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Hutnan Ethology Bulletin

VOLUME 14, ISSUE 2 ISSN 0739-2036 JUNE 1999

© 1999 The International Society for Human Ethology

AN INTERVIEW OFROBERT HINDE

by LindaMealey

Robert A. Hinde is well known for his ethologicalstudies of birds as well as of humans. Many of I.E

(the interviewer included) first learned aboutethology from his comprehensive textbook AnimalBehaviour (McGraw-Hill, 1966/1970). In hisPreface to that text, Professor Hinde described theinter-disciplinary nature of the questions thatmotivated his career. His comments reflect theinfluence of his primary mentor, Niko Tinbergen,whose work (especially the 1%3 paper) continuesto rrutivate and influence most of the ISHEmembership. Professor Hinde wrote: "In this text I

have attempted to survey the area wherepsychOlogy, physiology, and ethology overlap.The term ethology is applied particularly to thework of students who, although differing widelyin the problems they tackle, the level of analysisat which they work, the methods they use and thetheoretical interpretations (if any) they adopt,share certain orienting attitudes which are,perhaps, more important as Unifying factors thanany particular theoretic<il scheme. Many of theseattitudes are a consequence of the zoologicaltraining of the early ethologists. They felt, forinstance, that the description and classifkation ofbehaviour is a necessary preliminary to itsanalysis; that the behaviour of an animal cannotbe properly studied without some knowledge ofthe environment to which its species has becomeadapted in evolution; and that questions about theevolution and biological functionof behaviour are,in principle, as valid and important as those aboutits immediate causation".

Hinde, Professor Emeritus at Cambridge, wasinterviewed at the 10th annual meeting of theHuman Behavior and Evolution Society, whichmet in July, 1998 at the University of California atDavis. Professor Hinde attended one of the earlymeetingl'i in Ann Arbor, but this was his firstappearance at HBES since then. At Davis, he gaveatalk entitled ''The Bases of Religious Systems".

HEB: Can you tell us who or what it was thatstimulated yourirtitial interest in ethology?

Hinde: Mainly that I was a bird-watcher iIi myyouth. I read Zoology at University, but wasinterested long before thaL. maybe age 10.

HEB: So, as a young bird-watcher you were moreinterested in behaviour than in simply ticking offa list of species?

Human Ethology Bulletin, 14(1), 1999

Hinde: Yes, I suppose so. As an undergraduate Iused to spend a great deal of time on theCambridge sewage farm which, in those days wasan admirable place to find migrant waders.While there, I was lucky enough to stumble on abird with young which had never bred in Britainbefore- the Moustached Warbler, Lusciniolamelanopogon. Many ornithologists came to see it,and it gotme my first jobwith David Lack! Then Iwas fortunate again in that W.H. Thorpe was juststarting an ornithological field station atMadingley when I got my doctorate, and he neededa curator.

HEB: How have your initial interests in ethologyshifted over time?

Hinde: Well, I started with birds and have sincemoved "up the phylogenetic scale" to man. Inpart, this came about as a consequence of myinteractions with John Bowlby. I was involved inhis weekly seminars when he was firstformulating his ideas on maternal separation inthe 1950s. Niko Tinbergenwas asked to join in thegroup, but was too busy and suggested meinstead. It was in this group that I learned theimportance of eclecticism; the group induded aFreudian, a Kleinian, a Hullian, a Skinnerian, aPiagetian, several psychiatric social workers, andmyself. We had nothing in common- only aninterest in parentioffspring relationships.

Working with Bowlby also gave me theopportunity to work with monkeys. He neededexperimental evidence that separating a childfrom its parent for days or weeks, as was then thepractice in ma...y hospitals, could have long-termpsychological effects-- and we were able to getthat evidence with rhesus monkeys. It alsoprovided an opportunity to discuss theevolutionary implications of such aspects ofmother-child interaction.

Later, Jane Goodall and Diane Fossey came to workwith me as students in Cambridge. It was as aresult of my work with monkeys that I developedan interest in personal relationships-- and thatled me to study the most interesting species of a II!

REB: Youwere recently overheard to say that youhad spentmost of your career fighting the conceptofinstincl Why?

Hinde: This really goes back to the debatebetween ethology and comparative psychology inthe 19508 and 60s. My closest friend was Danny

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Lehrman. We were concernedwith integrating theinsights of ethology with the ideas ofcomparative psychologists on the roles ofexperience in development.

