than afortified settlement. See n. 21 above; Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; Bárta, Sinuhe,the Bible, and the Patriarchs, 127–28.

49 Baines, in: Form und Mass, 59–61.50

A militaristic meaning to the term interprets it as 'to withstand' an attack or 'to fall'upon or ambush the Egyptians – both usages being uncommon in earlier military


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narratives. Delia writes that the return of the Egyptians might have been either anact of retreat, with the Egyptians falling prey to a surprise attack, or a military

strategy, with the king luring the Asiatics to attack: R.D. Delia, A Study of the Reignof Senwosret III (PhD Thesis: Columbia University, 1980) 119; Baines, in: Formund Mass, 51 [ee]; Goedicke, in: Ä&L 7 (1998) 35; Cohen, Canaanites, Chronologies, and Connections, 47.

51 Perhaps of his victim.52 For a similar case, see Quirke, in: RdE 51 (2000) 229–30.53 Petrie notes that the axe was uncovered in Tomb 30b; however the plate labels the

axe as part of Tomb 51's assemblage; in another report, Sebelien places the artefactin Tomb 51; W.M.F. Petrie, Tombs of the Courtiers and Oxyrhynkhos (London,1925) 6, pl. 5 [28]; J. Sebelien, "Early Copper and its Alloys" in: Ancient Egypt

(1924) 6–15.54 R. Maxwell-Hyslop, "Western Asiatic Shaft-hole Axes" in: Iraq 11 (1949) 118–19;J.N. Tubb, "A Crescentic Axehead from Amarna (Syria) and an Examination ofSimilar Axeheads from the Near East" in: Iraq 44/1 (1982) 1; G. Gernez, "MetalWeapons and Cultural Transformations" in: H. Kühne, / R. Czichon / F. JanoschaKreppner (eds.), Proceedings of the 4th International Congress on the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East , Berlin, March 29th –April 3rd , 2004(Wiesbaden, 2008) 131; G. Gernez, L'armement en métal au Proche et Moyen-Orient. Des origines à 1750 av. J.-C. I (PhD Thesis: Université de Paris 1Panthéon-Sorbonne, 2007) 203–06.

55

L. Woolley, Ur Excavations II: The Royal Cemetery. A Report on the Predynasticand Sargonid Graves Excavated Between 1926 and 1931 (London / Philadelphia,1934) pl. 224 [U. 9687]; Tubb, Iraq 44/1 (1982) 1–2; Gernez, L'armament enmétal I, 204.

56 R.H. Dornemann, "Seven Seasons of ASOR Excavations at Tell Qarqur, Syria,1993–1999" in: N. Lapp (ed.), Preliminary Excavation Reports and Other Archaeological Investigations: Tell Qarqur , Iron I Sites in the North-Central Highlands of Palestine (Boston, 2003) figs. 189–90; R.H. Dornemann, "CurrentThoughts on the Transition from Early Bronze Age to Middle Bronze Age at TellQarqur" in: P. Matthiae (ed.), Proceedings of the 6 th International Congress of the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East II: Excavations, Surveys and Restorations: Reports on Recent Field Archaeology in the Near East (Wiesbaden, 2010) 141;Gernez, L'armament en métal I, 204.

57 The axe's findspot at Byblos does not provide a clear date, but based on theaccompanying cartouche of Neferhetep, a terminus post quem of the ThirteenthDynasty or MBIIA is suggested. A mould for casting anchor axes was alsouncovered at Byblos. M. Dunand, Fouilles de Byblos I: 1926–1932 (Paris, 1939)197, pl. 96 [3070]; vol. II: 1933–1938 (Paris, 1954) 20, fig. 17.

