1

Migrations in Anatolian Narrative Traditions

Mary R. Bachvarova

Abstract

I present evidence for how Anatolians viewed their origins and their relationship with the

Greeks, showing that East-West relations were first framed using inherited Near Eastern models,

then the models changed into Greek-oriented migration stories in which Carians and Lycians,

like the Greeks, were considered to have arrived in Anatolia from Crete or the Aegean islands.

While the sources are all in Greek, it is possible to see Anatolian responses within the Greek

stories, especially with regard to the early history of Miletus. And, while Homer studiously

ignores the Greek migrations, preferring relationships created by dynastic marriages, as with

Bellerophon, we can see that a conversation has already started about the migration, especially

with regard to Glaucus and Sarpedon, possibly within the context of a Greco-Lycian epic

tradition. Sarpedon presents an unusually complex case. I argue that his name means 'high place'

in Carian, and could be applied to both geographic features and people. That fortuitous

coincidence spurred the connection between a Lycian hero and a founding hero of the Carian city

of Miletus.*

My paper is one of the papers from the "Nostoi" conference that focuses on constructions of the

past, rather than the "reality" of events in Late Bronze Age and Early Iron Age Anatolia.1

Specifically, I look at how the indigenous peoples of Early Iron Age Anatolia framed their

origins. Up to now, nearly all the attention of scholars has been on how Greeks created a sense of

a shared ethnicity by opposing themselves to the barbarians in Anatolia, in part through legends

of migrations to Anatolia,2 once assumed to be factual, then called into question, and now in the

process of being re-analyzed in the light of new archaeological evidence that promises a new

way forward, some of which is discussed by other contributors to this volume. Even the most

informative studies of the matter ignore entirely even the possibility that the Anatolians with

2

whom the Greeks came into contact also constructed a discourse about later Greek migration and

colonization, developing a narrative about their past as part of an identity-making process of

their own. In this paper I present evidence for the Anatolian point of view and how it changed

over time, contrasting how East-West relations were framed in the Iliad with the Greek

migration stories involving Carians and Lycians arriving in Anatolia from Crete or the Aegean

islands in the era of Minos and Anatolian responses to them. I will show how the Greco-

Anatolian construction of the past shifted from one based on narrative models derived from an

inherited Anatolian narrative tradition to one in which migration narratives dominated. I focus

primarily here on the founding of Miletus and the different stories attached to the three Lycian

heroes, Bellerophon, Glaucus, and Sarpedon. Sarpedon, a Lycian hero with a Carian name,

presents the most complex case, and in the process of explaining his legends, I discuss possible

changes in the scope of application of the term "Lycian," and how changes in the narrative of the

Trojan War can be linked to the diminishing status of the Carians over time.

I freely admit that there are some important methodological problems: First of all, all our first-

millennium sources are in Greek, focused through a Greek point of view. Secondly, they are all

relatively late and filtered through the legend of the Trojan War that became the master narrative

framing the history of Greco-Anatolian relations. However, we are fortunate enough to have

second-millennium sources for early epic traditions and legends from Hattusa, the capital of the

Late Bronze Age Hittites, in Hittite, Hurrian, and Akkadian, and it is possible to use them to

trace the development of Anatolian attitudes towards interactions with the "other," to see how

they changed over time. We can see in Hurro-Hittite narrative song a fascination with long-

distance interaction and cross-cultural contact, and the Near Eastern motifs that relate to these

motifs found in Homeric epic must derive from an oral epic tradition very similar to that

preserved at Hattusa. In fact, the branch of the manifold Near Eastern epic tradition that is closest

to Greek epic is the Hurro-Hittite tradition of narrative song primarily found in the Hittite capital,

as I have discussed elsewhere.3 Indeed, Hurro-Hittite narrative song provides a single source for

3

the parallels in plot and characters we see in Near Eastern narrative poetry and the various types

of Greek hexametric poetry (by which I mean the poems attributed Homer and Hesiod, and the

Homeric Hymns).

The bilingual oral-derived genre preserved for us by Hittite scribes, in which songs were

composed in Hurrian and/or Hittite, included the Kumarbi cycle, the Song of Gilgamesh, which

focused on his exploits in northern Syria, and the Song of Release, the story of the destruction of

the north Syrian town of Ebla because its assembly refused to release certain captives. These

texts have obvious similarities with Homer's Iliad and Odyssey, and Hesiod's Theogony and

Works and Days.4 The Song of Release, in particular, tells a precursor to the story of the

destruction of Troy because its assembly refused to release Helen. In it, we learn that the Storm-

god, in Hurrian Teshshub, in Hittite Tarhunna, destroyed the north Syrian city Ebla because its

assembly, swayed by the words of its best speaker, Zazalla, refused the god's demands, conveyed

to them by their king Meki, to free the captive people of Ikinkalis.5

Key to my argument is the Song of Gilgamesh, and in my forthcoming book, From Hittite to

Homer: The Anatolian Background of Greek Religion and Literature, I discuss in some detail the

evidence that it was not just a translation of an imported written Babylonian text, but exhibits in

its Hurrian and Hittite versions the kind of variation and expanding and compressing that one

expects of a flexible oral tradition, and that it shares meter, formulas, characters, themes, and

motifs with other members of the genre of Hurro-Hittite song. Gilgamesh was noted for his

journeys to the edge of the world where he met Utnapishtim, the Mesopotamian Noah, to gain

access to his antediluvian knowledge, and to the Cedar Forest, where he defeated its monstrous

guardian Huwawa and cut down its enormous cedar trees to build monumental structures in

Uruk. In the Akkadian epic the Cedar Forest was situated in north Syria, within the ambit of the

Hittite empire, and the Hittite court found this episode particularly fascinating. The Hittite

version expands this episode at the expense of the rest of the story; in addition, a tablet of a

4

Hurrian song had the colophon "Fourth tablet of Huwawa, not finished,"6 which implies that the

long text's sole focus was this part of the story.7 I contend that the source of Gilamesh motifs in

Greek epic was not a Neo-Assurian written text, but a descendant of the Anatolian oral tradition,

an offshoot of which has been found in Hattusa.

Finally, a small fragment of a Hurrian song mentions the third-millennium Akkadian ruler

Sargon the Great,8 famed both for uniting Mesopotamia into a single empire and for his voyages

to the edge of the civilized world, in particular Anatolia, where, according to legend, he

conquered local rulers and plundered the land of its natural resources. This fragment allows us to

postulate another strand of world history memorialized in epic that Greek-speakers would have

encountered when they arrived in Anatolia. Both Sargon and his grandson Naram-Sin were

popular subjects in Hittite scribal circles, for their legends allowed the Hittite kingdom to situate

itself in the wider sweep of world history, whether Anatolia was a place to be visited by Sargon

or contributed members to the fabled coalition of rebellious vassals that Naram-Sin had to

subdue.9 Although Naram-Sin so far has not appeared in any extant Hurro-Hittite song, unlike

his grandfather, he does appear next to Sargon and other members of the Sargonic dynasty in a

Hurrian ritual in which legendary kings and characters from other Hurro-Hittite songs, such as

Teshshub, Hedammu, and Silver (the half-human son of Kumarbi), are invoked.10 Thus, it is not

too speculative to suggest that legends associated with him were also performed by Hurro-Hittite

bards, and the first-millennium descendants of an offshoot of the same tradition that is found at

second-millennium Hattusa would have been the route by which the story told in the Cuthean

Legend of Naram-Sin would have made it into the Homeric tradition, where it is attached to the

Trojan prince Hector in the Iliad. In the Cuthean Legend, the Gutian hordes attack Akkade, and

Naram-Sin, although well-meaning, refuses to accept the omens of the gods and goes outside his

city walls to face the barbaric enemy, nearly destroying his city. This matches the action in Book

12 of the Iliad, in which Hector, led on by a false brontoscopic omen sent by Zeus and denying

his augur Poulydamas' interpretation of a bird omen, refuses to retreat inside the walls of Troy,

5

instead encamping his army before the Achaean camp, a decision that almost leads to total

disaster for the Trojans.11

While our sources for Hurro-Hittite narrative song are almost entirely from Hattusa, I suggest

that an offshoot of the same narrative tradition that appeared there also made its way farther west

in the Late Bronze Age as part of peer polity interactions among the western Anatolian courts of

the region modern scholars call greater Arzawa (including Troy), who maintained an uneasy

quasi-vassaldom relationship with Hattusa, cemented by dynastic marriages between the Hittite

court and local rulers,12 that is, by a similar process by which Hurro-Hittite song reached

Hattusa, on the one hand involving relations within eastern Anatolia following the Old Assyrian

trade routes along which gods and verbal art moved, and on the other coming through the

annexation of Cilician Kizzuwatna into the Hittite empire. 13 The narrative tradition could also

have spread west in the population movements that occurred at the close of the Bronze Age.

Thus, Greek epic, through oral poets bilingual in Greek and an Anatolian language, was able to

draw on a pool of traditions derived from Anatolian epic and legends that used the motifs of

exploration (connected especially to Gilgamesh and Sargon the Great) and war to construct

relations between neighboring cultures, which we can see more or less clearly in the Odyssey and

Iliad. In fact, in the Iliad Homer incorporates two traditional storylines of attacks on cities, one

sympathetic to the Greek point of view and the other sympathetic to the Trojans, meant to appeal

to a mixed audience with allegiances to both sides. Thus, the story told in the Song of Release,

which itself draws on motifs first attested in the Sumerian Gilgamesh and Akka, is used to

explain why the Achaeans are attacking the Trojans, while Hector's story, which, as James

Redfield has shown, is as important to the narrative of the Iliad as Achilles',14 and presents the

besieged Trojans with remarkable compassion, goes back to the stories attached to Naram-Sin

presenting him as unable to protect Akkade from enemy attack.15 Thus, in the time of Homer, the

way in which Greeks and Anatolians framed their common past, one in which they were opposed

6

to each other, but still shared in a common heroic culture centered on winning undying glory

through individual prowess in battle, was based on narratives ultimately provided by the

Anatolians, not the Greeks.

The situation had changed, however, by the time of Herodotus. As the Greeks became more

dominant, even the autochthonous Lycians and Carians wanted to give themselves a prestigious

immigrant past. We turn now to the Lycian and Carian migration legends. I begin by discussing

the term "Lycian," then I turn to the "reality" of Carian and Lycian immigrations within Anatolia.

I then discuss the legends, showing that we can see Anatolian perspectives in the Greek material.

I close this section by adding some new interpretations of how the migration stories of both

Greeks and Anatolians refract "historical" events.

The name of Lycia incontestably goes back to the Bronze Age, but I should note that when I

speak of those peoples labeled Lycians by the Greeks, the issue is not whether they called

themselves Lycians, that is, people of the Bronze Age land called Lukka by the Hittites, or

whether they all spoke Lycian; we know in fact that the first-millennium Lycians used other

more fine-grained ethnic designations for themselves. As we will see, it is possible, in fact, that

the use of the term narrowed in scope over time. Trevor Bryce has suggested that Lukka

"sometimes referred in a generic sense to all Luwian-speaking peoples of western Anatolia."16

He is thinking of the Hittite designation here and is working with the assumption that Luwian

was in fact the primary language spoken in western Anatolia, although the linguistic situation has

been shown to be somewhat more complex by Ilya Yakubovich, who correctly insists that

Arzawans do not speak Luwian in Hittite texts, and therefore it may be that they were speaking

another language.17 (At the very least, it is improbable that a single language was spoken in so

large an area, with so many different cachement areas, in the second millennium BCE.) Still,

Bryce's suggestion has some merit. Certainly, the Greek terminology was acknowledged by

Strabo to be inexact, and he notes the Greek poets confused Lycians and Carians.18

7

Modern scholars discuss the possibility of Lycian and Carian migrations within Anatolia. Bryce,

for example, argues for a Lycian migration southeast based on the fact that the Lycians are

described in the Iliad as having two different homelands, one "in Zeleia under the lowest foot of

Mt. Ida" (2.824), and the other in "far-away Lycia" (2.877) in the Xanthus valley. This was

already suggested by Strabo (12.8.4), who was surely not the first. Although Yakubovich argues

for one in the opposite direction, I would interpret the data he presents as indicating movement to

the southeast, for he shows that Lycian B (Milyan) shares innovations with Lycian A on the one

hand and Carian on the other,19 a fact best explained by postulating that it was spoken by a

people originally located to the north and west of Lycia, in Caria, who then merged with the

Lycians. Or, it may be that the intrusion of Carians into Caria from a more northerly Late Bronze

Age land of Karkisa split apart a people who were identified as Lycian by the Greeks.20

However, the discussion provided by David Hawkins in his 1998 article on the political

geography of western Anatolia with regard to the difficulties in placing Karkisa on the map still

for the most part stands, thus making any judgment about possible population movements at the

end of the Late Bronze Age difficult to support.21 The recently published Hieroglyphic Luwian

inscription from Suratkaya in Beşparmak on the ancient road to Miletus naming "Kupaya, great

member of the royal house" (MAGNUS.FILIUS REX), may provide some new evidence for a

southern boundary of the land of Mira, the northern boundary of which was fixed by the

Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription of King Tarkasnawa at the Karabel pass.22 If this were the

southern boundary, then there certainly could be room to place Karkisa between Lukka (starting

roughly at one edge of later Lycia) and Mira, although we cannot be sure that Karkisa would

have extended to the coast, as there is no mention of boats setting out from it in the relevant

Hittite texts. However, we in fact have no means to specify the western boundary of Lukka;

Lukka certainly extended further north into Lycaonia.23 In addition, the set of Suratkaya

inscriptions resembles more nearly graffiti than the relatively elaborate boundary markers

8

between lands we find elsewhere, which generally have an image of a warrior or other

anthropomorphic figure, as at the Karabel pass.24

This is not the place to review all of west Anatolian political geography, which is discussed in

other contributions to this volume, but more decisive, in my opinion, is the mention of Karkisa as

a place into which king Manapatarhunta crossed when fleeing the Seha River Land, which was

centered on either the Hermus or the Caecus River.25 In addition, Hittite texts frequently group

Karkisa with Masa, which is surely not the later Lydia, which basically corresponds to the Seha

River Land. Given its geographical associations, Masa must be inland and north of Mira-

Kuwaliya, north of Pitassa and probably north of Hapalla, thus in later northern Pisidia or

southern Phrygia,26 pushing Karkisa further west. Therefore, Karkisa is unlikely to have been

located on the coast, like the later land of Caria, although how far inland it was can be debated.

