Bogumil Terminski

The concept of human security as a tool for analysing the consequences of development-induced

displacement and resettlement.

Introduction

Extensive research on development-induced displacement within the institutional framework of the

World Bank began in earnest in the mid seventies.1 However, as early as the end of the fifties,

sociologists were aiding Egyptian authorities in planning the resettlement of Nubian communities

during the construction of Aswan High Dam. The next decade witnessed a period of extensive

research on the social costs of dam building in Africa, undertaken on the basis of applied

anthropology and sociology. The research report entitled Putting People First: Sociological

Variables in Rural Development (edited by Michael M. Cernea), published by the World Bank in

1985, is considered one of the first attempts to conceptualize this issue. Research on development-

induced displacement is therefore developed in parallel to another influential category of internal

displacement: environmentally-induced displacement (then studied under the concept of

'environmental refugees').2 Studies conducted on the initiative of the World Bank have been marked

from the outset by strong indicators of negative social consequences resulting from development

projects. Since the mid-fifties, the World Bank has been strongly criticized for politicizing their

financial support, for the lack of control over the consequences of lending, and for other activities

leading to the deterioration of the situation for people in developing countries.3 In February 1980

the World Bank adopted its first policy on involuntary resettlement caused by development

projects.4 In recent years, the social consequences of development-induced displacement have

1 T. Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional, and Political Costs, Earthscan London, 2005.

2 The concept of “environmental refugees” was popularised in 1976 by the founder of Worldwatch Institute, Lester Brown. The first attempt to conceptualize this issue was a 44-page report by Essam El-Hinnawi published in 1985.

3 T. Forsythe (ed.), Encyclopedia of International Development , Routledge, 2005, pp. 621.4 The first World Bank policy of involuntary resettlement was Operational Manual Statement (OMS 2.33) from 1980.

The policy of involuntary resettlement was revised in 1990 as so-called Operational Directive 4.30 (OD 4.30). In 2003 Operational Policy 4.12 (OP 4.12) on involuntary resettlement was adopted. See: Involuntary Resettlement Sourcebook. Planning and Implemantation in Development Projects, World Bank Publications, 2004 p. 3; L. Mehta, Displaced by Development: Confronting Marginalisation and Gender Injustice, SAGE Publications, 2009, p. 223.

garnered increasing attention from specialists in several disciplines. Among the most prominent of

these we can mention the study of: human development (development studies), human rights,

internal displacement (refugee studies, forced migration studies, IDPs studies), sociology, social

anthropology (applied anthropology, human ecology), and security issues. Let us now consider the

key elements and research questions posed by representatives of each of these areas.

Research conducted by specialists on human development has focused on identifying the

impact of development projects in order to improve the situation and maximize the well being of

persons within their circle of impact.5 Development projects often lead to long-term economic and

social benefits (e.g. decrease in energy prices, easy access to water, new jobs, development of

tourism industry, modernization of society, and better adaptation of vulnerable groups to the new

realities). Equally often, however, these projects cause irreversible marginalization or even

extermination for persons residing in the immediate vicinity.6 Development projects such as dams

are a root cause of poverty and of the marginalization of vulnerable groups. Therefore, these

developments do not contribute overall to economic development or to the opportunity for the

surrounding communities to improve their position in society. According to some studies the vast

majority of development projects in India did not contribute to the growing of well-being of people

affected by its consequences. Rather, such projects often result in negative dynamics of well being.

Development-caused displacement often leads to a decrease in all six basic dimensions of human

development, mentioned by the UNDP (equity, empowerment, cooperation, sustainability, security,

and productivity).7

Research undertaken by development studies specialists focuses on the analysis of

development projects in the context of more general political and economic factors. According to

liberal development paradigms, socially costly modernization is “the only way” to improve the

5 C.J. De Wet (ed.), Development-induced Displacement: Problems, Policies, and People, Berghahn Books, 2002, p. 6; K. Koser, “Refugees” [in] D. Clark (ed.), The Elgar Companion to Development Studies, Edward Elgar, 2006, p. 500.

6 W. Fernandes, "Development-Induced Displacement and Tribal Women" [in] G.Ch. Rath (ed.), Tribal Development in India: The Contemporary Debate, SAGE, 2006, p. 112.

7 M. Rodwan Abouharb, D. Cingranelli, Human Rights and Structural Adjustment, Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 30.

situation in developing countries. This perception of the problem was characterized, for example, by

Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, who called big dams “temples of modern India.”8 In recent

years, aggressive development policy is increasingly being replaced by the concepts of sustainable

development and long-term growth. These concepts recognize the need for decision-makers to

consider the non-economic conditions of large investments. These include environmental factors

and the situation of the communities most vulnerable to the consequences of the development

projects (mostly tribal, rural, and indigenous people with limited mechanisms for adaptation to new

conditions of life). According to W. Fernandes, the implementation of sustainable development

strongly depends on understanding the problems of vulnerable groups and expanding their rights

(e.g. the right to rehabilitation).9

Analyses conducted by human rights experts are focused on the legal mechanisms which

support people who are displaced or affected by development projects.10 The development of the

concept of third-generation human rights, particularly indigenous rights, the right to development,

and the right to environment, have had a significant impact on the aforementioned line of research.

Already in those years, not only the political and social rights of indigenous people were

emphasized, but also their cultural privileges, freedom of self-determination, and the right to

continue their current mode of life in an unaltered environment. Increasingly, the economic rights of

local communities were stressed, such as profiting from the extraction of valuable resources in their

territories. A particularly strong interest in the social context of development-induced displacement

was taken by human rights specialists in India. The first social movements opposed to big

development projects (Mulshi Satyagraha) were already established in India by the twenties of the

last century.11 Several years of debate on the consequences of the Sardar Sarovar Project on the

8 S. Kothari, “Whose Nation? The Displaced as Victims of Development,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 31, No. 24 (Jun. 15, 1996), pp. 1476-1485; H. Sims, “Moved, left no address: dam construction, displacement and issue salience,” Public Administration and Development, Vol. 21, Issue 3, August 2001, p. 187-200.

9 W. Fernandes, “Development induced displacement and sustainable development,” Social Change, Vol. 3, No. 1, March/June 2001, p. 87-103.

10 B. Pettersson, “Development-induced displacement: internal affair or international human rights issue,” Forced Migration Review, Vol. 12, January 2002, p. 16-19; P. Culleft, “Human Rights and Displacement: The Indian Supreme Court Decision on Sardar Sarovar in International Perspective,” International and Comparative Law Quarterly, Vol. 50, 2001, p. 973-987.

11 R. Vora, World's First Anti-Dam Movement: Mulshi Satyagraha 1920-1924, Permanent Black, 2009.

Narmada river contributed to a large extent to the development of the Indian NGO sector (Narmada

Bachao Andolan). The phenomenon of development-induced displacement around the world is

becoming an object of growing interest for human rights specialists. Interest in the problem is no

longer restricted to those affected and narrow academic circles in developing countries.