58 Z. Saad, Royal Excavations at Sakkara and Helwan, Supplément aux ASAE 3(Cairo, 1947) 173, pl. 88.

59 Two further vessels were unearthed in Tombs D114 and E10, both of whichincluded material of the Eighteenth Dynasty. The New Kingdom settlement


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additionally comprised of Tell el-Yahudiyah ware. T.E. Peet / W.L.S. Loat, TheCemeteries of Abydos III: 1912–1913 (London, 1913) pl. 12 [4]; Garstang, El-

Arábah, 28–29, pl. 17; K.O. Eriksson, The Creative Independence of Late Bronze Age Cyprus, Contributions to the Chronology of the Eastern Mediterranean 10(Vienna, 2007) 172–73; D.A. Aston / M. Bietak, Tell el Dab'a VIII: The Tell el-Yahudiya Ware and its Classification, Untersuchungen der Zweigstelle Kairo desÖsterreichischen Archäologischen Institutes 12 (Vienna, 2012) 556; M.F. Kaplan,The Origin and Distribution of Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, Studies in MediterraneanArchaeology 62 (Gothenburg, 1980) 80–81, figs. 13[e], 87[b], 133 [v].

60 Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type I.3.1c. T.E. Peet, The Cemeteries of Abydos II: 1911–1912 (London, 1914) 57–58, 68–69, pl. 13 [8]; Kaplan, Tell elYahudiyeh Ware, fig. 33 [b]; P. Montet, Byblos et L'Égypte: Quatre campaigne de

fouilles a Gebeil 1921-1922-1923-1924 (Paris, 1928) 245, pl. 146; K.M. Kenyon, Excavations at Jericho I (London, 1960) 315–30, fig. 122 [15]. For further parallelssee Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 152–69, figs. 102, 104.

61 Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Type L.5.3a; D. Randall-MacIver / A.C. Mace, El Amrah and Abydos 1899–1901 (London, 1902) 92, 98, pl. 54 [13]; Aston andBietak, TeD VIII, 231, figs. 162–164, 167; Kaplan, Tell el Yahudiyeh Ware, fig.97 [b].

62 Aston / Bietak's Levanto-Egyptian Vessels with Naturalistic Designs. Theexcavation report does not include a full corpus of items uncovered in the tomb,restricting further analysis on the tomb's suggested date. Randall-MacIver / Mace,

Abydos, 97, pl. 2; Aston / Bietak, TeD VIII, 200, 376–381; Kaplan, Tell el-Yahudiyeh Ware, fig. 126 [i].63 British Museum no. 54678; J. Garstang, "An Ivory Sphinx from Abydos (British

Museum, No. 54678)" in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 14/1 (1928) 46–47;Säve-Soderbergh, in: JEA 37 (1951) 66.

64 The captive could also be Nubian; M. Marée, "Forepart of a Sphinx holding aCaptive (Cat. Number 97)", in: C. Ziegler (ed.), The Pharaohs (London, 2002)426 [97].

65 Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 46–47.66 J. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals. Egyptian Art in the Middle Kingdom

(Cambridge, New York, 1988) 136–38 [138].67 Bourriau refers to a Berlin statue of Senwosret I with a similar headdress and facial

features. While these elements are akin to those of the ivory sphinx, Bourriaucorrectly notes that the nose and the slant of the eyes are dissimilar. She thencompares the nose to a personification of Lower Egypt represented with the king'sfacial characteristics, as depicted on the base of Senwosret I's thrones. Yet, thefigures do not provide close parallels for the slanting eyes and curved nose of theivory sphinx. Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 138 with references.

68 Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 137–38; Garstang, in: JEA 14/1 (1928) 46–47.69 Bourriau, Pharaohs and Mortals, 137–38.70 For example, the eyes of a wooden statuette from Dahshur and the Asiatics' noses in

Khnumhetep II's tomb, Beni Hassan. J. Morgan, Fouilles à Dahchour I (Vienna,


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1895) figs. 270, 274; P.E. Newberry, Beni Hasan I (London, 1893) pl. 31; C.Booth, The Role of Foreigners in Ancient Egypt: A Study of Non-Stereotypical

Artistic Representations, BAR International Series 1426 (Oxford, 2005) 22.71 Another case of a possible representation of mixed Egyptian-Asiatic identity is thelimestone statue of an official at Area F/1, Tell el-Dab'a. Fragments of the statuewere recovered from tombs within a palatial compound assigned to strata d/2, d/1and possibly c. These stratigraphical layers date between the late Twelfth and mid-Thirteenth Dynasty. R. Schiestl, "The Statue of an Asiatic Man from Tell el-Dab'a,Egypt" in: Ägypten und Levante 16 (2006) 173–85.