Finally, in this volume Zsolt Simon shows that there is no regular derivational process by which

to link Kariā with Karkiša/Karkiya. However, given that the various forms he discusses appear

in several different languages, we are not required to demand perfect regularity, and eliminating

any connection between the two place names in my opinion is just as problematic as explaining

away the changes through irregular derivational processes, ad hoc as the explanations are.

If the Late Bronze Age Karkisans were indeed the predecessors of the Carians, then we can

suggest that some parts of their identity were in place already at the end of the first millennium,

but there are difficulties in archaeologically defining "Carian-ness," although Alexander Herda

has at least shown that Carian women had a distinctive manner of dress that appears in depictions

from the sixth century.27 Although Herda presents logical arguments to assume that Carians did

occupy Miletus (where it has now been shown there was no break in settlement after the end of

the Bronze Age) and the surrounding area after the end of the Bronze Age,28 without evidence

9

from material culture, we are thrown back on the testimony of Homer, problematic as that may

be, for the earliest attested location of the Carians:

Nastes in turn led the barbarian-speaking Carians, who occupied Miletus and the

mountain of Phthires, whose top is covered in leaves, and the streams of the Maeander,

and the high peaks of Mycale.29

In any case, the legends told in the time after Homer, which are first explained for us in

Herodotus, while Strabo and Pausanias and other learned scholars preserve even earlier

references, are not interested in the "real" migrations of Carians and Lycians. Rather, the issue is

whether they are autochthonous or not and whether they are related to the Greeks. Thus, we can

see a shift after Homer to a new way of framing origins, that in part drew on cultural memories

of actual migrations going back as far as the Middle Bronze Age, and in part utilized Greek

modes of connecting here to there, although the Anatolians did not passively accept the Greek

versions of events but responded to them. Among the ways migration stories could be used by

Anatolians was to position themselves in the wider Greek-centric history of west-east migrations,

but placing their own migration earlier than that of the Greeks. But, presenting a competing

migration was only one way in which to articulate an independent point of view responding to

that of the Greeks: they could insist on autochthonous settlement or insist that the Greek

settlement was arrogant and excessively violent. We will see that all three modes were at work in

framing stories about the early history of Anatolia.

I begin with the Carians. Herodotus (1.171) tells us that the Cretans claimed that in the time of

Minos, the Carians, who he says used to be called Leleges,30 lived in the islands under his rule,

engaging in naval expeditions for him. "Since Minos had conquered much land and had good

fortune in war, the Carian race (ethnos) as well was by far the most respected of all the races at

that time" (1.171.3). According to the Cretans, Herodotus says, the Carians were eventually

10

driven from the islands to the Anatolian mainland by the arrival of the Dorians and Ionians.

However, the Carians themselves presented a rather different story, insisting that they were

autochthonous mainlanders, and had always had the name of Carians.31 So, Herodotus is

opposing two stories here: one from the Cretans, one from the Carians. But, the Cretan version

acknowledges the naval prowess of the Carians, and it appears to be trying to assume some of the

credit for it. That is, the Cretans were pushing back against a Carian-oriented narrative of the

past. The Carians contemporary to Herodotus are at that point more concerned with defining

themselves as autochthonous – presumably to frame the Greeks as less legitimate occupiers of

their land.

The Carians' proof was the ancient shrine of Carian Zeus at Mylasa. They insisted as well on

their kinship with the Mysians and Lydians, the only other peoples allowed into the shrine, "for,

they say, Lydus, Mysus, and Carus were brothers," a genealogical connection of the type set to

verse in the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women. Like the Ionians, then, who used the shared rites of

the Apatouria and the Panionium to give themselves a shared identity,32 by the time of

Herodotus, Anatolians also used religious cult as a tool to assert membership in a supralocal

identity unifying several barbarian ethnē in opposition to Hellenes and justifying possession of a

territory. The very fact, though, that they formed this larger group made up of several different

groups speaking mutually unintelligible languages, suggests that they had accepted the group

identity of barbaros imposed by the Greeks, one which the Persians in fact exploited, as related

by Herodotus, when they took the side of the barbarians, claiming that the start of the division

between Europe and Asia, Hellenes and barbarians, was the kidnapping of Helen.33

Legends of interaction between Cretans and Carians had their focus especially on the early

history of Miletus. Christianne Sourvinou-Inwood presents a full discussion of foundation

legends of Miletus, so I will not discuss all of the textual material available, focusing instead on

11

those that help us to understand the Anatolian viewpoint, and arguing against some of her

claims.34

The earliest source is Herodorus, a scholar from Heraclea in the Pontus dating to the second half

of the sixth century BCE. Among other details, Herodorus says that the Anatolian town was

named after a man named Miletus who left Crete because Minos resented him:

Miletus, from whom is also (named) the city Miletus, son of Euxantius of Minos; others

say that he was the son of Apollo and Areia, daughter of Cleochus…. Others say that

Miletus was founded by Sarpedon, son of Zeus, and was named after the one in Crete.

They say that it was first named Pithyoussa (some say Asteria), then Anactorius, then

Miletus…. (Miletus), being driven out because he was envied by Minos, moved to

Samos, which is why there is also a place there called Miletus; and from Samos,

transferring to Caria, he founded a city named Miletus after him. Herodorus is the witness

for this.35

Herodorus must be referring to the Cretan town mentioned by Homer (Il. 2.647), which Strabo

(10.4.14) notes no longer existed in his time.

Pausanias (7.2.5-6) also tells us the Milesians say that the name of the town came from an early

invader from Crete who was fleeing Minos. According to him, this early set of Aegean arrivals

combined with the indigenous Carian population, a peaceful assimilation in stark contrast to the

violent incursion of Ionians under Neileus, who killed all the men and married the women, an

event that supposedly left such a mark, according to Herodotus (1.146.2-147.1), that Milesian

women still refused to eat with or address their husbands by name. Herodotus' story speaks to a

collective memory on the part of people who self-identified as Carians focused on keeping alive

12

their differences with the "newcomer" Greeks, which, as Herda has shown, is supported by the

distinctive clothing of Carian women.

We have other glimpses of the conversation about the Ionian migration, in which it was debated

whether the Greeks were just in taking over previously occupied land. The late seventh-century

poet Mimnermus of Colophon speaks of the colonizers as "having overweaning force, leaders of

harsh hybris,"36 while a (surely ex post facto) Delphic oracle claims the Carians got what they

deserved, being "an unjust race."37 Sourvinou-Inwood sees the conversation as conducted solely

among Greeks, with no input from the colonized.38 I see it as presenting to us indirectly the

voices of Carians. I also think that we have one more glimpse of what some Carians argued in

the Eklogē Historiōn, in which the founder Miletus is described as autochthonous.39 Sourvinou-

Inwood, noting that this is hapax, argues that it is "thus unlikely to be expressing common

perceptions."40 I would rephrase that as "unlikely to be expressing a perception commonly held

among Greeks."

Sourvinou-Inwood, because she specifically associates the legends of settlements from Crete

with the Middle Bronze Age settlement of Miletus, finds it necessary to explain why the

Mycenaean migration, which she considers should be articulated by a myth set in the heroic age

that ended with the Trojan War, is ignored, with a Carian occupation inserted before the arrival

of the Ionians, arguing that the Greeks deleted the Mycenaean occupation and possibly added the

Carian occupation in order to create a narrative in which the barbarian Carians were justly

subdued by the Greeks.41 I will agree at least with the last part of her argument, that the Greeks

felt the need to justify their occupation of Miletus, but, I repeat, not just to themselves, but to the

Anatolians. As we discussed, Herda has argued that the Carian occupation in fact occurred.

In addition, I have serious reservations concerning other parts of Sourvinou-Inwood's discussion

of the Milesian foundation stories. Greek legend divides Greco-Anatolian contact into episodes

13

in several different time periods, at least some of which can be matched with our modern

periodization of migrations. Thus, dim memories of an earlier period of contact across the

Aegean in the Bronze Age appear to be in part the basis for the stories of Minos. A second layer

corresponds to the time of Heracles, then there was time of the epigonoi, the sons of the men

who died in the first Theban war, then the Trojan War itself, then the nostoi after the Trojan War,

and finally the Aeolic, Ionian, and Dorian migrations. The arrivals in Minos' time are usually

explained as refractions of Minoan colonization in the Middle Bronze Age.42 But, the legends of

immigrants from Minoan Crete could also reflect a perception (which may or may not have been

based on fact) of an ethnic and/or linguistic link between a group of pre-Greeks and early Indo-

European Anatolians.43 Indeed, the name Millawatta or Millawanda, the Hittite version of the

name of Miletus, shows this link, for it contains the Anatolian suffix –anda, which has been

found in geographic names in Greece and Anatolia.44

In addition, it is just as likely that at least in some cases stories about Minos and Cretan

migrations refer to Mycenaean-era arrivals, or to the diaspora of Aegean peoples at the end of the

Bronze Age, which has been associated on the one hand with the Sea Peoples mentioned in

Egyptian accounts and on the other with the appearance of LH IIIC-style wares in Cilicia and

Cyprus.45 These legendary Cretans could be a way of explaining the presence of immigrants still

exhibiting "Greek" cultural traits, but no longer speaking Greek (if they ever did). We must

consider how a Protogeometric Greek immigrant to Anatolia would classify a person or group of

people he encountered there whose ancestors had likewise immigrated from a Greek-speaking

area, but did not speak Greek, and whether/how quickly Greek immigrants before the Iron Age

migrations shifted to the local language. Because our evidence for Mycenaean contact and

settlement, which we associate with the men of Ahhiyawa mentioned by the Hittites, is

archaeological, it cannot tell us what languages the people we call Mycenaeans or the Hittites

called Ahhiyawans spoke. Thus, while we can see from the use of Mycenaean-style tombs, such

as the one at at Colophon, a possible interest in Mycenaean eschatology and/or an interest in

14

identifying with the outsider Ahhiyawans rather than the local culture,46 we have no idea whether

the occupants spoke only or primarily Greek. At Troy, we see that at some point Greek-speakers

married into the royal family, since the Hittite king Muwatalli II made a treaty with king

Alaksandu (Gr. Alexandros),47 but I do not think that anyone would argue that Greek was (the

main language) spoken there, nor does the king's Greek name tell us whether he spoke Greek,

only that it was important to maintain a link with Ahhiyawan-ness. The men of Ahhiyawa

communicated in writing with the Hittites in Hittite without any apparent issues, and they could

not have been engaged in the various disruptive activities that the Hittites complained about if

they did not speak a local language. At "Mycenaean" Miletus we have a ruler with a non-Greek

name Atpa,48 and there is no reason to believe (or to argue against the claim) that Greek was the

dominant language in Miletus at any time. Thus, even if Miletus suffered no gap in settlement at

the end of the Late Bronze Age, we cannot assume that the Protogeometric Greeks using

Athenian-style pottery who settled there encountered Greek-speakers descended from earlier

immigrants.49 As Herda discusses, what we can see here speaks to a blended culture.50 In the end,

therefore, we cannot be absolutely sure that the association with Minos and Crete refracts solely

Middle Bronze Age settlement of Miletus, rather than conflating several episodes of settlement.

I illustrate my point with one example supposedly relating to the early history of Caria.