Development projects as a cause of internal displacement were listed in the Guiding Principles of

Internal Displacement (1998) and the Convention for the Protection and Assistance of Internally

Displaced Persons in Africa (2009). However, the situation of people displaced by internal conflicts

is commented upon much more frequently than are the problems of over 15 million development

displacees per year.12

The study of internal displacement is of fundamental importance for conceptualizing the

aforementioned problems. Development-induced displacement is now a fully autonomous area of

research. Among the most respected specialists in this particular field we should mention authors

such as M. Cernea, W. Fernandes, P. Penz, P. Bose, Ch. De Wet, Ch. McDowell, W.C Robinson, L.

Mehta and T. Scudder. Research on development-induced displacement, aided by the practical

activity of research institutions and governmental centres, is dynamic in India. The books and

activities of Booker Award-winning Indian novelist Arundhati Roy have gone a long way toward

popularizing this problem in the Western world.

Thayer Scudder, an American social anthropologist who has analyzed the social

consequences of the construction of large dams in Africa for nearly fifty years, is an author of

several influential works on dam-related resettlement in the context of anthropology and human

ecology13. His recent book, entitled The Future of Large Dams, combines elements of many social

sciences from human ecology to environmental risk and displacement studies.

Among the most prominent publications on development-induced displacement in recent

12 According to Michael M. Cernea, development projects are a root cause of displacement of 15 million people per year.

13 T. Scudder, “The Human Ecology of Big Projects: River Basin Development and Resettlement,” Annual Review of Anthropology, Vol. 2, 1973, pp. 45-55; T. Scudder, “A Sociological framework for the analysis of new land settlements” [in] M.M. Cernea (ed.), Putting people first. Sociological variables of rural development, World Bank Publications, 1985, p. 121-153; T. Scudder, The Future of Large Dams: Dealing with Social, Environmental, Institutional and Political Costs, Earthscan, London, 2005.

years are: Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights and Responsibilities (2011);

Development's Displacements: Ecologies, Economies, and Cultures at Risk (2007) and

Development-Induced Displacement, Rehabilitation and Resettlement in India (2011).14

The last major discipline for analyzing the consequences of development-induced

displacement is the study of soft security issues (mainly the concept of human security). The origins

of these studies can be dated back to the early nineties—consequences of the collapse of a bipolar

international system.15 Research undertaken on the relationship between environmentally-induced

or disaster-induced displacement and human security has grown rapidly in recent years. This seems

largely to be a consequence of recent intense discourse on environmental security and climate

change, dating back to the late eighties (see the studies by specialists from the so-called

Copenhagen School of International Relations and Security Studies). This current attitude toward

climate change, which is to a great extent independent of political factors, increasingly penetrates

the imagination and discourse of international organizations. In other words, while politics do not

create the observable effects of climate change, the international community does have the choice to

implement mechanisms that prevent the enlargement of these effects, and thus to improve the

situation of affected communities. Interestingly, environmentally-induced displacement is perceived

as a problem of a much more international character than development-induced displacement,

which is normally considered contained within national boundaries. However, we can mention at

least two famous causes of development-induced displacement which created transnational

population mobility (the consequences of the construction of the Mangla and Kaptai dams).16 In a

very short period of time, major natural disasters such as earthquake-generated tsunami may cause

adverse changes in the security level of several million people in dozens of countries. In just one

day, the Asian tsunami of December 2004 strongly affected the level of security in more than 10

14 P. Penz, J. Drydyk, P.S. Bose, Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights and Responsibilities, Cambridge University Press, 2011; P. Vandergeest, P. Idahosa, P.S. Bose, Development's Displacements: Ecologies, Economies, and Cultures at Risk, University of British Columbia Press, 2007; S. Somayaji, S. Talwar, Development-Induced Displacement, Rehabilitation and Resettlement in India, Routledge, 2011.

15 S. Neil MacFarlane, Yuen Foong Khong, Human Security and the United Nations, Indiana University Press, 2006, p. 220. 16 People displaced due to dam construction became refugees and immigrants.

countries. Development-induced displacement seems to be a much slower and more predictable

process than disaster-induced displacement, or even than the long-term consequences of

environmental change.

So far, development-induced displacement is not a subject of considerable interest to

specialists in the field of human security. Taking into account the analytical uses of some of the

concepts of security, this seems strange, to say the least. The most renowned conceptual frameworks

of development-induced displacement have much in common with the discourse on human security.

Let us here mention, among others, the Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR) by

Romanian sociologist Michael M. Cernea.17 The combination of human security concepts with the

theoretical recognition of development-induced displacement would be an extremely valuable

stream of research. An equally inspiring direction might be the study of the consequences of

development-induced displacement on the basis of other disciplines such as human development,

political economics, and ethics (e.g. the ethical requirements of development). We can mention at

this point the inspiring research undertaken by Jay Drydyk from the Department of Philosophy at

Carleton University (“Development-Induced Displacement and John Rawls`s ‘General Conception’

of Justice”).

Planning and implementing standards for large development projects depends primarily on

the country’s development politics, local administration, political decision-makers, and business

sector. It is therefore a reflection of economic and political interests, and the pursuit of decisions

made within a narrow circle of administration. Such decision-making processes should obviously

reflect a concern for all citizens and contribute to improving the situation of the vast majority and

creating the smallest possible number of displaced or affected people. Contemporary development

policy is a highly collective construct, dependent on the interests of central government, and distant

from the people. Decisions to resettle thousands of people in remote regions of the country are

made at central offices by people unrelated to the area. Yet citizens should be the main actors in

17 M.M. Cernea, “Risks, Safeguards and Reconstruction: A Model for Population Displacement and Resettlement,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 41, (Oct. 7-13, 2000), pp. 3659-3678.

economic development, as beneficiaries of modernization, rather than just being affected by

increasing marginalization and social disarticulation. For research on development studies to

progress, it is necessary that it evolve from a primary interest in national and international economic

interests to a primary interest in social relations and the individual circumstances of the people. The

academic study of human security provides a chance for the realization of this postulate for a

greater understanding of the consequences of development policies in several parts of the world.

Human security can also be a valuable analytical tool for many other reasons. In developing the

next generation of human rights, we are seeing the focus shift away from social relations between

the state and the specific individuals at risk of discrimination, and towards the relationship between

the state and the situation of whole categories of people (e.g. migrants, displaced people, sexual

minorities, indigenous people, etc.). The concept of human security is a thoroughly individualistic

one. With its conceptual proximity to human rights, human development, and the demands of

sustainable development, it is possible to conduct far reaching multidisciplinary analyses. The

classification of human security, included in the Human Development Report published in 1994 is

no less analytically useful than the IRR model.18 Human security is not a static theoretical construct

whose application is limited to academic debates, which are difficult to understand and distant from

the people. The attainment of practical goals is demanded, such as the people’s release from the

greatest threats having an impact on their daily functioning.

What is development-induced displacement and resettlement?