REB: Why was it sucha longand hard struggle?

Hinde: It wasn't really. (Chuckles). That was jUsthyperbole! But in the context of the HBESmeeting there has been an over-use of the moduleconcept, with people falling into the same errorsas they did earlier when once over-using theconcept of instinct.

HEB: Can you tell us about your relationshipswith Niko Tinbergenand Konrad Lorenz?

Hinde: I was a graduate student of David Lack atOxford. Then when Tinbergen immigrated, he atfirst had nostudents- sol had him all to myself inmy secondyear! He was an enormousinfluence. Atthat time ethologists were a small and happyband. The text Animal Behaviour was originallyconceived as a joint enterprise with Tinbergel\ andalthough he dropped out during the planningstage, I still continued to see a lot of him.

Konrad I met on many occasions at conferences; hewas always kind and helpful to me. Then, in themid-50s I criticized the Lorenzian energy modeland he regarded me as a traitor until the year hedied-- when I got a Christmas card from him forthe first time in many years.

HEB: What stimulated your interest In theevolution of the Teddy Bear?

Hinde: I went to a display of Teddy Bears in alocal folk museumin Cambridge.

REB: Andwhat was the reaction to your paper inAnimal Behaviour?

Hinde: (Smiles). Benign amusement, I think.

HEB: While training in animal behaviour youseem to have developed a deep interest in, andrespect for, multi-level explanations.

Hinde: Working with monkeys in social groups, Ibecame aware that their behavior was influencedboth by their individual characteristics and bytheir relationships. When Joan Stevenson-Hindeand I were working with pre-school children, wefound that girls who tended to be shy (within thenormal range) got onbetter than girls who were not


shy, but boys who tended to be shy got on worsethan non-shy boys. This seemed, in turn, related tomaternal values: it is seen as good for little girls tobe shy, but not little boys. This indicated thatcultural beliefs were also important influences mbehaviour. From this it became apparent that wemustthink. in terms of levels of social complexity-eac'h level with its own properties, and eachaffecting and affected by other levels, thephysical environment and the socio-culturalstructure.

I suggest that it is of critical importance forstudents of hurnan evolution to remember this: thebehaviour we observe is the result of thesedialectic relations between pan-cultural humancharacteristics, the several levels of socialcomplexity, and the socio-cultural structure. Allthe complexity of human behaviour derives fromthese relations.

HEB: Like Dawkins, you are interested in therelationship between science and religion, Howare yourviews onthis topic different from his?

Hinde: I agree with Dawkins' view about thefallacious nature of many religious beliefs. But hiscomments seem purely destructive. This isunsatisfactory because: a) religion is important tosome people and until we have something better toput in its place, we should be careful about takingit away; b) Dawkins criticizes religious belief anddoesn't seem to realize that thexe is much more toreligion than belief; and c) religion poses theultimate questionfQr Darwinists.

HEB: Many American. !SHE membe..--s refer tothemselves as 'behavioural ecologists' or'evolutionary psychologists'; very few refer tothemselves as 'ethologists'. InAmerica, computerspell-checkers do not even include the word'ethology'. In his classic (1963) paper "On Aimsand Methods of Ethology", Tinbergen was unableto define the field other than by referel1,ce to aparticular body of literature. Now that theliterature is significantly larger and somewhatdifferent, can you update uswith a definition?

Hinde: I still like to go by the definition in theintroduction to Animal Behaviour. It is no goodbeing passive: I suggest you get Americanspellchecks up to date!

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For Further Reading:

RA. Hinde, Animal Behaviour: A Synthesis ofEthology and Comparative Psychology, McGraw-Hill, 1%6/1970.

RA. Hinde, Ethology: Its Nature andRelationship with Other Sciences, Oxford, 1982.

RA. Hinde & L.A. Barden "The Evolution of theTeddy Bear", Animal Behaviour 33:1371-1373,1985.

RA. Hinde, Individuals, Relationships andCulture: Links Between Ethology and the SocialSciences, Cambridge, 1987.

RA. Hinde, Relationships: A dialecticalperspective, Psychology Press (UK), 1997.

N. Tinbergen, "On the Aims and Methods ofEthology", Zeitschrift fur Tierpsychologie 20:410-433,1963.

NewMembership DirectoryWeare now preparing the new membershipdirectory 2000 with a more extensive use of theinternet resources. As we have our own internetserver, provided by Karl Grammer for a number ofyears, ournew directory will "happen" there.