Pausanias (7.3.1-2) tells us:

The Colophonians think that the shrine at Clarus and the oracle is from most ancient

times; they say that, while the Carians still held the land, the Cretans came into it as the

first of the Hellenic world (tou Hellēnikou), Rhacius and however many other people

followed Rhacius holding the area along the shore because they were powerful in their

ships; but, the Carians still occupied most of the land. After Thersander, son of

Polyneices, and the Argives seized Thebes, both the other war captives and Manto

(daughter of Teiresias) were brought to Delphi, to Apollo…. When the god had sent them

15

on a colonizing expedition, they crossed with ships to Asia, and when they were at

Clarus, the Cretans went against them with weapons and took them to Rhacius; but he –

for he learned from Manto who they were among men and for what reason they had come

– took Manto as wife and made them also settlers with him. But, Mopsus, son of Rhacius

and Manto, threw the Carians completely out of the land.

According to Pausanias Clarus was founded by Rhacius from Crete before the Trojan War, and

his son Mopsus eventually expelled the Cretans, but it is most likely that the story Pausanias tells

us refers to movements at the end of the Late Bronze Age, for the characters of Mopsus at least

and possibly Rhacius refract some actual events, since in a bilingual Hieroglyphic Luwian-

Phoenician inscription from Çineköy a man using the dynastic name Warīkas (in Hieroglyphic

Luwian) or U[rikki] (in Phoenician), which can be seen as a Greek name, either Rhacius or

Rhoecus, describes himself as a descendant of Mopsus and a Hiyawan man.51 Hiyawa

corresponds to Hittite Ahhiyawa with regular Luwian aphaeresis,52 and the Hiyawans are likely

to be some of the LH III C-style-using settlers to whom I previously referred.53 While they left

few other obvious traces in Cilicia, at some point before the eighth century Greek-speakers did

arrive, as shown by a small number of terms and names that appears in Cilician inscriptions and

cuneiform tablets from Tarsus.54 Of course it remains an open question, in which era they

arrived, and therefore whether they were the same as the Hiyawan settlers.

I turn now to exploring the role of Sarpedon in the migration legends of Miletus.55 Our earliest

source after Herodorus mentioning his involvement is Ephorus of Cyme (400-330 BCE):

The founding was Cretan, built overlooking the sea, where now the ancient Miletus is,

since Sarpedon led from the Cretan Miletus colonizers and established the name for the

city after that of the city he left behind, whereas the Leleges were occupying the area

first; but, the ones accompanying Neileus built the city which now exists.56

16

Apollodorus (first cent. CE?, Bib. 3.1.2) presents us with a more detailed version of Sarpedon's

arrival, some parts of which are older than Ephorus:

Zeus desired (Europa) …, having become a tame bull, he brought her on his back through

the sea into Crete. And Zeus having slept with her there, she bore Minos, Sarpedon, and

Rhadamanthys; but according to Homer Sarpedon was from Zeus and Laodameia,

daughter of Bellerophon…. And Asterius, the Cretan king, married Europa and raised

her children. They, when they reached maturity, fell into strife with one another, for they

felt desire for the boy named Miletus; he was the son of Apollo and Areia, daughter of

Cleochus. But, because the boy preferred Sarpedon, Minos went to war and bested them.

And they fled, and Miletus, landing in Caria, there established Miletus named after

himself, but Sarpedon, allying himself with Cilix, who was in a war with the Lycians, on

condition of receiving a share of the land, became king of the Lycians. And Zeus gave to

him to live unto three generations. But, some say that they desired Atymnius, son of Zeus

and Cassiopea, and because of him they fell into strife.

Apolloadorus' story apparently draws on the Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, in which Sarpedon

is merged into Io's family tree. In the Catalogue Io's lineage systematically wove together all

parts of the eastern Mediterranean into a coherent genealogy: Io's great-grandson, Agenor, borne

by Libya from intercourse with Poseidon (2.1.4), went to Phoenicia and produced Europa (whom

"some," including Homer Il. 14.321-2, called the daughter of Phoenix), Cadmus, Phoenix, and

Cilix. Secondly, Apollodorus insists on Sarpedon's connection with Lycia, rather than Caria.

Both Homer and Apollodorus agree that Europa, through intercourse with Zeus, who carried her

off to Crete in the form of a bull, produced Minos and Rhadamanthus. But, Apollodorus, like the

Catalogue (Fr. 89 Most) and explicitly against Homer, has Europa as the mother of Sarpedon as

17

well, while Homer puts him in a later generation, as a son of Laodameia and Zeus (6.198-9) and

therefore grandson of Bellerophon and first cousin of Glaucus:

Hesiod:

Zeus – Europa

________________|________________

| | |

Minos Rhadamanthys Sarpedon

Homer:

Sisyphus

|

Glaucus

|

Bellerophon – Lycian princess

_________________|_____________

| | |

Isandrus Laodameia – Zeus Hippolochus

| |

Sarpedon Glaucus

Apollodorus's solution to the intractable problem of Sarpedon's position in the family tree is his

statement, "And Zeus gave to him to live unto three generations," also reconstructed in the

Catalogue.57

Herodotus (1.173), following Hesiod's genealogy, offers a variation on the story Apollodorus

tells, but with no mention of Miletus. He claims that Sarpedon led a group from Crete to join the

18

people who would in the future be called Lycians, once their eponym arrived with the Ionian

migration:

After Sarpedon and Minos, the children of Europa, came into conflict over the kingship

in Crete, when Minos was the victor in the civil war, he expelled Sarpedon himself and

those who sided with him; they, having been forced out, arrived into the Milyan land of

Asia; for now the Lycians reside there. This was in the old days Milyas, but the Milyans

were then called Solymi. As long as Sarpedon ruled them, they were called the same

name they had carried there, and still now the Lycians are called by their neighbors

Termilae; but when Lycus, son of Andion was expelled from Athens by his brother

Aigeus, he arrived among the Termilae to Sarpedon, and in this way the Lycians were

called after a time after the eponym of Lycus.

The ethnic names Milyan, Solymi, and Termilae Herodotus mentions are genuine autochthonous

appellations, and they show us that the Greek (and our) view of a unitary Lycian people is an

over-simplification.58 Indeed, we could interpret Herodotus' story as acknowledging that Lycian

is a term applied by outsiders, which might help to explain why Sarpedon is both Lycian and

connected to the Carian phase of the city, a point to which I will return in the concluding section

of this paper.

The question is when Sarpedon was connected to the foundation of Miletus. Bryce, grouping

together the myths of Sarpedon's role in founding Miletus and a migration to Lycia, as

Apollodorus does, says, "the tradition that Lycia was settled by emigrants from Crete or their

descendants gains some credibility from the fact that the name of these emigrants, Termilae, is

clearly reflected in the Lycians' indigenous name Tr˜mmili…. All in all, it is possible that first-

millennium Lycia had within its population an ethnic group who had links with Miletus and

whose ancestral roots lay in Crete."59 Another way to look at it is that the Termilae wished to

19

distinguish themselves from the rest of the peoples grouped by the Greeks under the heading

"Lycian," and assigned themselves an origin in Crete, as the Caunians did in contrast to the

Carians, whereas Herodotus (1.172) suspected they were actually autochthonous.60 Therefore, we

may see here an attempt to maintain an opposition with an otherwise closely related group.

We can in fact see three competing stories connecting Lycia with Greece: the first involves a

connection to the mainland by dynastic marriage via Bellerophon, following what I consider to

be the archaic pattern. In the Iliad, while the focus is on one traditional way of framing "us" and

"them," as an inimical confrontation in war, a more peaceful network of long-distance relations

of equal partners, cemented through interdynastic marriages going in both directions, is taken for

granted. Thus, Homer (Il. 2.100-8) assumes that his audience knows that Agamemnon's family

can be traced back to the Anatolian immigrant Pelops, and Bellerophon's journey to Lycia,

narrated by his Lycian descendant Glaucus, is predicated on the prior family connection to the

Argive king Proetus, created when the Lycian king's sister came to Argos to marry him (Il.

6.155-95). Homer chose to highlight Bellerophon's story, which after all fit with his larger point

that ties of guest-friendship were disrupted by the cataclysmic conflict between Greeks and

Anatolians over the return of Helen, illustrated by the fact that his descendant Glaucus

encountered on the battlefield his family's guest-friend Diomedes fighting on the other side

(6.212-33), an meeting which precipitated the narrative about Bellerophon. The other two stories

involved Sarpedon and Glaucus. We now turn to Homer to explore more carefully what

migration legends he might have known, in order to understand the implications of the choices he

made against the backdrop of what was available to him, which will allow us to dip into the

viewpoint of Anatolians, as opposed to Greeks, once again, as well as to further examine how

Sarpedon became connected to the founding of Miletus.

The Iliad is set before the Greek migrations, and it may be that the post-Bronze Age migrations

could only be referenced if they were part of Anatolian legend, not Greek. Homer (2.653-70)

20

does mention that Tlepolemus, son of Heracles (having been moved forward a generation or

two), has settled in Rhodes. In Book 5 Sarpedon slays Tlepolemus – and is nearly slain himself61

– and it has been suggested that this episode draws on native Lycian legends of confrontations

between Rhodians and Lycians.62 I see the episode as part of a larger Greco-Lycian project

explaining a common Greco-Lycian past, because I think we also need to take into account the

many Near Eastern connections with the stories of Bellerophon and Sarpedon, that I have

suggested come from a bilingual Greco-Lycian epic tradition.63 Bellerophon's name means

snake-killer, referring to a wide-spread and important Syro-Anatolian myth, found in Baal's

battle with Yam, the Hurrian Storm-god Teshshub's battle with Hedammu, and the Hittite Storm-

god Tarhunna's battle with Illuyanka;64 his winged horse Pegasus, who ends up the carrier of

Zeus' thunderbolt, bears the name of the Luwian storm-god Pihassassi, 'of thunder';65 and, his

opponent the Chimera draws on the artistic conventions of Neo-Hittite monsters.66 Sarpedon's

death parallels the death of Gilgamesh's companion Enkidu, and a rare Anatolian term is used for

his death ritual, the verb tarkhu- ('make strong, overcome', cf. the Storm-god's name, derived

from the verb). Sarpedon was worshipped as a hero among the Lycians after Homer, and

probably he was already heroized before him, since at his death in the Iliad he was immediately

returned to Lycia where he could receive heroic honors,67 Zeus directing, "Send him to be borne

by swift escorts, the twins Sleep and Death, who will swiftly place him in the rich country of

broad Lycia, where his relatives and in-laws will honor (tarkhusousi) him with tomb and stele;

for this is the prize for those who die" (Il. 16.671-5). Thus, the story of Tlepolemus' migration,

although not obviously "Near Eastern," may belong to the Greco-Lycian epic tradition as well.

Although Homer otherwise ignores the Greek migrations, his timeline of Miletus' history

matches that of later historians who speak of a settlement in the time of Minos from Crete,

followed by a time in which Miletus was in possession of Carians, who in turn were replaced by

Ionians. Homer names the Cretan Miletus explicitly in the Catalogue of Ships (Il. 2.647).

Therefore, it is far from impossible that he knew a story of people migrating from Crete to found

21

the Anatolian city, which is what we would expect given the historical situation, whether one

follows Sourvinou-Inwood's hypothesis that the story of Cretan Miletus as founder was a Late

Bronze Age myth with Minoan roots re-articulated by the Mycenaeans who came to live in the

city, or the less specific assumptions by other scholars that it refracts Minoan settlement, or my

suggestion that it could amalgamate the Minoan and Mycenean settlement and other Greek

settlers before the Early Protogeometric into one phase. In addition, in his catalogue of Trojan

allies Homer explicitly mentions Miletus as occupied by barbarian-speaking (barbarophōnoi)

Carians – this despite the fact that he gives their two leaders the Greek names Amphimachus

('battle on both sides') and Nastes ('inhabitant').68 Of course, it would add unnecessary

complications to the Trojan alliance to consider Miletus to be a Cretan settlement, but Nastes'

speaking name, "inhabitant," is important. It underlines the assertion that in the heroic age it was

Carians who held the city, not Greeks, and shows that the conversation about the Greek take-

over of the city was already underway in the time of Homer. That is, Homer, although he

studiously avoids mentioning the Early Iron Age migrations and is our main source for the first

stage of the conversations about their past shared by Greeks and Anatolians, can also show us the

second stage, the products of which are the legends that we find in Herodotus.

Although the Anatolian Miletus is only mentioned once in the Iliad, Douglas Frame has argued

that the Neleid rulers of the cities of the Panionium sponsored the first textualization of our Iliad

to be performed during their festival, with Miletus as the leader in the endeavor.69 While some

parts of his argument are quite speculative, I find persuasive the suggestion that the prominent

role played by Nestor in both the Iliad and the Odyssey was meant to appeal to an audience,

some of which saw themselves as related to the Neleids. Moreover, the story of descendants of

Nestor settling in Anatolia after the Trojan War is earlier than that of the Ionian migration; their

honorary membership among the Ionian people only makes sense if the story about their

settlement in Anatolia had precedence to the story about the Ionian settlement,70 and it is only in

part justified by routing the journey of the Neleids via Athens, by means of Codrus and

22

Melanthus.71 Thus, Miletus' importance in the conversation about Greek immigration to Anatolia

is not necessarily contingent on the formation of an Ionian identity, but could precede it.72

In addition, I think the implications of assigning Miletus to the Carians in the catalogue of Trojan

allies need to be assessed in light of the fact that the catalogue of allies seems to introduce a

version of the Iliad in which the Carians played a more important role than in ours, one taken in

our Iliad by the Lycians.73 While the Lycians Glaucus and Sarpedon are briefly referred to at the

very end of the catalogue (2.876-7), the Carian contingent receives a particularly elaborate

introduction immediately prior. It is Nastes (probably), we are told, who "went into battle like a

girl wearing gold, foolish one (nēpios), not at all did it fend off dire death, but he was laid low at

the hands of the swift-footed descendant of Aeaces in the river, and battle-minded Achilles

carried off the gold" (Il. 2.871-5). The synopsis is of a story that the audience may have known

well, but it is never followed up in the later parts of the story we have.