The beginning of contemporary studies on the consequences of internal displacement can be

dated back to the mid seventies of the last century. It was then stressed that internal displacement in

developing countries is generated by many non-political factors. Contemporary research in this

18 More on IRR model: M.M. Cernea, “Risks, Safeguards and Reconstruction: A Model for Population Displacement and Resettlement,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 35, No. 41, October 7-13, 2000, p. 3659-3678; M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell, Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees, World Bank Publications, 2000; M.M. Cernea, “Financing for Development: Benefit-Sharing Mechanisms in Population Resettlement,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 42, No. 12, March 24-30, 2007, p. 1033-1046.

particular area was encouraged to develop not only by the consequences of the modernization of

developing countries (dams, mining, urbanization, etc.) but also by: current social and demographic

factors (e.g. a population boom in Asia, demographic pressures, and lack of food); natural disasters

(e.g. cyclones in South Asia); long-term environmental problems (e.g. desertification, drought in

Africa); and even the problems of famine and epidemic disease. Initially the research led to the

formation of our still-functioning classification of internal displacement into four basic categories:

conflict-induced displacement; environmentally-induced displacement (associated with long-term

climate processes); disaster-induced displacement; and development-induced displacement.19 The

categories of development-induced displacement and environmentally-induced displacement have

occurred in the scientific literature since the mid-eighties. The category of conflict-induced

displacement has a far shorter history. It began to appear in the literature in the early nineties.

Definitely no later than that, one began to hear about the problem of disaster-induced displacement.

The origins of advanced research in this area occur around the second half of the nineties.

According to experts’ estimations, more than 250 million people have been displaced by

development projects over the past twenty years. In 1995 Michael Cernea referred to 100 million

people displaced by development within the previous ten years.20 Already in the nineties, the

number of persons displaced as a result of investment projects were estimated at least ten million

people each year. This figure is mentioned in the book Development-Induced Displacement.

Problems, Policies and People (edited by Chris de Wet), published in 2005 by Berghahn Books.21

According to Anthony Oliver-Smith and Laura Westra, the current dynamics of development-

induced displacement are maintained at about 15 million people per year. Most of these dynamics

can be observed in India and China, the two most populous countries which promote patterns of

19 Classification presented above is based on very simply. The reasons for the several categories of resettlement often merge into each other.

20 K. Koser, “Refugees” [in] D. Clark (ed.), The Elgar Companion to Development Studies, Edward Elgar, 2006, p. 500. In Cernea`s report from 2004 we can find the number of 200 million development-induced displaced people during the last 20 years see: M.M. Cernea, “Impoverishment Risks, Risk Management, and Reconstruction: A model of population displacement and resettlement,” Paper presented to the UN symposium on Hydropower and sustainable development, Beijing, 2004.

21 See also: K. H. Redford and E. Fearn, Protected areas and human displacement, Working Paper, No. 27, Wildlife Conservation Society, April 2007.

intensive and extremely costly socio-economic development.22 In India alone, large-scale

development projects such as dams have led to the displacement of more than 60 million people

over the last sixty years. According to the estimations of the China National Center for Research on

Resettlement, during the period 1950-2000, more than 45 million people were resettled in the

country as a result of different types of development projects. The estimates presented in this issue

by other expert bodies oscillate in the range of 40-70 million. According to Taneja and Thakkar

(2000), between the years 1947 and 2000 as a result of large dam investments in India, 21-40

million people were resettled. As stated by Fernandes, Das and Rao (1989) between 1948 and 1988

alone, the construction of dams in India displaced more than 21 million people.23 According to more

recent studies the total number of displaced people in India, following development projects, can be

estimated between the years 1947-2010 at 55 million people. The construction of large dams in

Africa (Kariba Dam, Aswan Dam, Akosombo Dam, Merowe Dam, the Gibe III Dam in Ethiopia)

and in Latin America (Cabore Bassa, Tucurui, Itaipu, Belo Monte) also contributes to the large scale

of the problem.

The most dynamic category of internal displacement today is disaster-induced displacement.

According to estimates produced by the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre (IDMC), in

recent years at least 15 million people per annum are forced to flee their homes following natural

disasters such as cyclones, earthquake generated tsunamis, and floods.24 Methodological disputes

and lack of detailed data about the scale of environmentally-induced displacement make it difficult

to count the global scale of that problem. It seems that the number of people displaced by drought,

desertification, soil degradation, and the consequences of these processes may be on a similar global

scale as development-induced displacement. Disaster-induced displacement is so far the largest and

the most dynamic category of involuntary internal mobility.

The last and most well-known category of internal displacement is conflict-induced 22 J. Stanley, "Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement", available at:www.forcedmigration.org 23 W. Fernandes, J.C. Das, S. Rao, “Displacement and Rehabilitation: An Estimate of Extent and Prospects” [in] W. Fernandes and E. Ganguly Thukral (eds.) Development Displacement and Rehabilitation New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 1989.24 Global estimates 2011. People displaced by natural hazard-induced disasters, IDMC-NRC, July 2012.

displacement. According to the figures from 2006 it amounted to more than 20 million IDPs in 52

countries. The continent with the largest IDP population is Africa, with some 11,8 million in 21

countries.

The problems of development-displaced persons are not only created by economic factors,

but also political factors such as those that affect the legal systems and standards of human rights

protection within a given country. Principles of individualism, property rights, and effectively

working legal institutions work together to ensure that no highly developed country can afford to

realize development projects which have high social costs. Instead, almost all of these types of

projects are taking place in countries ruled in an authoritarian manner with little culture of

individualism, limited political participation by local communities, and lack of opposition to

authority. The more authoritarian a government is, the greater is the potential scale of development-

induced displacement, because the mechanisms of protection are affected by the centralization of

power, the lack of NGOs, etc.

Displacement caused by the implementation of development projects is the most irreversible

category of forced internal migration. It is at least theoretically possible for displacees from the

consequences of wars, disasters, or even long-term environmental change to return to their previous

areas of residence. However, irreversible environmental changes caused by development projects

(for example, the creation of artificial lakes) sometimes completely inhibit a return to former places

of residence. This difference is of great importance in the analysis of the social and cultural

consequences of development-induced displacement. International refugees and persons displaced

as a result of armed conflicts within states often hope to return to their homes. Many Palestinians

still have the keys to the homes they abandoned following conflict in the Middle East. Yet much

development-induced displacement completely disrupts the bond between human and territory, and

thus disrupts the history, culture, and sense of community. That is why the application of the

community dimension of human security is a crucial area for research.

Among the main causes of development-induced displacement, we can note: a) dam-related

projects (e.g. the creation of artificial water reservoirs, dams, hydroelectric power plants, bridges,

irrigation systems, and artificial channels); b) the development of communication infrastructure

(e.g. roads, highways, railways, airports, etc.); c) urbanization (including such things as public

transport and water supply systems); d) the transformation of urban space (e.g. liquidation of

favelas); e) the expansion of agricultural land (including the creation of large monoculture

plantations); f) the creation of national parks, reserves, or other area of protection of the biosphere

(conservation of nature); g) the consequences of commercial logging; h) the increased exploitation

of mineral resources (e.g. gold, copper, coal, oil, gas, etc.).25

Applying the concept of human security to research on the consequences of development-induced

displacement and resettlement.

The concept of human security seems to be a particularly useful tool for analysis of the situation of

individuals and communities experiencing challenges which are sudden and difficult to anticipate.