FIRST, your personal info should be sent via theinternet. I wiIi provide the form like the currentemail-form, which you can find at the oldmaillist-fotm-address:

http://evolution.anthro.univie.ac.at/maillistl form.html

Even if you have already used the email-form mthe server, you need to use the new form on thesame page again! If it is not possible for you to usethe internet-form or email, please send your datavia fax to Astrid Juette (+43-1-31336-788) (Fullname (first, last name), title, postal address, tel,fax, working field (max 6 words), email,homepage)

SECOND, the directory will be permanentlyavailable via the internet. Contrary to the emaillist, which is nOW accessible for everyone on theinternet and serves as a kind of advertisement for


our society, the member directory will beaccessible only for members via password whichwill be very simple and will be distributed withthe autunm newsletter. The email list willprobably be shortened to only the homepage andemail, and the affiliation-info will be integratedinto the new directory.

THIRD, you will have to check on the form (orindicate onyourfax) if youwant a printed versionof the directory. This also saves money for printingand shipment and many of us will be faster withfinding the list on the internet than finding thebooklet anyhow. By the way I encourage you tosend an email (fax) if your data changes during thefollowing years (or is printed incorrectly). Thisalso means the internet-directory will be morerecent than a printed one can be. Please send yourinfo for this directory today! Take the time even ifyou think your data is still correct! In order to meetour publication date, deadline for submission ofpersonal information is the 31th August 1999.

Also, Please note, that the name of our server willchange with the end of this year tohttp://evolution.anthro.univie.ac.at/ ishe.html

Astrid Juette, membership chair(see officer box at right)

ISHE Web Page:

http://evolution.humb.univie.ac.at

MembershipRenewals

It is time to renew yourmembership for 1999 if youhave not already done so. Membership is bycalendar year, so dues are to be paid by the first ofthe year. If the date on your mailing label isearlier than the current year, it is time to renewyour membership. Please report any errors,change of address, etc. to the Treasurer. Currentdues and directions for payment are given on thelast page. Allow four weeks for recording changes.

Officers of the Society

PresidentCharles B. CrawfordDepartment of PsychologySimonFraser UniversityBurnaby, B.C. V5A 156, Canadatel. 1-604-291-3660fax 1-604-291-3427e-mail: [email protected]

Vice-President/ President-ElectLinda MealeyPsychology DepartmentCollege of St. BenedictSt. Joseph, MN 56374USAtel.faxe-mail: [email protected]

Vice-President for InformationPeter Lafreniere(see Editorial Staff box)

SecretaryKarl GrammerLudwig-Boltzmann-Institutefor Urban Ethology/Human BiologyAlthanstrasse" 14A-1090 Vienna, Austriatel. 49-815237355e-mail: [email protected]

TreasurerBarbara F. FullerSchool ofNursingUniversity ofColorado4200 E. Ninth Ave.Denver, CO 80220 USAtel.faxe-mail: [email protected]

Membership ChairAstrid JiitteLudWig Boltzmann Institute for UrbanEthology, Institute for Human BiologyAlthanstrasse 14A-I090 Vienna, Austriae-mail: [email protected]

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Brief ArticlesHuman Ethology in Extreme

Settings:

From the individual in orbital flightto a small group in a polar base

By Carole TafforinEthospace

13 rue Alsace LorraineF-31000 Toulouse - [email protected]

Studies of human behavior in unusual andextreme environments have been developed overthe past 12 years in Toulouse in France first; at theLaboratory of Neuroethology (Paul SabatierUniversity) then, within the frame of"Ethospace" (Research and Study Group in Humanand Spatial Ethology) dedicated to appliedhuman ethology. Our basic objective was toanalyze the adjustment strategies of individualsto new situations through quantitative ethologicaldescriptions. Applications provide solutions fororganizational problems of liVing, working orentertainment spaces by improvement techniquesof selection, learning, training and simulationtechniques. Results deal with behavioraladjustments or humans to weightiessness (orbitaiand parabolic flights), immersion (swimmingpool), training (ground), sensory disturbances(aerobatics), visual stimulation (computer model),antiorthostatic decubitus (bedrest), social andspatial confinement(tank and polar base).