Both Pericles Georges and Sourvinou-Inwood see Homer's portrayal of the Carians here as

negative. Nastes is certainly compared to a girl (kourē).74 In addition, the adjective nēpios

'childish' means literally "unable to speak" (compare Latin infans). It typically appears in the

collocation nēpia tekna 'children (too) young (to speak)', filling the slot in the dactylic hexameter

line after the bucolic diaeresis,75 but it also can refer to childish lack of foresight and reasoning

on the part of a warrior, often placed emphatically at the beginning of the line, as here. This

adjective may both comment on the stupidity of Nastes and be a second oblique reference to the

fact that Carians do not speak Greek. Moreover, Herda suggests that the name of Carians'

mountain home, oros Phtheirōn, which, as he notes, is easily etymologized as "mountain of pine

nuts" (nut-bearing pines were particularly abundant in the region), also could be seen by Homer

as having a pejorative implication, since phthires are 'lice'.76 I myself discount the claim that

Carians were viewed with complete contempt, although the description of Nastes does fit the

later valuation of barbarians as feminized, luxurious and gold-loving, because I think we should

23

not read Homer's characterization through the lens of the later strongly negative characterization

of "Orientals" by Greeks. Indeed, Nastes was killed by the greatest of the Achaean warriors, a

sign of the Carian warror's own importance.

On the other hand, although the negative attitude on the part of the Greeks towards the

barbarians did increase over time,77 the image of Nastes is certainly not entirely positive, and it

suggests that the Iliad for which the catalogue of Trojan allies was composed presented the foes

of the Achaeans in a less sympathetic light than the one we have, a proposal that was already

made by William Merritt Sale, who has shown that formulas for Trojan warriors involve newer

linguistic forms and are uncommon, as with formulas referring to movements into or inside the

city of Troy. He explains this by suggesting that "Homer" has altered the tradition he received

about the Trojan War to make it more sympathetic to the Trojans, deleting pejorative epithets for

the Trojans and developing scenes within the walls of Troy that humanized the foes of the

Achaeans.78 I have built on Sale's idea by suggesting Homer needed to appeal to an audience

with mixed allegiances, and arguing that the incorporation of Hector's story, which is based on

the same narrative structure as the Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin, was another element in the

reworking of the epic tradition about the Trojan War that increased its appeal to those in the

audience who identified with the Trojans.79 The increased importance of the Lycians in Homer's

Iliad catered to this same agenda, because they are presented in an entirely positive light and

with a sensitivity to Lycian customs.

This is certainly true for the characterization of Glaucus, who has only one purpose in the Iliad,

to demonstrate the shared cultural values of a supralocal elite encompassing both Achaeans and

Anatolians: it is his family's connection to that of Diomedes that allows the audience to focus for

a moment on the tragic rending of the web of reciprocal guest-host relations that had bound the

two sides of the Aegean together, and it is to him that Sarpedon presents the most stirring

encomium of the values of the Homeric warrior (Il. 12.309-12).80 His name, which means 'sea-

24

blue', is obviously Greek, and he exhibits no obvious "Lycian" features. In addition, his

genealogy allows for an ultimately Greek origin for the Lycian Glaucid kings that, according to

Herodotus (1.147), were accepted by the Greeks as their new rulers when they arrived in

Anatolia:

Some of (the Ionians) made Lycians their kings, who had been born from Glaucus, son of

Hippolochus, others made Caucones their kings, Pylians from Codrus, son of Melanthus,

others also men from both. But they cling most to the name (Ionian), quite a bit more

than the other Ionians; therefore, let them be the pure-bred Ionians. All are Ionian who

are from Athens and celebrate the Apatouria festival.

Coinage from Miletus and Erythrae and mention of a Glaucid in an inscription from Magnesia

show Herodotus' story was consistent with local legends.81 This story adds a detail to the Neleid

settlement of Ionia that Frame has neglected in his otherwise exhaustive treatment of the role of

the Neleids' legends in shaping the Iliad. Bryce, referring to Herodotus, suggests, "the Iliad's

composer may have been influenced by wealthy aristocratic patrons of his own day. Could this

account for the prominence he gives to the Lycians? … [I]t may be that local rulers who claimed

a Lycian ancestry influenced Homer into assigning a high profile to their alleged ancestors."82 I

myself suggest that in Herodotus' story we can detect a way of framing the arrival of the Greeks

that is not one in which they vanquish or displace the local inhabitants essentially different from

themselves, but are willing to subordinate themselves to them, perhaps because they were seen as

sharing for the most part a common culture, and that the story was in circulation earlier than the

storyline of violent conquest, which had already to become part of the conversation with regard

to Miletus by the time of Homer. I suggest, in addition, that the insistence on a Greek origin for

Glaucus in the Iliad could be a Greek response to a story along the lines of the one given to us by

Herodotus, one also possibly appearing in the Greco-Lycian epic tradition.83

25

Therefore, besides the story of Bellerophon, Homer probably knew an origin story involving

Bellerophon. Let us now turn to Sarpedon, whom Jenny Strauss Clay describes as "the

paradigmatic hero."84 His death scene in the Iliad, in which he is immediately whirled back to

Lycia to receive heroic honors, shows that he was already an important hero in the Greco-Lycian

tradition, pulled willy-nilly into the Trojan War, although he belonged to an earlier generation, as

shown by the fact that the sons of Amisodarus, raiser of the Chimera slain by Bellerophon, are

his coevals, according to Iliad (16.317-29).

(Of) the sons of Nestor, one, Antilochus, wounded Atymnius with a sharp shaft; he drove

the bronze spear through his side, and he fell in front of him. But Maris rushed with his

spear on Antilochus for close fighting, angered because of his brother, standing before

the corpse, but god-like Thrasymedes anticipated him, reaching out before he wounded

him, and he did not miss…. So the two, defeated by two brothers, went to the Shady

Place, noble companions of Sarpedon, spear-men, sons of Amisodarus, who raised the

invincible Chimaera, an evil for many men.

As Richard Janko notes in his commentary on this passage, the fifth-century

historian/mythographer Xenomedes of Ceos names a Carian king Amisodarus as father-in-law of

Bellerophon.85 This fits in time, if not in place, with Homer's mention of his role raising the

Chimera, whom Bellerophon had to slay in order to marry his daughter, but not with Homer's

genealogy of Sarpedon. Also suspicious are the two Glaucuses in Homer's genealogy, separated

by three generations. The inconsistencies show that Homer is following a tradition which

reworked Sarpedon's position in world history, putting all the famous "Lycian" heroes into a

single lineage and moving Sarpedon forward in time to subordinate him to Bellerophon and to

pair him with Glaucus, who, as we have already discussed, was perhaps claimed as an ancestor

by some members of Homer's east Greek audience.

26

In addition, Homer either implicitly denies or does not know the claim that was (probably) made

in the Catalogue of Women not too long after the Iliad was written down, that Sarpedon came

from Crete to Lycia.86 Yet, Janko is surely right to underline the genealogy of their slayers; they

were Neleids, like those who eventually settled Miletus in the legendary second phase of

colonization from the west.87 Thus, we have several elements of later attested stories about the

founding of Miletus juxtaposed here, and we are one step away from the story of Sarpedon

arriving from Crete to settle in Anatolia. Homer, therefore, seems to take pleasure in hinting

coyly at a role for Sarpedon its audience have known.

Now, in some versions of Miletus' foundation, the beloved of Sarpedon is named Atymnius, as

Apollodorus (3.1.2) briefly notes. Although he does not say so, I think it can be assumed that

Apollodorus was aware that some also attributed to him the founding of the city. Although the

name Atymnius appears to be Anatolian and is wide-spread in Anatolia, like that of his brother,

whose name Maris means "spear" in Hittite, the name or names very similar to it are also found

in Cretan mythology. And indeed, later references involving a character bearing a name similar

to Atymnius share features with the story about the founding of Miletus. For example, Branchus,

who founded the oracle at Didyma, was the son of Tymnaeus.88 On the one hand, Janko,

connecting this episode to the putative Lycian narrative tradition I discussed earlier, assumes that

Atymnius was already considered Sarpedon's beloved. "The notion of Sarpedon's beloved dying

in battle, which helps provoke his intervention, anticipates the effect of Patroklos' death on

Akhilleus."89 Homer, however, does not imply an especially intimate relationship between

Atymnius in particular and Sarpedon. Sarpedon is moved to fight only at 16.419, and because of

the devastating effects of Patroclus on his forces, not because of Antilochus. On the other hand,

Friedrich Prinz, who thinks that Sarpedon is necessarily connected to the myth of the foundation

of Miletus, says that the association with Crete is caused by chance homophony between the

Cretan city Milatus and Anatolian Miletus (and that the Homeric genealogy of Sarpedon is

earlier than the Hesiodic).90 Finally, Sourvinou-Inwood, who sees the association of Sarpedon

27

with Miletus' foundation as secondary, suggests that Atymnius, because he is a character with

both Cretan and Anatolian ties, provides the impetus for the absorption of Sarpedon into the

story.

It is therefore possible to see the myth involving Sarpedon and Atymnios as a

transformation, resulting from the interaction of the Sarpedon and Atymnios nexus with

the myth in which Minos pursues Miletos erotically and Miletos flees the pursuit, that is

as a transformation resulting from the interaction between on the one hand the myth

reflected in the Iliad, in which Atymnios was one of Sarpedon's companions, and on the

other a myth of the homoerotic pursuit of a boy, in the form in which Miletos is pursued

by Minos.91

She further argues, "this passage already reflects [the] interchangeability between Lycians and

Karians; … in this passage a Karian mythological figure, Atymnios, has taken on the identity of

a Lycian."92 I suggest that Atymnius' change in ethnicity could have been in part the result of the

larger reworking of the Iliad away from one in which the Carians were the primary ally of the

Trojans into one in which the Lycians are.

How, then, was Sarpedon connected to Miletus? The etymology of his name Sarpēdon(t)- is

disputed, but I agree with S. P. D. Durnford, who sees it as Anatolian and meaning 'of a high

place'.93 He sees it as a title turned into a name, but it certainly could be used as a geographic

term, which explains why several cliffs or peaks bore the name, not only in Cilicia, but also in

Thrace.94 His name, then, is just as banal as Glaucus'. Indeed, it is attested twice in Linear B as a

geographical term: sa-ra-pe-da (PY Un 718.1); sa-ra-pe-do[ (PY Er 880.2).95 I think that early

suggestions were right that the association between the hero and Miletus originated from his

name being used for a nearby geographic feature. O. Immisch, for example, refers to Ephorus'

statement that the Cretan foundation of Miletus was built on a promontory overlooking the sea,

28

"where now the ancient Miletus is."96 This fortuitous circumstance of the word referring both to

a geographical feature and serving as a name allowed for the association, exploited in the

ongoing conversation about the Greek occupation of the Anatolian coast.

There is one important issue that remains: the name in fact appears to be Carian, rather than

Lycian.97 In the Milyan section of the Xanthus stele the name may appear, rendered

zrppedu(n?),98 but in Lycian the adverb equivalent to Luwian šarri would be rendered hri, as in

hriqla 'acropolis', Milyan (Lycian B) zrigali. The attested Lycian version of the name therefore

cannot be inherited; it is rendered in Greek as Serpodis.99 In Carian the adverb is šar/šr, rendered

in Greek as sar, while the second element appears in the Greek versions of Carian place names

as pēda, pida, or peda. Sarpēdon thus is a good match for the expected Carian form. If the name

was indeed attached to a promontary near Miletus, then it would not be surprising that it is of

Carian origin. The question then becomes, how was it attached to a Lycian hero?

There are several possible solutions. We have discussed the possibility that the scope of the

Greek term "Lycian" at first included Carians, then narrowed over time, as the Carians developed

a clearer identity in the eyes of the Greeks. Or, it may be that the Carians were once the

dominant indigenous group in the area, and the name was borrowed into other Anatolian

languages, possibly as a dynastic name, as befits its etymology. An early dominance on the part

of the Carians seems to be refracted in the stories of a Carian thalassocracy, overcome by

Minos,100 and we can compare the Lydian royal name Gyges, which must be of Carian origin; in

Lydian we would expect the loss of the initial laryngeal, as in "Arzawan" names with Uḫḫa-

'grandfather', Hittite ḫuḫḫa-.101 If this supposition is correct, then we can further suggest that the

reworking of the Iliad away from one in which the Carians played an important role was one by-

product of the diminishing status of the Carians over time, and in addition, that legends in which

a Lycian hero is made responsible for the founding of a Carian city resulted from the incomplete

reworking of earlier versions in which a different Sarpedon featured, who was considered by the

29

Greeks to be Carian.