In contrast to national legislation or human rights law, human security does not focus on legal

protection or judicial activity. This separation from the static analysis of the problem of legal

categories can draw attention to wider types of changes. Many of the problems affecting displaced

people are very difficult to consider using the lens of violation of law. Let us take for instance some

community and psychological consequences of resettlement. Applying legal categories to study the

social consequences of development-induced displacement raises some problems. Do economic

development and the realization of the interests of the majority justify violations of human rights of

members of local communities? According to many experts, the implementation of a Western model

of human rights in the realities of developing countries is very difficult or even completely

impossible. The only tool for the long-term realization of human rights must be intense and costly

social development. Does economic development, however, always lead to the extension of human

25 A. Rew, E. Fisher, B. Pandey, Addressing Policy Constraints and Improving Outcomes in Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects (Final Report), Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales Swansea, 2000.

rights, democracy, and freedom? Human rights law is an important concept for the interpretation of

the consequences of development-induced displacement. We can analyze the consequences of

development-induced displacement and the problems affecting displaced people in the context of

the violation of individual and collective categories of human rights and the dynamics of national

human rights protection. Let us list here the fundamental human rights (right to life, dignity, and

personal freedom), civil and political rights (right to participate in public life and social protest

against decisions of authorities), social rights (right to health, housing rights, right to access to

social services, right to work, protection against unemployment), cultural rights (right to preserve

cultural identity in a changing world), the collective human rights of the third and fourth generation

(right to peace, right to participation in economic development, right to human development, the

use of an unspoiled environment, the rights of category of minorities and excluded groups: forced

migrants, displaced people, indigenous people, ethnic and religious minorities).

The Impoverishment Risks and Reconstruction Model (IRR Model) created by Michael M.

Cernea is an advanced scientific construct, combining theoretical and empirical elements. At the

empirical level, it is based on the results of the reports and experiences of development projects in

many parts of the world.26 Its theoretical foundation is grounded primarily in the social sciences:

sociology and anthropology. Analyzing the author's reflections on the consequences of resettlement,

we can clearly see the inspiration from sociology, human rights, human security, and the concept of

social exclusion. The development of the IRR model should be considered a real breakthrough in

the study of involuntary resettlement. This model significantly influenced the policies of the World

Bank in financing major development projects and establishing standards for their implementation

in many parts of the world. The creation of the IRR model should be considered a milestone in

resettlement studies. Prior to its publication, specialists in this particular area focused attention

almost exclusively on the subject of displacement. The IRR model contributed to the rapid

26 M.M. Cernea “Risks, safeguards, and reconstruction: a model for population displacement and resettlement” [in] M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell (eds.), Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees,World Bank Publications, 2000, p. 9; R. Dwivedi, “Models and Methods in Development–Induced Displacement (Review Article),” Development and Change, Vol. 33, Issue 4, September 2002, pp. 709-732.

development of resettlement studies within the framework of the World Bank. It should be used by

all those responsible for large projects and the planning, implementation, and consequences of

resettlement. Many of the negative consequences of resettlement can be avoided (or at least limited)

at the planning stage. But both goodwill and knowledge of the economic, social, and cultural

profiles of the displaced persons are necessary. Expenditure on resettlement should be considered an

important part of the total cost of any project. The second important theoretical model of risk is

Colson-Scudder four stage model from 1982.27

Initial studies on minimizing the risks caused by displacement can be dated back to the

sixties (Robert Fernea, Thayer Scudder). It was only the activity of scholars such as Butcher, Scott

Guggenheim, and Michael Cernea, begun in the seventies, which led to the impressive development

of the discipline in the eighties and nineties. In particular, aid for the identification of hazards

caused by resettlement is created by the last of these specialists’ IRR Model. This model identifies

eight threats affecting the normal functioning of displaced people: a) landlessness, b) joblessness, c)

homelessness, d) marginalization, e) food insecurity, f) loss of access to common property, g)

morbidity, and e) social disarticulation. The classification established by M. Cernea seems to reflect

the most important negative consequences of development. In one sense, it is a rather theoretical

and “closed” sociological construct. That is, it leaves little space for personal interpretation and is

difficult to extend or modify; as it forms the base of certain World Bank directives, one cannot

simply modify it easily. By contrast, human security and human rights are more general concepts.

However, the shining merit of the IRR model is to draw attention to the individual and community

insecurity risks, which is similar to the concept of human security. When the IRR model is

conformed to the concepts of collective human rights and the importance of human security of the

community, IRR is a much more accurate way to analyze the threats affecting displaced people.

Because the IRR model is a very practical theoretical background precisely designed for

27 M.M. Cernea, Ch. McDowell, Risks and Reconstruction: Experiences of Resettlers and Refugees, World Bank Publications, 2000, p. 15.

understanding development-displaced people, it is therefore much easier to apply IRR to specific

problems associated with development-induced displacement than it is to apply more general

human-rights or human-security approaches. However, we must at the same time remember that

DIDR is a highly diverse process worldwide.

The concept of human security is still very rarely applied in the analysis of the social

consequences of development-induced displacement. To this date, we can mention only two studies

published in this particular area. The article of G. Caspary, “The Impacts of Development-induced

Displacement on Human Security (a study of dam finance)” published in Human Security Journal,28

should be recognised as the most important work in this area. Besides a short introduction, however,

it does not contain broad references to the concept of human security and its practical

implementation in the study of displacement or resettlement. Analysis of the issue only in the

context of the financial aspect of the construction of dams restricts reflection on other categories of

development-induced displacement. Construction of dams and hydropower plants over the past

years are the largest category of development-induced displacement. According to Rew, Fisher and

Pandey (2000) the creation of dams and hydropower plants is the cause of over 26% of

development-induced displacement worldwide.29 The contemporary picture of this phenomenon is,

however, much more diverse. We recently can observe a growing scale of displacement caused by

the extraction of raw materials (such as oil development-induced displacement, mining-induced

displacement), the expansion of agriculture (e.g. the creation of palm oil plantations in Borneo),

and the conservation of nature (e.g. national parks in Africa). Gita Bharali from NESCR has used

the concept of human security in analysing the consequences of development-induced displacement

in the Assam Indian region.30 This study is an interesting combination of theoretical considerations

(security as a human right, an analysis of development-induced displacement in the context of

28 G. Caspary, “The Impacts of Development-induced Displacement on Human Security (a study of dam finance),” Human Security Journal, Vol. 4, 2007, p. 70-81.

29 A. Rew, E. Fisher, B. Pandey, Addressing Policy Constraints and Improving Outcomes in Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects (Final Report), Centre for Development Studies, University of Wales Swansea, 2000.

30 G. Bharali, “Development-Induced Displacement and Human Security in Assam,” Paper presented at the Seminar on Human Security, Department of Political Science, Gauhati University, November 17-18, 2006.

development policy and security of local communities, the paradigms of modern development) with

very interesting facts about the practical situation in this Indian region.