Orbital flight studiesEthological analysis of video recordings on boardUS shuttles and the orbital Mir station providequantitative descriptions of behavioraladaptations of astronauts as a mission proceeds(Tafforin et al., 1989). Data showed howastronauts elaborate a new world of perceptionsand actions through the diversification of bodyorientations in a real 3D weightless space.Changes of sensory environment and motorbehavior accordingly induce new functions formovements such as sequences of hand graspings

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followed by body impulsions for moving whileassuming slightly flexed postures and downwardbody orientations with head-down positions.

Parabolic flights studiesOn the first day of a space mission, an astronaut'sprevious training allowed immediate adaptiveadjustments. A complementary study of the firstminutes in microgravity experienced duringparabolic flights (Tafforin, 19%) revealedsignificant motor disturbances: swimming reflexes,very slow movements, forelimb lateralization andmotility, predominant grasping and persistingupright position. Untrained humans progressivelyfreed themselves from vertical position with timeand experience, optimizing their adjustment to 3D.They elaborated new environmental anstraints byassuming orthogonal positions between their bodyaxis and cues direction. Astronaut's behavioralskills improved their mental representation ofspace.

Swimming pool studiesDuring both water immersion and orbital andparabolic flights, humans can orient in anydirection of space without weight load.Ethological data of a similar experiment inparabolic flight and swimming pool, i.e. nullbuoyancy, (Zappalorto & Tafforin, 1993) revealedboth a large diversity of orientations and posturesrepertoires. Nevertheless body segmentsdispositions in immersion seemed to optimizehydrodynamics, modulating speed andtrajectories. With time and experience, swimmingmovements were progressively replaced by handgraspings and press holds similar to microgravity.

Ground studiesBoth in parabolic flight, water immersion and 00ground,a training procedure inspired from dancingtechniques (Dubois & Tafforin, 1994) was appliedfor improving astronauts's motor skills.Ethological validation showed better behavioraladaptation to microgravity for trained subjects:conservation of movements, direct bodystabilization in space, easy graspings and pressholds with limbs, pelvis motility with twistingmovements, wider postural adjustments by trunkflexions, head tight to neck-trunk axis allowingaccurate movements. Following these studiesdealing with the role of visual vs gravitationalvertical in space, a ng visual localization for 3Dhuman moving in a shuttle are not much impairedas by as the gaze does not pivot over thehorizontal. It would based on a transformationmode of spatial information modebeyond.

Human Ethology Bulletin, 14(1),1999

Aerobatics studiesIn that way, onboard a cockpit constraining toimmobility with direction changes, visualinformation prevails. Ethological data collectedin aerobatics showed that experienced pilotsreorganized efficiently their movements withfixed head and trunk positions, frequent eyemovements scanning a Iternately dials and sky cuesfor active and accurate piloting. Conversely,neophytes copewith thestresswith frequent headmovements, impairing visual information, andpassive and inaccurate mortality, not anticipatingaircraft movements.

Bedrest studiesEffects of hypokinesis and cardio-vasculardeconditionning in space were also simulated inbedrest situations. Ethological data showed thatbehavioral flow increased significantly the firstday with many comfort movements and collateralactivities. Number of postural changes increasedwhen the subject tried to grasp and manipulate anyobject in the proximate environment, betterreorganizing his body segments than changingwhole body orientation. This suggests thatmicrogravity impair the organism as a whole.

Confinementtank studiesAs a result, space missions simultaneously requirebehavioral adjustments to unusual physicalconditions and social adaptation to the crew.Ethological data in terms of interindividualdistances and interactions collected on smallconfined crews (3 to 6 members), during simulationsin tanks (ISEMSI (1), EXEMSI (2) and HUBES (3»revealed social group disorganization. Over time(1 to 4 months) crew members built successivelypersonal, social and public spaces, according toHall's classification (1971) but with confinementduration social stress increased and long termsocial adaptation never succeeded.

Polar base studiesAnother confinement situation was studied inAntarctic Base. Reduced space, working load,rough climate, hazard and isolation duration(about a year) were the conditions· surroundingenforced social adaptation. Preliminaryethological observations showed members of th estudied group scattering more as winteringproceeded. Group composition became unbalancedwith membersgrouping together by status. But thewhole team stayed in a limited space, exhibitingstability from the beginning. At mid-winter, abouthalf-time, interindividual distances reached a

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maximum, then behavioral stereotypes developedand proximities remained constant.

To conclude, these studies in human ethologyrevealed that behavioral adaptation to Ulusual orextreme conditions, real or simulated, appearedmore duration (from 1 month to 1 year) thanenvironment dependent. Nevertheless sensory andphysical constraints forced motor behaviorchanges and social ones induced new spatialstrategies. As a result, the observed adaptivedynamics must be considered synergistically withphysiological, psychological and behavioralfactors.