Department of Classical Studies

Willamette University

900 State St.

Salem OR 97317

mbachvar@willamette.edu

30

Works Cited

Adiego, I. J. 2007. The Carian Language. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

Alster, B. and T. Oshima. 2007. "Sargonic Dinner at Kaneš: The Old Assyrian Sargon Legend."

Iraq 69: 1-20.

Archi, A. 2007. "Transmission of Recitative Literature by the Hittites." Altorientalische

Forschungen 34: 185-203.

–––. 2009. "Orality, Direct Speech, and the Kumarbi Cycle." Altorientalische Forschungen 36:

209-29.

Aura Jorro, F. 1985, 1993. Diccionario micénico. Madrid: Instituto de Filología.

Bachvarova, M. R. 2005a. "The Eastern Mediterranean Epic Tradition from Bilgames and Akka

to the Song of Release to Homer's Iliad." GRBS 45: 131-54.

–––. 2005b. "Relations between God and Man in the Hurro-Hittite Song of Release." JAOS 125:

45-58.

–––. 2008. "The Poet's Point of View and the Prehistory of the Iliad." In Anatolian Interfaces:

Hittites, Greeks and their Neighbors. Proceedings of an International Conference on Cross-

Cultural Interaction, September 17-19, 2004, Emory University, Atlanta, Ga., edited by B. J.

Collins, M. R. Bachvarova and I. C. Rutherford. 95-108. Oxford: Oxbow Books.

–––. 2009. "Hittite and Greek Perspectives on Travelling Poets, Festivals and Texts." In

31

Wandering Poets in Ancient Greek Culture: Travel, Locality and Pan-Hellenism, edited by R.

Hunter and I. C. Rutherford. 23-45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

–––. 2010. "The Manly Deeds of Hattusili I: Hittite Admonitory History and Didactic Epic." In

Epic and History, edited by K. Raaflaub and D. Konstan. 66-85. Waltham, Mass.: Blackwell.

–––. forthcoming. From Hittite to Homer: The Anatolian Background of Greek Religion and

Literature.

Beckman, G. 1999. Hittite Diplomatic Texts. 2nd edn. Writings from the Ancient World 7.

Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press.

–––. 2001a. "The Hittite Gilgamesh." In The Epic of Gilgamesh: A New Translation, Analogues,

Criticism, edited by B. R. Foster. 157-166. New York and London: W. W. Norton & Co.

–––. 2001b. "Sargon and Naram-Sin in Ḫatti: Reflections of Mesopotamian Antiquity among the

Hittites." In Die Gegenwart des Altertums: Formen und Funktionen des Altertumsbezugs in den

Hochkulturen der Alten Welt, edited by D. Kuhn and H. Stahl. 85-91. Heidelberg: Edition

Forum.

–––. 2003. "Gilgamesh in Ḫatti." In Hittite Studies in Honor of Harry A. Hoffner, Jr.: On the

Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by G. Beckman, R. Beal and G. McMahon. 37-58. Winona

Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.

Beekes, R. S. P. 2003. The Origin of the Etruscans. Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse

Akademie van Wetenschappen.

32

Benda-Weber, I. 2005. Lykier und Karer: Zwei autochthone Ethnien Kleinasiens zwischen

Orient und Okzident. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt.

Börker-Klähn, J. 1993. "Lykien zur Bronzezeit – eine Skizze." In Akten des II. Internationalen

Lykien-Symposions, Wien, 6.-12. Mai 1990, Band I, edited by J. Borchhardt and G. Dobesch.

Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften

231. 53-62. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Bresson, A. 2009. "Karien und die dorische Kolonisation." In Die Karer und die Anderen:

Internationales Kolloquium an der Freien Universität Berlin 13. bis 15. Oktober 2005, edited by

F. Rumschied. 109-20. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

Brügger, C., M. Stoevesandt and E. Visser. 2003. Homers Ilias: Gesamtkommentar, Band II.2.

Munich and Leipzig: K. G. Saur.

Brun, P. 2007. "La Carie et les cariens vus depuis Athènes à l'époque classique." In Scripta

Anatolica: Hommages à Pierre Debord, edited by P. Brun. 15-32. Paris: De Boccard.

Bryce, T. R. 1986. The Lycians – Volume 1: The Lycians in Literary and Epigraphic Sources.

Copenhagen: Museum Tusculum Press.

–––. 1992. "Lukka Revisited." JNES 51: 121-30.

–––. 2003. "History." In The Luwians, edited by H. C. Melchert. 1.68. 27-123. Leiden and

Boston: Brill.

–––. 2005. The Kingdom of the Hittites. New edn. Oxford and New York: Oxford University

33

Press.

–––. 2006. The Trojans and their Neighbours: An Introduction. London and New York:

Routledge.

Burkert, W. 1983. "Oriental Myth and Literature in the Iliad." In The Greek Renaissance of the

Eighth Century B. C.: Tradition and Innovation, Proceedings of the Second International

Symposium at the Swedish Institute in Athens, 1-5 June, 1981, edited by R. Hägg. Skrifter

Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen, 4º 30. 51-6. Stockholm: Svenska Institut i Athen.

–––. 2001. "Lydia between East and West or How to Date the Trojan War." In Walter Burkert:

Kleine Schriften I: Homerica, edited by C. Riedwig. Hypomnemata Supplement-Reihe 2. 218-

32. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Originally published in The Ages of the Homer: A

Tribute to Emily Townsend Vermeule, J. B. Carter and S. P. Morris, eds. (Austin: University of

Texas Press, 1995).

Çambel, H. 1999. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Volume II. Karatepe-Aslantaş.

Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft 8.2. Berlin and New

York: Walter de Gruyter.

Carlier, P. 1984. La royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre. Strasburg: AECR.

Carruba, O. 2008. Annali etei del Medio Regno. Studia Mediterranea 18. Pavia: Italian

University Press.

Carstens, A. M. 2008. "Tombs of the Halikarnassos Peninsula – the Late Bronze and Early Iron

Age." In Halicarnassian Studies V, edited by P. Pedersen. 52-118. Odense: University Press of

34

Southern Denmark.

––– and P. Flensted-Jensen. 2004. "Halikarnassos and the Lelegians." In The Salmakis

Inscription and Hellenistic Halikarnassos, edited by S. Isager and P. Pedersen. Halicarnassian

Studies 4. 109-24. Odense: University Press of Southern Denmark.

Clay, J. S. 2009. "How to Be a Hero: The Case of Sarpedon." In Ἁντιφίλησις: Studies on

Classical, Byzantine and Modern Greek Literature and Culture in Honour of John-Theophanes

A. Papademetriou, edited by E. Karamalengou and E. Makrygianni. 30-8. Stuttgart: Franz

Steiner Verlag.

Corti, C. 2007. "The So-called 'Theogony' or 'Kingship in Heaven': The Name of the Song."

SMEA 49: 109-21.

Cramer, J. A. 1967. Anecdota graeca e codd. manuscriptis bibliothecae regiae parisiensis, Vol.

II. Hildesheim: Georg Olms, orig. published in 1839.

de Martino, S. 1993. "KUB XXVII 38: Ein Beispiel kultureller und linguistische Überlagerung

in einem Text aus dem Archiv von Boğazköy." SMEA 31: 121-34.

del Monte, G. F. 1992. "Epopea ittita." In La saga di Gilgamesh, edited by G. Pettinato. 285-99,

382-97. Milan: Rusconi.

Descat, R. 2001. "Les traditions grecques sur les Lélèges." In Origines gentium, edited by V.

Fromentin and S. Gotteland. 169-78. Bordeaux: Ausonius.

Durnford, S. P. B. 1971. "Some Evidence for Syntactic Stress in Hittite." AnatSt 21: 69-76.

35

–––. 2008. "Is Sarpedon an Early Anatolian Personal Name or a Job Description?" AnatSt 58:

103-14.

Ehringhaus, H. 2005. Götter, Herrscher, Inschriften: Die Felsrelifs der hethitischen

Grossreichszeit in der Türkei. Mainz am Rhein: Verlag Philipp von Zabern.

Finkelberg, M. 2005. Greeks and Pre-Greeks: Aegean Prehistory and Greek Heroic Tradition.

Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press.

Forlanini, M. 1996. "Awariku, un nom dynastique dans le mythe et l'historie." Hethitica 13: 13-

15.

Frame, D. 2009. Hippota Nestor. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies.

Frei, P. 1993a. "Die Bellerophontessage und das Alte Testament." In Religionsgeschichtliche

Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament. Internationales

Symposium Hamburg 17.-21. März 1990, edited by B. Janowski, K. Koch and G. Wilhelm.

Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 129. 39-66. Göttingen: Universitätsverlag Freiburg Schweiz.

–––. 1993b. "Solymer – Milyer – Lykier. Ethnische und politische Einheiten auf der lykischen

Halbinsel." In Akten des II. Internationalen Lykien-Symposions, Wien, 6.-12. Mai 1990, Band I,

edited by J. Borchhardt and G. Dobesch. Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften

philosophisch-historische Klasse Denkschriften 231. 87-98. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Friedrich, J. 1926. Staatsverträge des Ḫatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache, 1. Teil. MVAG

31/1. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

36

–––. 1930. Staatsverträge des Ḫatti-Reiches in hethitischer Sprache, 2. Teil. MVAG 34/1.

Leipzig: J. C. Hinrichs'sche Buchhandlung.

Georges, P. 1994. Barbarian Asia and the Greek Experience: From the Archaic Period to the

Age of Xenophon. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

Georgiadis, M. 2003. The South-Eastern Aegean in the Mycenaean Period: Islands, Landscape,

Death and Ancestors. Oxford: Archaeopress.

–––. 2009. "The East Aegean-Western Anatolia in the Late Bronze Age III: What Do the Tombs

Tell Us about Memory, Tradition and Identity?" In The Past in the Past: The Significance of

Memory and Tradition in the Transmission of Culture, edited by M. Georgiadis and C. Gallou.

Oxford: Archaeopress.

Giorgieri, M. 2001. "Die hurritische Fassung des Ullikummi-Lieds und ihre hethitische

Parallele." In Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie. Würzburg, 4.-8.

Oktober 1999, edited by G. Wilhelm. 134-155. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

Gorman, V. B. 2001. Miletos, the Ornament of Ionia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.

Güterbock, H. G. 1951. "The Song of Ullikummi: Revised Text of the Hittite Version of a

Hurrian Myth." JCS 5: 135-65.

–––. 1952. "The Song of Ullikummi: Revised Text of the Hittite Version of a Hurrian Myth

(Continued)." JCS 6: 8-42.

–––. 1964. "Sargon of Akkad Mentioned by Ḫattušili I of Ḫatti." JCS 18: 1-6.

37

Haas, V. 2006. Die hethitische Literatur: Texte, Stilistik, Motive. Berlin and New York: Walter

de Gruyter.

––– and I. Wegner. 1988. Die Rituale der Beschwörerinnen SALŠU.GI. Corpus der hurritischen

Sprachdenkmäler I/5. Rome: Multigrafica Editrice.

Hall, E. 1989. Inventing the Barbarian: Greek Self-Definition through Tragedy. Oxford:

Clarendon Press.

Hall, J. M. 2002. Hellenicity: Between Ethnicity and Culture. Chicago and London: University of

Chicago Press.

Hamilakis, Y. 1998. "Eating the Dead: Mortuary Feasting and the Politics of Memory in the

Aegean Bronze Age Societies." In Cemetery and Society in the Aegean Bronze Age, edited by K.

Branigan. 115-32. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press.

Haubold, J. 2007. "Xerxes' Homer." In Cultural Responses to the Persian Wars: Antiquity to the

Third Millenium, edited by E. Bridges, E. Hall and P. J. Rhodes. 47-63. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

Hawkins, J. D. 1995. The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa

(SÜDBURG) With an Archeological Introduction by Peter Neve. Studien zu den Boğazköy-

Texten, Beiheft 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

–––. 1998. "Tarkasnawa King of Mira: 'Tarkondemos', Boğazköy Sealings and Karabel." AnatSt

48: 1-32.

38

–––. 2000. Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions. Volume I. Inscriptions of the Iron Age.

Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft 8.1. Berlin and New

York: Walter de Gruyter.

Heinhold-Krahmer, S. 1977. Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte nach den

hethitischen Quellen. Texte der Hethiter 8. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Herda, A. 2006. "Panionion-Melia, Mykalessos-Mykale, Perseus und Medusa: Überlegungen zur

Besiedlungsgeschichte der Mykale in der frühen Eisenzeit." IstMitt 56: 43-101.

–––. 2009a. "Karerinnen und Karer in Milet: Zu einem spätklassischen Schüsselchen mit

karischen Graffito aus Milet." AA: 51-112.