The concept of human security may become a far better tool for analysis of the social

consequences of development-induced displacement. This is for several reasons. Human security is

a highly interdisciplinary concept, strongly connected with human rights, well-being, and

development. This concept successfully breaks a state-oriented perspective and institutional

considerations, which are typical for traditional security paradigms. The central actors of human

security are people, and this concept is focused on the social processes associated with recently

observed global problems. An emphasis on community security means that we can analyze the

situation of whole communities that are affected by the afore-mentioned problems. Human security

highlights the active role of local actors (individuals, families, tribes, rural communities, minorities)

in minimizing dangers affecting everyday life. The concept of human security also encompasses not

only food insecurity but also the health and environmental problems of vulnerable groups. It is

important to highlight that development-induced displaced people (DIDPs) are only one small part

of the whole Project Affected People (PAP) community. These problems should be considered a

primary threat to development-induced displaced people. The concept of human security also

emphasizes the participation of non-state actors (for example, intergovernmental organizations,

social movements, NGOs) in minimizing the risks affecting the individuals. The implementation of

human security involves not only governments, but a broader participation of different actors: from

regional organizations to the most basic social groups (families, local communities). The protection

and assistance of development-induced displaced people now requires the increasing involvement

of international actors and NGOs. According to the notion of human security, people are not passive

participants in social processes. The right of appeal cannot be limited to more “passive” assistance

activities, such as judicial assistance from NGOs. Ordinary citizens must also make their own active

contribution in strengthening well-being and minimizing risks of displacement. As we know, the

success or failure of resettlement to a large extent depends on the actions of the affected

communities. If local communities are not consolidated in the defense of their rights, their interests

will never be fully respected by the government and large corporations. It is not really only about

protest and strengthening bargaining positions, but also about the involvement of local communities

in minimizing the social consequences of resettlement. Even the most integrated local communities

are not able to effectively defend their rights without the support of external institutions. Equally

important is the friendly attitude and support of local communities in their place of residence

(integration). Human security is therefore a thoroughly anthropocentric concept, recognizing the

fact that the individuals and social groups do influence decision-making and can change the world.

In contrast to human rights models, which are based on legal and institutional concepts, the human

security model does not focus only on passive support and the monitoring of the situation of

displaced persons. An important element of a human security approach is postulating an active role

for local communities in minimizing their risks and “the enlargement of human choices.” Human

security and human development are much more dynamic categories than human rights law, which

often depends on political interests and the will of the state.

Also worth noting is the relationship between the concept of human security and the issues

surrounding development. Development-induced displacement is one of the most significant

consequences of industrialization and modernization. The concept of human development, popular

since the early nineties, was formed as a challenge to the dominant liberal theories of development.

It recommends that those responsible for planning and implementing development policy should

take social factors into account, such as: the freedom of a human being to his or her own path of

development, freedom of choice, the possibility of remedy for health problems, access to education,

consideration of environmental factors, or reduction of poverty. As experts note, lack of human

security has large consequences for economic growth and thus for the development of every human

being. The shape of development affects not only the top-down political decisions, but also basic

human freedom and the quest for well-being. Socially costly development, such as, for example,

development-induced displacement, increases inequality, reducing the level of security and well-

being, and may become a cause of violent conflicts.

The relationship between human security and gender issues is worthy of emphasis. Women

and children are the groups most greatly affected by the negative consequences of displacement and

resettlement. Among the most important problems identified by specialists are health risks

(including reproductive health, epidemic diseases, and mental problems), the challenges of

changing lifestyles, and housing problems in the new place of residence. The security of women is

particularly threatened by inadequate access to resources and opportunities. Resettlement limits the

economic activity of women and lowers their position within the local communities. The concept of

human security seeks to improve the position of women through better access to education and

health services, the reduction of various forms of discrimination, and greater participation in

decision-making.

The following table illustrates the most influential concepts useful in the analysis of the

consequences of development-induced displacement. Some of them are distinct and established

theoretical concepts (e.g. human rights). We must keep in mind the dual nature of human rights as

both an element of legal doctrine and a social idea. Concepts of human security and development

studies are a dynamic area of research. The study on the consequences of development-induced

displacement can also be based on sociology (marginalization and social exclusion, the post-

colonial approach, or even feminism), philosophy (for example, the general theory of justice by

John Rawls, ethical approaches such as that of Jay Drydyk, etc.) or social anthropology and human

ecology (Thayer Scudder).

1. Human Rights. Analyses in this area are focused on defining the categories of rights violated

especially frequently during the displacement and resettlement process, and the legal basis of the

practical assistance to displaced and affected people. Analysis on the basis of human rights is

particularly useful: 1 in taking action to adequately compensate for the consequences of

resettlement, 2 in forcing government to make changes in the laws designed to better protect the

displaced, 3 as an introduction to the most relevant forms of assistance for displaced people

undertaken by several actors: NGOs, governments, and humanitarian institutions. The treatment of

displaced people is an indicator of the general level of respect for human rights in specific

countries. The worst situation prevails in countries affected by armed conflict, authoritarian

regimes, and finally failed states.

2. Human Security. Studies in this area should take into account the impact of development projects

and the displacement they cause with regards to the various categories of security. Development

projects can contribute to the economic modernization of a country yet at the same time strongly

decrease the level of human development of its most affected communities. It is necessary to

analyze how development projects can increase the future security and stability of all affected

populations. In contrast to human development, based on the categories of well being, the primary

point of reference for human security is a category of risk.

3. Human Development. Studies in this area should answer the question of how to translate

development projects into increased wealth, productivity, access to education, and human well-

being. Development-induced displacement, in many countries of the world, does not translate into

improved living conditions for the displaced people. There are, however, examples where

resettlement has led to improved health conditions and housing situation, access to education, and

social services for the displaced people. The concept of human development assumes that every

human being has a great potential, regardless of where s/he lives, of social condition, and of

financial resources. It is most important to provide the tools needed for development (such as

microcredits in India, proper access to social services, and access to basic resources such as water).

Particularly important is the assistance of displaced people which is provided by civil society

institutions (NGOs, integration within local communities). The greatest catastrophe is the

displacement of the population to foreign territories without the creation of opportunities for

growth, thereby reducing human development.

4. Sociology (marginalization, social exclusion, postcolonial perspectives, several feministic

concepts, etc.). Sociological research helps us to determine what barriers cause economic

development to maximise the existing problems of already very marginalised communities, rather

than to help improve the social situation that still maximizes the problems already very

marginalized communities. Indigenous people often remain completely outside the main flow of

society. Development projects, therefore, result in several forms of economic marginalization of

groups which are already intensely affected. A sociological approach helps to determine the needs

of communities which are experiencing resettlement and are affected by risks. A sociological

analysis of experience in this field helps to avoid repeating the same mistakes. That is why, back in

the late fifties, sociologists were hired to analyze investment projects, and, since the seventies, the

World Bank used their assistance regularly. It would also be interesting to study the consequences

of resettlement in the context of postcolonialism. The situation of displaced people is not only a

reflection of the success or failure of resettlement process, but also national circumstances and

political factors.

5. Philosophy/Ethics. Studies undertaken by philosophers are focused on the moral and ethical

controversies related to development-caused displacement. Are the economic benefits and welfare

of the majority of society sufficient reasons for the expulsion of several thousand people?

Considerations of this kind are a valuable complement to sociological and anthropological studies,

especially at the initial planning phase of development projects. For example the Indian Supreme

Court ruled that the project in the Narmada Valley was socially justified, because the percentage of

beneficiaries in relation to individuals affected by the negative problems were less than 1/100.

Various philosophical theories can be tools in this kind of discussion. They also demonstrate how

the practical application of philosophy might be helpful in everyday life.

Analysis of the consequences of development-induced displacement on the basis of the most

influential human-security concepts.

This further consideration is based in particular on the classification of human security outlined in

the UNDP Human Development Report, published in 1994. The definition of human security argues

that the scope of global security should be expanded to include threats in seven areas: 1. economic

security; 2. food security; 3. health security; 4. environmental security; 5. personal security; 6.

community security; and 7. political security. As we can see, the political “branch” of security is

just one of the several pillars which affect people’s situations. That concept was subsequently

discussed by a number of UN agencies and conferences, who expressed a universal yearning for

some institutions to at least partially “humanize” global security. The concept of human security

was discussed, inter alia, during the World Summit on Social Development in Copenhagen (1995).

The creators of the concept had hoped that a temporary decrease in the risk of international armed

conflict would lead to a change in the global picture of risks affecting the human condition.

According to the above-mentioned Human Development Report (1994), human security is

“freedom from threats such as hunger, disease, and persecution” and “protection from sudden and

painful threats to everyday life, at home, at work or within the wider community.” It is worth

mentioning other definitions which may be useful in analyzing the situation of displaced people.

Owen (2004) defined human security as “the protection of the vital core of all human lives

from critical and pervasive environmental, economic, food, health, personal, and political threats.31

Some of the consequences of development projects include several categories of economic changes.

In most studies of human security, there is no explicit reference to the negative consequences of

economic development. According to a report presented by the United Nations University (Thakur),

the object of human security is “to protect every person against critical threats to life, conditioned

by factors both anthropogenic and natural, regardless of their locations at the national or

international level, and direct or structural nature.” One valuable element of this definition is the

way it seems to be drawing attention to the indirect “anthropogenic” threats of human security.

Much development-induced displacement does not lead to sudden, noticeable problems. The

growing impoverishment, unemployment, homelessness, and loss associated with the destruction of

31 Cited in H.G. Brauch, J. Grin (et. al), Facing Global Environmental Change: Environmental, Human, Energy, Food, Health and Water Security Concepts, Springer, Heildelberg, 2009, p. 979.

the local environment, a lack of promised assistance, and the erosion of group identity are often

problems only fully manifested after several years.

The conceptual foundations of the human security concept can be found in the two of four

fundamental freedoms proclaimed in 1941 by president F.D. Roosevelt: freedom from fear and

freedom from want. This classification seems to be a useful tool for the analysis of the

consequences of development-induced displacement. The fear of poverty and marginalization

characterize the experience of many displaced people in developing countries. An understanding of

human security proposed by Caroline Thomas may also prove useful for further analysis. Thomas

links human security with the increase of individual participation in community life and the

expansion of democratic space.32

Further considerations can be based on the 1994 classification of human security threats.

However, this classification does not fully reflect the problems affecting displaced people. This is

why I strongly suggest the addition of two further categories: gender security and cultural security.

The impact of development and modernization on both problems affecting women and the dynamic

of cultural change is an issue well discussed in the literature. As such processes are often

irreversible, development-induced displacement has very strong impact on cultural and lifestyle

changes. Women are at much greater risk than men for the consequences of development-induced

displacement. Problems affect women more intensely as a result of their disadvantaged position in

society, especially in developing countries. Development-induced displacement as an irreversible

process strongly affects modes of life and brings about cultural transformation.

Economic security

The economic consequences of development-induced displacement are another issue well-discussed

in the literature. In many countries, displaced people are already affected by several forms of

32 C. Thomas, Global governance, development and human security the challenge of poverty and inequality, Pluto Press, London- Sterling, 2000.

economic discrimination during—and even before—the resettlement process. An asymmetrical

distribution of power between the state or business sector on the one hand and the displaced people

on the other leaves displaced people with very limited means of defending their rights. The level of

community integration in the defense of their interests is a very important factor in the situation of

displaced people, as is the general standard of legal protection in each country. Even local

communities strongly affected by resettlement can sometimes take action to improve their economic

security. We should mention here the construction of mechanisms for the assistance and economic

development of local communities (such as micro-credits in India). Those responsible for

resettlement planning should include far-reaching social support mechanisms which can mobilize

local communities for economic activity. Communities with an already weakened economic and

social position are particularly vulnerable to the consequences of development-induced

displacement. I am thinking in particular of indigenous peoples (tribal peoples) which have limited

possibilities for adaptation to new realities. When the basis of their economic model is a strong link

with land and surrounding resources, then their job profile is extremely rigid and the possibility of

adaptation to living in different conditions is almost impossible. Moving to another place not only

causes the erosion of their traditional social model but also poses a huge threat to their individual

and communal economic security. Due to a lack of education, limited professional experience, and

tough competition in the labour market, displaced people have very little opportunity to find work

elsewhere. The efforts of Chinese authorities to adapt displaced rural people or to unfamiliar urban

conditions very often results in complete failure.

At the earliest stages of the planning and implementation of development projects, we can

already observe economic risks that will affect the displaced people. The most significant problem

is the inadequate or non-existent compensation for loss of land. In many countries, persons without

formal rights to the property or occupied land do not receive any compensation at all. Any financial

compensation that is offered is very often inadequate compared to the value of the lost property.

According to research recently conducted in developing countries, financial compensation is not a

good mechanism for compensating displaced people.33 Resettling them in nearby areas with a

similar level of economic development seems to be a much better strategy. Even this solution is,

however, a source of economic risk. Agricultural land in the new place of residence could be much

poorer quality, and the lack of access to common property (pastures, forests, rivers, and lakes) can

place displaced people into a situation of economic marginalization and even starvation. Large

development projects often lead to water contamination, air pollution, and many additional health

risks. Compensation received for the loss of land very often ignores the individual and community

consequences of resettlement (Koenig and Diarra 2000, Pandey et. al 1998). Consequences of this

type include the loss of existing social networks, economic problems, and erosion of group identity.

That said, the loss of land is considered to be the most important of all problems affecting displaced

people in developing countries.

In the new place of residence, displaced people often experience by several other factors

leading to their economic marginalization. Unemployment is the most immediate factor affecting

their living conditions. The problem of unemployment among development-induced displaced

people is a result of their limited working flexibility. Moving to cities, they face strong competition

in the labour market. A good mechanism of support for displaced people is to provide them long-

term assistance for retraining and employment, and even financial assistance in the case of

unemployment. Poor education, lack of professional experience, and gender-based discrimination

mean that displaced women have almost no chance of finding work. Displaced persons typically do

not have enough finances to further their education or acquire retraining. Compensation in the form

of cash alone, along with poor adaptation to very changed conditions often lead to homelessness. It

is important to resettle people in surroundings as similar as possible to their former place of

residence, where they can find jobs and realize their natural abilities. In this way, by maximizing

human security we can contribute to the growth of human development.

The impact of resettlement on the economic condition of displaced people over a period of

33 Financial compensation should take into account the non-material costs of resettlement (social fragmentation, erosion of social bonds, changing the economic patterns, negative cultural changes, etc.)

many years is now the subject of research undertaken by sociologists, anthropologists, economists,

and specialists in development studies. The IRR model describes the economic threats as a process

of negative events (landlessness-joblessness-homelessness-marginalization-social disarticulation).

According to the vast majority of experts, the root cause of the marginalization of displaced people

is landlessness. Among institutions designed to minimize the economic consequences of DIDR, are

the North Eastern Social Research Centre in Guwahati and the Indian Social Institute in New Delhi.