–––. 2009b. "Karkiša-Karien und die sogenannte Ionische Migration." In Die Karer und die

Anderen: Internationales Kolloquium an der Freien Universität Berlin 13. bis 15. Oktober 2005,

edited by F. Rumschied. 27-108. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

Hoffner, H. A., Jr. 1998a. Hittite Myths. 2nd edn. Writings from the Ancient World 2. Atlanta,

Ga.: Scholars Press.

–––. 1998b. "Hurrian Civilization from a Hittite Perspective." In Urkesh and the Hurrians:

Studies in Honor of Lloyd Cotsen, edited by G. Buccellati and M. Kelly-Buccellati. Bibliotheca

Mesopotamica 26. 167-200. Malibu: Undena Publications.

Hutter, M. 1995. "Der luwische Wettergott piḫaššašši und der griechische Pegasos." In Studia

onomastica et indogermanica. Festschift für Fritz Loncher von Hüttenbach, edited by C. Zinko.

79-97. Graz.

39

Janko, R. 1992. The Iliad: A Commentary. Volume IV: Books 13-16. Cambridge University

Press: Cambridge.

Jasink, A. M. and M. Marino. 2007. "The West-Anatolian Origins of the Que kingdom Dynasty."

SMEA 49: 407-26.

Katz, J. 1998. "How to Be a Dragon in Indo-European: Hittite illuyankaš and its Linguistic and

Cultural Congeners in Latin, Greek, and Germanic." In Mír Curad: Studies in Honor of Calvert

Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Oliver. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur

Sprachwissenschaft 92. 317-34. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität

Innsbruck.

Kaufman, S. A. 2007. "The Phoenician Inscription of the Incirli Trilingual: A Tentative

Reconstruction and Translation." Maarav 14: 7-26.

Keen, A. G. 1996. "The Identification of a Hero-Cult Centre in Lycia." In Religion in the Ancient

World, edited by M. Dillon. 229-44. Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert.

–––. 1998. Dynastic Lycia: A Political History of the Lycians and their Relations with Foreign

Powers c. 545-362 B.C. Mnemosyne, Suppl. 178. Leiden, Boston, and Cologne: Brill.

Kerschner, M. 2003. "Zum Kult im früheisenzeitlichen Ephesos: Interpretation eines

protogeometrischen Fundkomplexes aus dem Artemisheiligtum." In Griechische Keramik im

kulturellen Kontext: Akten des Internationalen Vasen-Symposions in Kiel vom 24.-28.9.2001

veranstaltet durch das Archäologische Institut der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel,

edited by B. Schmalz and M. Söldner. 246-50. Münster: Scriptorium.

40

Killebrew, A. E. 2005. Biblical Peoples and Ethnicity: An Archaeological Study of Egyptians,

Canaanites, Philistines, and Early Israel, 1300-1100 B.C.E. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

Kirk, G. S. 1985. The Iliad: A Commentary. Volume I: Books 1-4. Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press.

–––. 1990. The Iliad: A Commentary. Volume II: Books 5-8. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.

Klinger, J. 2005. "Die hethitische Rezeption mesopotamischer Literatur und die Überlieferung

des Gilgameš-Epos in Ḫattuša." In Motivation und Mechanismen des Kulturkontaktes in der

späten Bronzezeit, edited by D. Prechel. Eothen 13. 103-27. Florence: LoGisma.

Lane Fox, R. 2009. Travelling Heroes in the Epic Age of Homer. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.

Lanfranchi, G. B. 2009. "A Happy Son of the King of Assyria: Warikas and the Çineköy

Bilingual (Cilicia)." In Of Gods(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars: Neo-Assyrian and Related

Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola, edited by M. Luukko, S. Svärd and R. Mattila. 127-50.

Helsinki: Finnish Oriental Society.

Lateiner, D. 2002. "Pouring Bloody Drops (Iliad 16.459): The Grief of Zeus." Colby Quarterly

38: 42-61.

Lebrun, R. and J. De Vos. 2006. "À propos de l'inscription bilingue de l'ensemble sculptural de

Çineköy." Anatolica Antiqua 14: 45-64.

Lipiński, E. 2004. Itineraria Phoenicia. Leuven: Peeters.

41

Long, T. 1986. Barbarians in Greek Comedy. Carbondale and Edwardsville, Ill.: Southern

Illinois University Press.

López-Ruiz, C. 2009. "Mopsos and Cultural Exchange between Greeks and Locals in Cilicia." In

Antike Mythen, Medien, Transformationen, Konstruktionen (Fritz Graf Festschrift), edited by U.

Dill and C. Walde. 382-96. Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter.

–––. 2010. When the Gods Were Born: Greek Cosmogonies and the Near East. Cambridge,

Mass.: Harvard University Press.

Lorenz, J. and E. Rieken. 2010. "Überlegungen zur Verwendung mythologischer Texte bei den

Hethitern." In Festschrift für Gernot Wilhelm anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstages am 28. Janur

2010, edited by J. C. Fincke. 217-34. Dresden: ISLET.

Malkin, I. 1987. Religion and Colonization in Ancient Greece. Leiden and New York: Brill.

McNeill, I. 1963. "The Metre of the Hittite Epic." AnatSt 13: 237-42.

Melchert, H. C. 1998. "Poetic Meter and Phrasal Stress in Hittite." In Mír Curad: Studies in

Honor of Calvert Watkins, edited by J. Jasanoff, H. C. Melchert and L. Oliver. Innsbrucker

Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 92. 483-94. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der

Üniversität Innsbruck.

–––. 2003. "Introduction." In The Luwians, edited by H. C. Melchert. Handbuch der

Orientalistik 1.68. 1-7. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

–––. 2004. A Dictionary of the Lycian Language. Ann Arbor and New York: Beech Stave Press.

42

Mitchell, L. 2007. Panhellenism and the Barbarian in Archaic and Classical Greece. Swansea,

Wales: The Classical Press of Wales.

Mosca, P. G. and J. Russell. 1987. "A Phoenician Inscription from Cebel Ires Daği in Rough

Cilicia." EpigAnat 9: 1-27.

Nagy, G. 1983. "On the Death of Sarpedon." In Approaches to Homer, edited by C. A. Rubino

and C. W. Shelmerdine. 189-217. Austin: University of Texas Press.

Neu, E. 1993a. "Kešše-Epos und Epos der Freilassung." SMEA 31: 111-20.

–––. 1993b. "Knechtschaft und Freiheit. Betrachtungen über ein hurritisch-hethitisches

Textensemble aus Ḫattuša." In Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien,

Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament. Internationales Symposium Hamburg 17.-21. März 1990,

edited by B. Janowski, K. Koch and G. Wilhelm. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 129. 329-61.

Göttingen: Universitätsverlag Freiburg Schweiz.

–––. 1996. Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung I. Untersuchungen zu einem hurritisch-

hethitischen Textensemble aus Hattuša. Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten 32. Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag.

Neumann, G. 1999. "Wie haben der Troer im 13. Jahrhundert gesprochen?" WürzJbb, N. F. 23:

15-23.

–––. 2007. Glossar des Lykischen. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie 21. Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag, überarbeitet und zum Druck gebracht von Johann Tischler.

43

Niemeier, W.-D. 2009. "Milet und Karien vom Neolithikum bis zu den 'Dunklen

Jahrhunderten'." In Die Karer und die Anderen: Internationales Kolloquium an der Freien

Universität Berlin 13. bis 15. Oktober 2005, edited by F. Rumschied. 7-26. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf

Habelt GmbH.

Otto, E. 2001. "Kirenzi und derôr in der hurritisch-hethitischen Serie 'Freilassung' (parā

tarnumar)." In Akten des IV. Internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie. Würzburg, 4.-8.

Oktober 1999, edited by G. Wilhelm. Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten 45. 524-31. Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag.

Peschlow-Bindokat, A. 2001a. "Die Hethiter im Latmos: Eine hethitisch-luwische Hieroglyphen-

Inschrift am Suratkaya (Beşparmak/Westtürkei)." AntW 33: 211-15.

–––. 2001b. "Eine hethitische Grossprinzenschrift aus dem Latmos: Vorläfiger Bericht." AA:

363-78.

Poetto, M. 1998. "Traces of Geography in Hieroglyphic Luwian Documents of the Late Empire

and Early Post-Empire Period (Bogazkoy-Südburg and Kizildag IV)." In III. Uluslararası

Hititoloji Kongresi Bildirileri: Corum 16-22 Eylül 1996 - Acts of the IIIrd International

Congress of Hittitology: Corum, September 16-22, 1996, edited by S. Alp and A. Süel. 469-80.

Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Basımevi.

Prinz, F. 1979. Gründungsmythen und Sagenchronologie. Zetemata 72. Munich: Beck.

Redfield, J. 1994. Nature and Culture in the Iliad: The Tragedy of Hector. 2nd expanded edn.

Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press.

44

Richter, T. 2002. "Zur Frage der Entlehnung syrisch-mesopotamische Kulturelemente nach

Anatolien in der vor- und frühen althethitischen Zeit (19.-16. Jahrhundert v. Chr.)." In

Brückenland Anatolien? Ursachen, Extensität und Modi des Kulturaustasches zwischen

Anatolien und sein Nachbarn, edited by H. Blum, B. Faist and P. Pfälzner. 295-322. Tübingen:

Attempto-Verlag.

Roscher, W. H. 1909-1915. Ausführliches Lexikon der Grieschischen und Römischen

Mythologie. Leipzig: B. G. Teubner.

Ross, S. A. 2005. "Barbarophonos: Language and Panhellenism in the Iliad." CP 100: 299-316.

Rumschied, F. 2009. "Die Leleger: Karer oder Andere?" In Die Karer und die Anderen:

Internationales Kolloquium an der Freien Universität Berlin 13. bis 15. Oktober 2005, edited by

F. Rumschied. 173-94. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf Habelt GmbH.

Sale, W. M. 1987. "The Formularity of the Place-Names in the Iliad." TAPA117: 21-50.

–––. 1989. "The Trojans, Statistics, and Milman Parry." GRBS 30: 341-410.

–––. 1994. "The Government of Troy: Politics in the Iliad." GRBS 35: 5-102.

Salvini, M. 1988. "Die hurritischen Überlieferungen des Gilgameš-Epos und des Kešši-

Erzählung." In Hurriter und Hurritisch, edited by V. Haas. Xenia 21. 157-72. Konstanz:

Universitätsverlag Konstanz GMBH.

Salvini, M. and I. Wegner. 2004. Die mythologische Texte. Corpus der hurritischen

Sprachdenkmäler I/6. Rome: CNR.

45

Schmitz, P. C. 2009. "Archaic Greek Names in a Neo-Assyrian Cuneiform Tablet from Tarsus."

JCS 61: 127-32.

Schmitz, P. C. 2010. "Phoenician KRNTRYŠ, Archaic Greek *ΚΟΡΥΝΗΤΗΡΙΟΣ, and the

Storm-god of Aleppo." In Kleine Untersuchungen zur Sprache des Alten Testaments und seiner

Umwelt, edited by R. G. Lehmann. 119-60. Waltrop: Spenner.

Schwemer, D. 2001. Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der

Keilschriftkulturen: Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen. Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz Verlag.

–––. 2008. "Fremde Götter in Ḫatti: Die hethitische Religion im Spannungsfeld von

Synkretismus und Abgrenzung." In Ḫattuša – Boğazköy: Das Hethiterreich im Spannungsfeld

des Alten Orients. 6. Internationales Colloquium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 22.-24.

März 2006, Würzburg, edited by G. Wilhelm. Colloquien der Deutchen Orient-Gesellschaft 6.

137-58. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag.

Singer, I. 1994. "'The Thousand Gods of Hatti': The Limits of an Expanding Pantheon." In

Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions, edited by I. Alon, I. Gruenwald and I. Singer.

Israel Oriental Studies 14. 81-102. Leiden, New York and Cologne: E. J. Brill.

–––. 2006. "Ships Bound for Lukka: A New Interpretation of the Companion Letters RS 94.2530

and RS 94.2523." Altorientalische Forschungen 33: 242-62.

Sourvinou-Inwood, C. 2005. Hylas, the Nymphs, Dionysos and Others: Myth, Ritual, Ethnicity.

Skrifter Utgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 8º, 19. Stockholm: Paul Åströms Förlag.

46

Starke, F. 1985. Die keilschrift-luwischen Texte in Umschrift. Studien zu den Boğazköy-Texten

30. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.

–––. 1997. "Troia im Kontext des historisch-politischen und sprachlichen Umfeldes Kleinasiens

im 2. Jahrtausend." Studia Troica 7: 447-87.

Tekoğlu, R. and A. Lemaire. 2000. "La bilingue royale louvito-phénicienne de Çinekoy." CRAI:

961-1000.

van de Mieroop, M. 2000. "Sargon of Agade and his Successors in Anatolia." SMEA 42: 133-59.

Watkins, C. 1987. "Questions linguistiques palaïtes et louvites cuneiformes." Hethitica 8: 423-6.

–––. 1994a. "The Language of the Trojans." In Calvert Watkins: Selected Writings, edited by L.