Food security

Article 25 of the UDHR mentions access to food as one of the most fundamental social human

rights. According to article 11 of the ICESCR, and other documents (e.g. the CESCR General

Comment No.12 'The Right to Adequate Food'), the duty to implement adequate access to food

belongs to state authorities. The primary cause of food insecurity facing displaced people is related

to the loss of land. Following large-scale development projects, local communities lose access to

common property, like pastures, rivers, and forests. Resettlement to less valuable farmland is

another cause of food insecurity. The contamination of land, air, and water is the next problem

affecting resettled people. Indian women always mention, among the most negative consequences

of development projects, the lack of water, food, and firewood, and the presence of disease

(Bharali). Michael M. Cerena reported lack of food among the worst problems facing displaced

people.

Food shortages caused by development projects are difficult to eliminate. It is of crucial

importance that proper planning of development projects and resettlement is undertaken, and access

to natural resources (rivers, forests, pastures, etc.) is not limited. Resettlement leads to changes in

previous economic networks, which may translate into problems with food. Therefore, resettlement

should not be allowed to affect the cohesion of existing communities (e.g. local communities should

be resettled in one neighbourhood).

Health security

Health risks for displaced people are a consequence of several factors. Since development projects

often result in the contamination of air, soil, and water in the immediate vicinity, this leads not only

to the deterioration of the economic condition of the displaced people, but also to many health-

related problems. The contamination of the environment strongly affects the situation of pregnant

women and small children. Further problems result from the weakened economic situation of

displaced people. Poor housing conditions and limited access to clean water bring about disease.

The lack of land and unemployment often lead to malnutrition and even starvation. A weakened

body is much more at risk of disease. Michael M. Cernea reports that increasing morbidity is one of

the most negative consequences of displacement.

A very important issue which is underestimated in the literature is the question of mental

problems affecting displaced people. Awareness of an irreversible change of life often causes long-

lasting psychological trauma. The resultant deterioration in mental health also contributes to

unemployment and a loss of awareness by women of their economic functions (Bharali, 2006).

Rehabilitation and adaptation programs should be accompanied by well-developed mechanisms of

psychological assistance. A sense of safety can minimize the psychological problems affecting

displaced people.

Environmental security

The right to good environmental conditions is mentioned as one of the most crucial human rights of

the third generation. The contemporary concept of environmental justice highlights the necessity of

providing every human being with access to an uncontaminated environment. Experts say that

sustainable environmental conditions are completely necessary for proper human development. In

the case of environmental obstacles, human beings cannot fully develop their activity and maximize

their well-being. Human security also examines the impact of environmental change at both an

individual and a community level. Unfortunately, environmental problems are increasingly affecting

people from the poorest sections of society. In times of globalization, friendly environmental

conditions are becoming a more and more valuable commodity, and ones difficult to attain for those

in developing countries. Development projects such as dams, open pit mines, and oil extraction lead

to a large number of risks, including massive deterioration of the environmental conditions in their

immediate vicinity.34 Crude oil extraction in the Niger Delta is the most famous example of an

investment which led to long-term environmental disaster. According to recently-conducted UN

research, restoring the environmental equilibrium in the region may require not only huge amounts

of money, but also may take about 50-100 years. We can observe in Bangladesh a large number of

environmental problems facing displaced people; the development of the Phulbari open-pit mine

may cause the displacement of even 200,000 inhabitants of this country.

Environmental changes are a significant cause of health- and food-related hazards. Huge

development projects often lead to irreversible environmental changes, even in remote areas of

several kilometres. Air and soil contamination cause large losses in agriculture and the prospective

poverty of entire communities. Water contamination caused by the construction of hydroelectric

power cuts into the economic activities of the inhabitants of surrounding areas (e.g. fishery).

Environmental changes force already-displaced people to migrate many more times. Deteriorating

environmental conditions make agriculture and fishery more difficult, and can eventually prevent

activity entirely. The only way to maximize the environmental safety of displaced persons is

prudent investment planning. Plans for development projects must consider the potential

environmental consequences and risks. It is important to pause or even cancel projects which create

serious environmental problems (such as the Belo Monte or La Parota dams).

34 B. Terminski, Oil-induced displacement and resettlement. Social problem and human rights issue, Research Paper, Simon Fraser University (Human Security Gateway Project), Vancouver, 2011.

Personal security

The consequences of resettlement can threaten the fundamental elements of human functioning, the

total erosion of which represents a threat to human life. The level of human security for every

displaced person is threatened by several factors: economic insecurity in the new place of residence,

health risks, and environmental degradation. The synergistic combination of such threats can lead to

a spiral of problems that threaten the most basic elements of human functioning. For peoples living

for generations in the Amazon Jungle or some parts of India, and not well-adapted to the other

conditions, involuntary resettlement causes not only an economic problem, but even the danger of

extermination. Without support mechanisms, displaced people do not have any opportunities to

improve their situation. Among the displaced, we can distinguish higher and lower levels of risk for

personal security. The categories of marginalization and social disarticulation, mentioned in the IRR

Model, may be related to both personal safety and community security.

Community security

Development-induced displacement is not only a threat to individuals but also to larger societal

structures such as families, tribes, rural communities, and even the inhabitants of entire regions.

This problem is increasingly seen as a community phenomenon. Instead of paying attention to the

number of displaced people, much scientific attention is now focused on displaced families, tribes,

and villages. Contributing to the disintegration of local communities, development-induced

displacement affects the most fundamental element of community safety (density). Development-

induced displacement is a huge threat to the cohesion of entire communities. This fact is reflected

by the afore-mentioned landlessness and the effects of the change of residence. Simultaneous with

the resettlement process is the erosion of existing relationships and community ties. Development-

induced displacement reduces the most basic function of the community to a structure of economic

cooperation. This fact also affects loss of access to common property. When displaced people are

forced to change jobs, their previous economic communities no longer function. A change of

residence is the first step in the destruction of social ties and community disintegration.

The level of community security of development-induced displaced people depends on two

factors: 1. actual cohesiveness of communities before resettlement, 2. activities and aid that reduce

the risk of disintegration in the new place of residence. The basic tool to minimize these risks is the

resettlement of entire communities to a place of a similar nature. In this way, it becomes possible to

maintain economic, social, and cultural ties. For the sake of intergroup relations, the resettlement

area should not be too far from the former place of residence. The implementation of development

projects in China, such as Three Gorges Dam, led to the displacement of population in very remote

territories with very different characteristics. Even the displacement of a whole community to the

same city has contributed to the disintegration of previously existing structures and social ties.

Political security

Development-induced displacement is increasingly becoming a political issue. Difficult economic

situations or discrimination against displaced persons often leads to conflicts with local

communities. Development-induced displacement often affects already politically marginalized

groups and communities such as indigenous people, ethnic minorities, and other people outside the

main flow of society. Their low social status is a fundamental obstacle to the full realization of their

political rights. This seems to be one of the main functions of the NGO sector, i.e. defending the

rights of the displaced and strengthening their positions in the decisions about how to implement

development projects. The now-dominant liberal paradigm of development does not considered

displaced people as significant actors in the decision making process when realising development

projects. Even the citizen who is at the center of society has difficulty when it comes to defending

his interests in the face of large corporations or national administration. The basic tool to maximize

human security is to strengthen the social and legal position of a particularly marginalized group.