Oliver, 700-17. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 80. Innsbruck: Institut für

Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck. Originally published in M. Mellink, ed., Troy and

the Trojan War (Bryn Mawr, Pa.: Bryn Mawr College, 1986).

–––. 1994b. "Two Anatolian Forms: Palaic ašumāuwa-, Cuneiform Luvian wa-a-ar-ša." In

Calvert Watkins: Selected Writings, edited by L. Oliver, 399-404. Innsbrucker Beiträge zur

Sprachwissenschaft 80. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

Originally published in G. Cardona and N. Zide (eds.), Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald on the

Occasion of His 70th Birthday (Tübingen: Gunther Narr Verlag, 1987).

–––. 1995a. How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford: Oxford

University Press.

47

–––. 1995b. "Some Anatolian Words and Forms: Hitt. nega-, negna-, Luv. *niya-, nâni-." In

Verba et structurae: Festschrift für Klaus Strunk zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by H. Hettrich.

Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft 83. 357-61. Innsbruck: Institut für

Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck.

West, M. L. 1997. The East Face of Helicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Westenholz, J. G. 1997. Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts. Mesopotamian Civilizations

7. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.

Wilhelm, G. 1997. "Die Könige von Ebla nach der hurritisch-hethitischen Serie "Freilassung"."

Altorientalische Forschungen 24: 277-93.

–––. 2003. "König Silber und König Ḫidam." In Hittite Studies in Honour of Harry A. Hoffner,

Jr.: On the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, edited by G. M. Beckman, R. H. Beal and J. G.

McMahon. 393-5. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns.

–––. 2008. "Hurrians in the Kültepe Texts." In Anatolia and the Jazira during the Old Assyrian

Period, edited by J. G. Dercksen. Publications de l'Institut Historique-archéólogique néerlandais

de Stamboul 111. Uitgaven: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten.

Yakubovich, I. 2010. Sociolinguistics of the Luvian Language. Leiden and Boston: Brill.

Zgusta, L. 1964. Kleinasiatische Personennamen. Prague: Verlag der Tschechoslowakischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften.

Zumthor, P. 1987. La lettre et la voix de la <<littérature>> médiévale. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.

48

–––. 1992. Toward a Medieval Poetics. trans. by P. Bennett. Minneapolis: University of

Minnesota Press.

49

* I thank Dr. Alexander Herda for providing me with copies of his articles and for pointing out some

essential bibliographic references. 1 I use the following abbreviations: CHD = Güterbock, H. G., H. A. Hoffner, Jr., and T. P. J. van den Hout

(1989-) The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago). CTH = Laroche, E. (1971) Catalogue des textes hittites (Paris: Éditions Klincksieck), continued by the online database Konkordanz der hethitischen Keilschrifttafeln: http://www.hethport.uni-wuerzburg.de/hetkonk/, where references to editions and discussions of the Hittite texts cited here can be found. FGrH = Jacoby, F. (ed.) (1923-58) Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker (Weidmann, Brill: Berlin, Leipzig). KBo = Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi (J. C. Hinrichs, Mann: Leipzig, Berlin). KUB = Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi (Akademie Verlag: Berlin). I also make use of H. Cancik et al. (2002-) Brill's New Pauly: Encyclopedia of the Ancient World (Brill: Leiden and Boston).

2 E. Hall 1989, especially 3-13; Georges 1994, 13-18; J. M. Hall 2002, 90-1; Ross 2005, 301-2, with earlier references; Herda 2006, 76; Mitchell 2007.

3 Bachvarova 2005a, 149-50; forthcoming. It is disputed whether the various songs in Hurrian and Hittite constitute a distinct genre (Wilhelm 1997, 277-8, note 1). The meter in the Hittite versions has been analyzed by McNeill 1963; Durnford 1971; Melchert 1998. Some shared formulas have been discussed by McNeill 1963; Neu 1993a.

4 The group of songs labeled the Kumarbi cycle by modern scholars consists of CTH 344: Song of Birth, formerly called the Song of Kumarbi or Song of Kingship, on the correct title see Corti 2007; CTH 348: Song of Hedammu; CTH 345: Song of Ullikummi. For translations see Haas 2006, 130-76; Hoffner 1998a, 60-4. For the Hurrian versions see Salvini and Wegner 2004, 17-22, 38-51. On the parallels between the Iliad and Odyssey and the legend of Gilgamesh, see West 1997, 402-16; on the parallels between Hesiod's Theogony and the Kumarbi cycle see West 1997, 276-305. On the parallels between the Hesiod's Works and Days and the Song of Release see Bachvarova 2010. On Hurro-Hittite song see Watkins 1995a, 247-8; Neu 1996, 7; Hoffner 1998a, 66-7; 1998b, 180. On variation between versions, which indicates oral derivation (see Zumthor 1987, 160-72; 1992, 46-9, on medieval manuscripts of oral-derived troubador poetry), see Giorgieri 2001; Güterbock 1951, 143; 1952, 10-11. For further discussion of oral features see Archi 2009. Lorenz and Rieken (2010) see the purpose of the songs as scribal training, rather than oral performance. On the possibility of a Luwian "Wilusiad," which would belong to an entirely different genre, see Watkins (1994a), who bases his suggestion on an incipit from Festival of Istanuwa: CTH 772.1 = KBo 4.11 obv. 46 (translit. Starke 1985, 341), while Neumann (1999, 21, note 20); Starke (1997, 437, note 78) dispute his interpretation, Watkins (1987; 1994b; 1995b, 144-51, with note 19) defends some elements of it.

5 Bachvarova 2005a. The people are war captives and not debt slaves, as thought by Neu (1993b); Hoffner (1998a, 180-3); see Otto 2001; Bachvarova 2005b, 47-8, with earlier references. In the Iliad there is brief mention of the fact that the Trojan assembly was bribed by Paris to reject the Achaean ambassadors' request to return Helen (Il. 11.122-42). This same plot structure is repeated in a nutshell in the opening conflict between Agamemnon and Achilles over the return of Agamemnon's concubine Chryseis to her father, which causes Achilles to refuse to fight and nearly leads to the defeat of the Achaeans.

6 CTH 341. II. 2 = KUB 8.61 + KBo 8.144 left edge, see Salvini and Wegner (2004, 16) on the content. Also see Beckman 2003, 42; Salvini 1988, 159.

7 For a translation of the Hittite version (CTH 341.III) see Haas 2006, 273-7; Beckman 2001a. For the Hurrian version, see the fragments collected in Salvini and Wegner 2004, 16-17, 31-7. For discussion of the versions of the Gilgamesh legend in Akkadian, Hurrian, and Hittite at Hattusa see del Monte 1992, with an Italian translation; Beckman 2003; Klinger 2005; Archi 2007, 186-8. On variation in the Hittite Song of Gilgamesh, see del Monte 1992, 288-9; Archi 2007, 187.

8 Hurrian Mythological-Historical Fragments: CTH 775.D.2 = KUB 31.3 (Salvini and Wegner 2004, 37-8, discussion 17).

9 For translations of the relevant Sargon and Naram-Sin texts see Westenholz 1997; Haas 2006, 67-76. On the Anatolian reception of Sargonic legend, see Güterbock 1964; van de Mieroop 2000; Beckman 2001b. Sargon already appears in a text from the Old Assyrian merchant colony of Kanesh (see most recently Alster and Oshima 2007).

50

10 On CTH 364: Song of Silver, see the translations of Haas 2006: 147-51; Hoffner 1998: 48-50. On the

ritual invocation of the legendary kings (Hurrian Mythological-Historical Fragments: CTH 775.D.1 = KUB 27.38, translit. Haas and Wegner 1988, 384-90, discussion 25-6), see de Martino 1993; Wilhelm 2003.

11 For a comparison of Naram-Sin's story and that of Hector, see Bachvarova 2008. 12 Hector descends into tragic delusion first in Book 8, when he takes confidence in Zeus's false omen. In

12.200-42 the final stage is reached. Dynastic marriage in western Anatolia with the Hittite royal family: Mashuiluwa, king of Mira, married Muwatti, sister of Mursili II (Treaty of Mursili II with Kupanta-Kurunta of Mira-Kuwaliya: CTH 68.B = KBo 4.7 i 6-7, E = KUB 6.44 i 6-7, translit. Friedrich 1926, 110; trans. Beckman 1999, 74). Masduri, king of Seha River Land, married Massanuzzi, sister of Hattusili III, see Bryce 2003, 121-2; 2005, 254. I discuss the interactions in western Anatolia that would have facilitated the transfer of an offshoot of the same tradition we see at Hattusa in Chapter Two of my forthcoming book.

13 On Hurrrians in the ambit of the Old Assyrian merchant colonies as a possible source for Hurro-Hittite song, see Wilhelm 2008. On the importation of the Hurrianized Teshshub of Aleppo in the Old Hittite period, which I have connected to the spread of Hurro-Hittite song, see Singer 1994, Schwemer 2001, 494-502; 2008, 153; Richter 2002, 306-10; Bachvarova 2009, 34-5; forthcoming, Chapter Seven. On the increased Hurrian influence once Hurrian royalty from Kizzuwatna began to intermarry with the Hittite dynasty in the Middle Hittite period, see Hoffner 1998b, 175-84; Richter 2002, 197-9; Bryce 2005, 70-80.

14 Redfield 1994. 15 The Sumerian Curse of Agade tells a similar story to that of the Akkadian Cuthean Legend, but is not at

all sympathetic to the Akkadian ruler and blames him for the destruction of Akkade. See discussion in Bachvarova 2008.

16 Bryce 2006, 149. Also see Bryce (2003, 76), referring to the Alaksandu Treaty (see below): "the term Lukka is used broadly of the Luwian regions of western Anatolia in general rather than of a specific region in the far south."

17 However, this may be caused by a different redactional history for this set of texts. 18 Strabo 14.3.3, 5.16; E. Hall 1989, 131. 19 Yakubovich 2010, 135-6. 20 This is roughly Bryce's suggestion. Note, however, that he originally assumed the Milawatta was in

Lukka (Bryce 1986, 25-9). In later work he expunges that suggestion, rather seeing a "genuine southward sea immigration [from an unspecified location] by a group of marauders from the north" (Bryce 2006, 149).

21 Hawkins 1998, 29-30; also see Melchert (2003, 7) on the difficulties. 22 On the Suratkaya inscription see Peschlow-Bindokat 2001a; b; Ehringhaus 2005, 91-4. On the Karabel

inscription see Hawkins 1998. 23 Bryce 1992. 24 Herda (2009b) relies on this marker in his discussion of the placement of the Late Bronze Age Karkisa,

also arguing that there is a link between Lukka and Karkisa in the Hittite documents. Note that not all of the Hittite evidence linking Karkisa with Lukka he cites is definitive. In Annals of Tudhaliya I/II: CTH 142.2.A = KUB 23.11 ii 14-19 (translit. and trans. Carruba 2008, 36-7), which lists the 22 members of the west Anatolian Assuwa confederation, [L]uqqa has been reconstructed, in which case it would appear with Karkisa (and Masa, Wilusiya and Taruisa), but Artuqqa appears in another Middle Hittite text with Arzawa and Masa (Annals of Arnuwanda I: CTH 143.1 = KUB 23.21 ii 18' and 23', translit. and trans. Carruba 2008, 68-9), and thus it is best to reconstruct [Art]uqqa here. See Starke (1997, 456 and note 91) for further references, but note that he cites the Hittite passage incorrectly and is attempting to argue that Assuwa corresponds to the later Assos. Also see Carruba (2008, 38, note 16), who agrees with Starke in the reconstruction. The Treaty of Muwatalli II and Alaksandu of Wilusa (CTH 76.B = KUB 21.1 iii 29-31 with parallel texts, translit. Friedrich 1930, 4; trans. Beckman 1999, 90) lists Karkisa, Masa, Lukka, and Warsiyalla as places, on campaign to which, if they rebel, Alaksandu is obligated to join the Hittite king. It may be that Lukka is included here as a place that the sea-faring Wilusans could access from the coast while the Hittites attacked by land. CTH 577: Combined Oracle Report I.SU, KIN, and MUŠEN = KUB 49.79 does not mention Masa. It only mentions KUR URUKarkiy[a] (i 14') in a section asking about a campaign route. The only other places preserved in the oracle report are Hatti and Iyalanta (i 23', 25'). The Egyptian mention of the people of Karkisa along with people of Lukka among the allies of the Hittites during the Battle of Qadesh does not provide any geographical information.

25 parra[nda pait] (Treaty of Mursili II with Manapatarhunta of Seha River Land: CTH 69.A = KUB 19.49 i 7, translit. Friedrich 1930, 4). On parranda indicating movement across, see CHD P: 135-7. On the location of the Seha River Land, see Heinhold-Krahmer 1977, 341-5; F. Starke, "Sēḫa," in Brill's New Pauly 13.205-6.