However, this is a very long-term process.

Gender security.

Landlessness and loss of access to certain resources, result in a significant deterioration in the

situation of women. Social relations typical for developing countries indicate that women usually

perform activities in the household and small works in agriculture. In India, a major occupation of

women is to collect firewood. Loss of land and access to resources is a common cause that the

economic function of women in the family is almost completely reduced. Unlike men, they usually

have no chance of finding employment. Development-induced displacement will therefore

maximize marginalization of women relative to men. Development-induced displacement has the

most adverse impact on the situation of already marginalized and discriminated-against groups. One

problem area which affects women and children much more strongly than men is the health risks

caused by development-induced displacement. The biggest problems in this area surround

pregnancy. The problems of displaced persons in developing countries are similar to the general

situation of women. The only tool to maximize the safety of women is to promote education and

mechanisms of social assistance, which in the very long term can lead to a reduction in

discrimination against women. It becomes necessary to undertake in-depth research on the social

and cultural determinants of risks affecting displaced women. Very often they are not identified

until the end and very different to the problems of men. An interesting direction of research seems

to be trying to apply the concept of feminism to the study of development-induced displacement.

Cultural security.

The economic marginalization of displaced people and the breakdown of existing structures initiate

negative cultural changes. Threats to the cultural identity of the displaced are very often observed in

China. Migration of displaced persons from rural areas to the cities forces them to abandon their

previous habits and patterns of functioning. Modernization in India significantly impoverishes the

cultural traditions of the tribal people. Resettlement has a very strong influence on the situation of

indigenous people in the Amazon. Their organic relationship with the land causes the displacement

to an alien environment to not only erode cultural traditions, but even leads to the disappearance of

tribes in the long term. Resettlement of indigenous people to areas distant and different from their

normal habitat should be completely banned. Anthropological studies confirm the impact of

resettlement on the reduction of cultural diversity and even the extinction of languages and dialects.

Therefore, consistent resettlement communities (e.g. tribes, villages, large clans, people with a

similar professional profile, in their entirety) are important. Only places of residence similar to the

previous area will allow them to develop their existing skills.

Conclusions and recommendations

The classification of the seven threats to human security, included in the UNDP report from 1994, is

a useful tool for research into the threats and challenges affecting development-caused displaced

people. In order to better analyze the problems of displaced people, however, this tool should be

complemented with an examination of women's issues and of threats of a cultural nature. Unlike the

IRR model, human security leaves more space for one’s own analysis and conclusions. In contrast

to human rights discourse, this concept has a strong emphasis on minimizing risks. Human security

is also a much more dynamic concept than the relatively slowly evolving concept of human rights,

which are nowadays very dependent on political and economic interests. Development-induced

displacement might be harmful to all levels of human security, including political and community

security. The most difficult challenge is to minimize the problems of people already strongly

affected by their low social status and by the traditional problems of developing countries (for

example, the situations of women and tribal peoples). Improving the standards of the

implementation of resettlement, and offering better assistance to displaced people will definitely not

solve all of above-mentioned problems; we also need some far-reaching modernization and

socialization of the liberal paradigm of development policy. Even the best resettlement policy will

not solve the problem if women and tribal people will be subjected to further discrimination.

The classification proposed by UNDP is divided de facto into two main categories: detailed

and general security threats. Among the detailed categories of risk, we should mention: economic,

food-related, health-related, environmental, and political security. For the purposes of our analysis,

we can add two more detailed categories: cultural and gender-related risks. Analysis of these

problems should be only a prelude to examining the risks affecting the level of individual and

community human security of people displaced by development.

Summary

The consequences of development-induced displacement are the subject of research undertaken by

experts from many disciplines. In addition to the specialist theoretical concepts (IRR Model), and

useful general approaches (human rights, sociology, anthropology) an analysis on the basis of

human security and development plays an increasingly important role. The classification of seven

categories of human security, included in the UNDP Human Development Report, published in

1994, may be a valuable research tool for all specialists dealing with displacement studies. This fact

is reflected by the growing scale of publications analyzing the intersection of environmental

changes, conflict, and displacement (Suhrke, Westing, Myers). At least a few authors (Caspary,

Bharali, Ozerdem & Jacoby) pointed out the usefulness of the concept of human security in the

analysis of development-induced displacement and resettlement. Despite a stagnation of research in

human security, observed in recent years, its application in the research of very dynamic global

problems (such as famine and displacement) is still worthy of consideration.

The aim of this article is to consider the application of the most influential human security

concepts to DIDR research. Taking into account the most influential human security classifications,

I try to analyze the major problems facing displaced people. This analysis helps to determine what

actions can help to improve the situation of displaced persons and to minimize the risks that affect

them. Its connection to established models of analysis (IRR) can be helpful in specific development

decisions in avoiding the problems typical for previous resettlement.

Bibliography:

Bharali G., “Development-Induced Displacement and Human Security in Assam,” Paper presented

at the Seminar on Human Security, Department of Political Science, Gauhati University,

November 17-18, 2006.

Caspary G., “The Impacts of Development-induced Displacement on Human Security. A study of

dam finance,” Human Security Journal, Vol. 4, 2007, p. 70-81.

Cernea M.M., Putting people first: Sociological variables in rural development, World Bank &

Oxford University Press, Oxford-Washington, 1991.

Cernea M.M., Guggenheim S.E. (eds.), Anthropological Approaches to Resettlement, Policy,

Practice, and Theory, Westview Press, Boulder CO, 1993.

Courtland Robinson W., Risks and rights: The causes, consequences, and challenges of

development-induced displacement, The Brookings Institution, Washington DC, 2003.

De Wet C.J., Development-induced displacement. Problems, policies, and people, Berghahn Books,

New York, 2006.

Downing T.E., “Creating poverty: the flawed economic logic of the World Bank’s revised

involuntary resettlement policy,” Forced Migration Review, Vol. 12, February 2002.

Dwivedi R., “Models and Methods in Development–Induced Displacement (Review Article),”

Development and Change, Vol. 33, Issue 4, September 2002, p. 709-732.

El-Hinnawi E., Environmental Refugees, UNEP, Nairobi, 1985.

McDowell Ch., Understanding impoverishment. The consequences of development-induced

displacement, Berghahn Books, New York, 1996.

Ozerdem A., Jacoby T., “Conflict-induced internal displacement” [in] Z.F. Kabasakal Arat (ed.),

Human Rights in Turkey, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2007.

Penz P., Drydyk J., Bose P.S., Displacement by Development: Ethics, Rights and Responsibilities,

Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2011.

Rew A., Fisher E., Pandey B., Addressing Policy Constraints and Improving Outcomes in

Development-Induced Displacement and Resettlement Projects (Final Report), Centre for

Development Studies University of Wales Swansea, 2000.

Terminski B., “Oil-Induced Displacement and Resettlement: Social Problem and Human Rights

Issue,” (Working Paper, Simon Fraser University), Vancouver, 2012.

Terminski B., “Environmentnally-Induced Displacement. Theoretical Frameworks and Current

Challenges”, CEDEM Working Paper, Universite de Liege, 2012.