51

26 While many see an etymological relation between the names Masa and Maeonia, typically it is seen as

further north than Lydia (Beekes 2003, 10-13; Bryce 2003, 33; 2006, 143). Masa is mentioned with Wiyanawanda, Tamina, Lukka, and Ikuna in the SÜDBURG inscription (§1, 4, transliteration and translation Hawkins 1995, 22-3). "They are probably all to be regarded as Lukka lands in the wider sense" (Hawkins 1995, 29). Poetto 1998, in a study of the KIZILDAĞ inscription, suggests that the people of Masa were mobile over a fairly large area (4 §2c, transliteration, translation and discussion Hawkins 2000, 438, 441). On the location of Masa and Karkisa, and the issues involved, also see briefly Melchert 2003, 7; Bachvarova forthcoming, Appendix One.

27 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 274; Herda 2009b, 36-7; 2009a, 67-77. J. M. Hall (2002, 101-2) argues that onomastics show both intermarriage and maintenance of a Carian identity.

28 Herda 2009b, 43-60; Niemeier 2009, 21-4. 29 Il. 2.867-9. 30 For discussions (often sharply disagreeing) of who the Leleges were, see Descat 2001; Carstens and

Flensted-Jensen 2004; Bresson 2009; Rumschied 2009; F. Gschnitzer, "Leleges," in Brill's New Pauly 7.380-1. 31 Pherecydes, as quoted by Strabo, tells a version of the same story told by Asius of Samos: "Earlier the

Carians occupied Miletus and Myus and places around Mycale and Ephesus, and the Leleges occupied the coast as far as Phocaea and Chios and Samos, which Ancaeus ruled. Both of them were thrown out by the Ionians, and were driven out into the remaining parts of Caria" (Strabo 14.1.3 = FGrH 3 Fr. 155, Paus. 7.4.1 = Asius Fr. 7 Bernabé).

32 Hdt. 1.171.6; 1.143.3. 33 Hdt. 1.4.3-5.1. See Haubold (2007) on the Persian use of the story of the Trojan War. 34 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 268-309. Also see Gorman (2001, 14-43); Herda 2009b. 35 FGrH 31 F 45 = schol. ad Apoll. Argon. 1.185/8a. See Sourvinou-Inwood (2005, 269-70, n. 149, 282-3)

for a full discussion defending the attribution to Herodorus (against Prinz 1979, 109-10) and the priority of this myth as opposed to the one involving Sarpedon (although I do not agree with all her argument).

36 ὑµεῖς αἰπὺ Πύλου Νηλήιον ἄστυ λιπόντες ἴµερτὴν Ἀσίην νηυσὶν ἀφικόµεθα./ ἐς δ’ ἐρατὴν Κολοφῶνα βίην ὑπέροπλον ἔχοντες ἑζόµεθ’ ἀργαλέης ὕβριος ἡγεµόνες. "When leaving Pylos, the Neleian city, we came to lovely Asia with ships, into beautiful Colophon, having overweaning force, we settled, leaders of harsh hybris" (Fr. 9 West = Strabo 14.1.4).

37 Reply to Neleus' proposal to found a city: Νηλεῦ, φράζευ, ὅπως ἀδίκων Καρῶν γένος ἀνδρῶν/

ἐξελάσας, Ἕλληνας Ἴωνάς τ’ ἐγκατανάσσῃς. "Neleus, figure out how, having driven off the race of unjust Carian men, you will lead Hellenes and Ionians there" (Parke and Wormell 1956, II. No. 301). See Malkin 1987, 51.

38 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 305-7. Also see J. M. Hall 2002, 97-100. 39 Cramer 1967, 193.29-30. 40 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 281, also see 271. 41 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 300-9. 42 Thus Bryce (2006, 147) on the settlement of Miletus. 43 This could also apply to the Greek discussions of the origins of the Leleges and Caucones, sometimes

placed in Anatolia, other times in Greece. See notes 30 and 81 here. Homer speaks of the mixture of languages spoken on Crete: Achaeans, Eteocretans, Cudones, Dorians, and Pelasgians (Od. 19.172-7). On prehistoric Anatolian immigrants to Crete and the rest of Greece, see Finkelberg 2005, 9-11; Yakubovich 2010, 9-11

44 Adiego 2007, 341-2. 45 Killebrew 2005, 30. 46 Georgiadis 2003, 110; 2009; Hamilakis 1998, 122; Carstens 2008, 59-70. 47 CTH 76. 48 On Atpa, see Bryce 2005, 224. 49 Kerschner 2003, 246. 50 Herda 2009b, 102. 51 On the Phoenician mentions of (A)hhiyawa in eighth century inscriptions from Karatepe and Çineköy,

corresponding to Hieroglyphic Luwian Adana, as well as the House of Mopsus (in Phoenician)/ Muksus (in Hieroglyphic Luwian) as corroborating the report of Herodotus (7.91) of Hypachaei settling in Cilicia and of Strabo (13.4.6, 14.5.16) of people leaving Troy led by Mopsus and Antilochus, see López-Ruiz 2009, with earlier references; 2010, 38-43, 68-9. Lane Fox (2009, 218) resists the equation of Ahhiyawa and Hiyawa.

52 Singer 2006. In the Karatepe inscription Azatiwata, the ruler of Karatepe, refers to his king Awarikkas, of the House of Mopsus, of Adana (Hieroglyphic Luwian: ā-wa/i+ra/i-ku-sa-wa/i, Karatepe Hu 4b §XXI, 112-13, translit. and trans. Hawkins 2000, 51; Phoenician: ͗wrk, Ph A I 16, translit. and trans. Çambel 1999, 50-1). An Urikki of Que (= Hiyawa) is known from Assyrian texts from the time of Tiglath-Pileser. In the Çineköy inscription,

52

a little earlier than the Karatepe inscription, the king's name is spelled wa/i+ra/i-i-ka-sá (HL), w[r(y)k] (Phoen.). In the trilingual (Phoen., HL, Assyrian) Incirli inscription (ca. 750 BCE) his name is preserved in Phoenician as ͗wrk, and he is named as king of the Danunites or of Que (HL, Assyrian) see Kaufman 2007. In addition an Urikki (wryk) appears in the Phoenician Cebelireis Dağ inscription (ed. and trans. Mosca and Russell 1987). Lipiński (2004, 116-23) interprets this man's name ("Awarku") as Ewarkhos, and the "Wariyka" in the other inscriptions as Rhoikos.

53 For fuller discussions of possible migrations of Aegean peoples to Cilicia in the light of the Karatepe and Çineköy inscriptions see Forlanini 1996; Tekoğlu and Lemaire 2000; Lebrun and De Vos 2006; Jasink and Marino 2007; Lanfranchi 2009.

54 Schmitz 2009; 2010. I find his discussion of Phoenician krntryš at Karatepe as representing Greek korunētērios 'man of the mace', an epithet of the Sorm-god particularly convincing. The mace was a characteristic weapon of the Storm-god of Aleppo (Schmitz 2010; Bachvarova forthcoming, Chapter Seven).

55 On Sarpedon generally, see Keen 1998, 208-10; Benda-Weber 2005, 246-60. 56 FGrH 70 F 127 = Strabo 14.1.6. 57 G. Most reconstructs this phrase at Cat. Fr. 90.20 Most; Bryce 1986, 21; 2006, 147. Also see Diodorus

Siculus (5.78.1-79.4), who says that Minos, Rhadamanthus, and Sarpedon were the sons of Zeus and Europa. Rhadamanthus is credited with taking over many islands and much of the coast of Asia. Sarpedon conquered Lycia, and his son married the daughter of Bellerophon, and their son was the Sarpedon at Troy.

58 Bryce's (1986, 19-23) discussion of various groups subsumed under the later scholarly designation shows that it is an over-simplification. Frei (1993b) untangles the history of the various terms, arguing that only outsiders, including the Hittites, used the term "Lycian" until quite late in their history, and that the scope of the term narrowed over time. Also see Keen (1998, 86) on the use of the term Trmmili.

59 Bryce 2006, 147. Bryce (2003, 110-15) discusses the early legends of the Lycians. 60 According to Strabo (14.1.6) "it is said" that the Caunians came from Crete. 61 See Lateiner 2002, 56-7. 62 Kirk 1990, 122. 63 Frei (1993a, 41-2) has suggested that the story of Bellerophon comes from Greek poets performing at the

Lycian court at Xanthus. On Bellerophon see Bryce 1986, 14-20. See Chapters Four and Fifteen of Bachvarova forthcoming.

64 Name: Katz 1998; battle: West 1997, 300-4. 65 Hutter 1995 66 Burkert 1983, 52; Frei 1993a, 47-8. 67 On the parallels with the death of Enkidu see West (1997, 343-4); on the verb tarkhu and the possible

heroization of Sarpedon, see Nagy 1983, 195-8, 205-6; also Lateiner (2002) on hero-cult for Sarpedon. 68 On the significance of the name Nastes and that of his father Nomion (Il. 2.871), cf. nomos 'pasture,

district', see Brügger, Stoevesandt and Visser 2003, 284. On the history of scholarship on the term barbarophōnos, see J. M. Hall 2002, 111-12; Brügger, Stoevesandt and Visser 2003, 284-5.

69 Frame 2009. 70 On the heterogeneous origins of the Greeks involved in the "Ionian migration," see Herda 2006, 76-9,

with earlier references. On the Neleids in the Ionian migration, see Frame 2009, 29-35, 515-33. 71 Hdt. 5.65. 72 The earliest historian to attribute the re-founding of Miletus to the Neleids was Hellanicus (FGrH 4 F

23). 73 Kirk 1985, 263 notes some of the inconsistencies between the catalogue and the rest of the story. 74 Georges 1994, 14-15, Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 269. Brügger, Stoevesandt and Visser (2003, 284-5)

argue effectively against this interpretation. 75 In the Iliad the adjective is most often used to refer to young children. It is used in dialogue to refer to a

warrior who mis-estimates what lies before him. There seems to be no preference for Anatolians over Achaeans. 76 Herda 2006, 73, note 170; 2009b, 46, 68, note 222. 77 Long 1986, 131-3; Brun (2007, 22-32) on the hostility of Athenians towards the Carians. 78 Sale 1987; 1989; 1994. 79 Bachvarova 2008. 80 On which see Clay 2009. On Glaucus see Benda-Weber 2005, 255, 257 81 Carlier 1984, 432-3. The Caucones served among the allies of the Trojans, along with the Pelasgians and

Leleges, according to Il. 10.429, and like the Leleges their origins were disputed. Hecataeus (FGrH 1 F 119) did not

53

consider them to be Greek, but other sources, including Od. 3.366, place them in the Peloponnese. See Y. Lafond, "Caucones," in Brill's New Pauly 3.38.

82 Bryce 2006, 146 83 Bryce 1986, 15. Compare the Lydian royal genealogy connecting them to the Greeks via Heracles and to

the Assyrians via Ninus (Burkert 2001). 84 As Clay (2009, 38) describes him, he is the "last son of Zeus, … both powerful king and warrior and

[his] personal accomplishments coincide with his inherited status." 85 Janko 1992, 358, 371-2. οὗτος Καρίας δυνάστης, οὗ τὴν θυγατέρα ἔγηµε Βελλεροφόντης, ὡς

Ξενοµήδης ἔφη."(About Amisodarus): This is a ruler of Caria, whose daughter Bellerophon married, as Xenomedes says" (Xenomedes of Ceos, 5th cent. BCE FGrH 442 F 3 = schol. ad Il. 16.328).

86 Most reconstructs the land over which he rules, but the passage continues on to mention his activities in the Trojan War (Fr. 90.16-32 Most).

87 Janko 1992, 358-9. 88 Clement Homilies 5.15. Sourvinou-Inwood (2005, 45-6, 285-9); Janko (1992, 358-9) discuss the citations

fully. Sourvinou-Inwood argues that the name is particularly associated with "Oriental" characters. On mariš see the CHD ad loc.

89 Janko 1992, 259. 90 Prinz 1979, 98-111. 91 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 289. 92 Sourvinou-Inwood 2005, 46. 93 Durnford 2008, with earlier references. Börker-Klähn (1993, 56) connects to Hitt. GIŠšarpa- 'throne'. For

further discussions of the etymology of his name see Keen 1996, 230, note 6; Yakubovich 2010, 138-9. 94 Janko 1992, 372; Benda-Weber 2005, 256-7. 95 Aura Jorro (1985, 1993, 2.282-3) discounts any conenction with Sarpedon. 96 In Roscher 1909-1915, 4.396. 97 Durnford (2008) does not discuss the relevant Carian forms. Yakubovich (2010, 138) suggests the name

is Carian. 98 Neumann 2007, 438; Durnford 2008, 111-12. See Melchert (2004) for Milyan citations. 99 Zgusta 1964, 462. 100 See Hdt. 1.171, quoted above. Thucydides (1.4) in his synopsis of the earliest history of the Greeks tells

us that Minos, establisher of the first fleet, drove out the Carians from the Cyclades and set up his sons as rulers in the various islands, a story corroborated somewhat by the Anatolian names of the Dodecanese islands and cities; see Bresson 2009, 113-14.

101 See Adiego 2007, 334-5; Yakubovich 2010, 91, 93.