(1) ISEMSI : Isolation Experiment for EuropeanManned Space Infrastructure(2) EXEMSI : EXperimental campaign for EuropeanManned Space Infrastructure(3) HUBES : HUman Behaviour in ExtendedSpaceflight

References

Dubois K., & Tafforin, C. (1994). Entramementsensoriel et gestuel en microgravite : descriptif etetude preliminaire de la validation ethologique.Parabolic flights / Symposium on science results ofexperiments of 1993-1994 ESA and CNEScampaigns, Toulouse, France.

Hall, E.T. (1971). La dimension cachee. ParisSeuil.

Tafforin, c., Thon, B., GiieU, A. & Campan, R.(1989). Astronaut behavior in orbital flightsituation: preliminary ethological analysis.Aviation, Space and Environmental Medecine,60,949-956.

Tafforin, C. (1996). Initial moments of adaptationto microgravity of human orientation behavior, inparabolic flight conditions. Acta Astronautica,38:12, 963-971.

Tafforin, c., Campan, R. & Imbert C. (1997).Visual localization in single geometric planes of a .space habitat. Aviation Space and EnvironmentalMedecine,68:3,192-198.

Tafforin, C. & Bichi, A. (1996). Global analysis ofscientific data from the three experimentalcampaigns for european manned spaceInfrastructure. 26th International Conference on


Envzronmental Systems, Monterey, Californie,United-States.

Zappalorto, R. & Tafforin, C. (1993). Ethologicalanalysis of the human spatial behavior in three-dimensional and weightless environment. 23rdInternational Ethological Conference,Torremolinos, Spain.

Ackhowledgment: These studies were supported bythe Centre National d'Etudes Spatiales (CNES),the Conseil Regional de Midi-Pyrenees, del'Institut de Medecine et Physiologie Spatiale(MEDES), the Eurpena Space Angency (ESA), theMinistere de la Defense (DRET) and the InstitutFran<;ais pour la Recherche et la TechnologiePolaire (IFRTP).

The Legacy ofMary SalterAinsworth

(1913-1999)

By Peter LaFreniere

Mary D. Salter Ainsworth, one of this century'smost influential developmental psychologists andan early pioneer of human ethology died inCharlottesville, VA on March 21, 1999, after alengthy illness. She will be greatly missed by themany students, colleagues and friends whose livesshe touched. Her empirical work on thedevelopment of the mother-infant attachmentbondhas had an ever-widening impact on the waywe view infant socio-emotional development,parent-child relations, and relationships ingeneral.

Mary Ainsworth grew up in Toronto andremained there throughout her formal academictraining, earning her BA from the University ofToronto in 1935, her MA in 1936, and her Ph.D. indevelopmental psychology in 1939. She then wenton to become involved in attachment research atLondon's Tavistock Clinic under the direction ofJohnBowlby, and the rest, as they say, is history.During her stay at Tavistock she was not muchswayed by Bowlby's ethological explanations,haVing already becomeconvinced that attachmentand dependency were best explained by principlesof drive theory. However, the first and mostimportant test for Bowlby's theory of attachment

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was to come from Mary Ainsworth in a series oflandmark naturalistic and laboratory studies.Her first independent research opportunity

arose a short time later while living in Uganda.She intended to study weaning practices in Gandamothers because she had heard that they weanedtheir children by sending them off to stay wit htheir grandparents. When she found out that suchseparatiQns were no longer practiced, she turnedher attention to the attachment behaviorsdescribed by Bowlby. Much to her surprise, theexperience of observing 28 Ganda mothers andtheir infants in their everyday environmentconvinced her entirely of the essential validity ofBowlby's ethological model. She observed thatthe typical Ganda infant formed a specificattachment to the mother, used her to explore thesurroundingenvironment, and protested separationby crying or attempting to follow her. Thedifferent stages of their attachment appeared tounfold according to the sequence outlined inBowlby's model, though Ainsworth remained alertto observations that did not seem to fit his theory.Indeed, her attention to individual differences inthe attachment relations she observed in Gandaformed the basis of her extremely importantcontribution to attachment research.

Her first scheme for classifying these differentattachment patterns describes a three-foldtaxonomy including secure, insecure and unattachedtypes based on the apparent strength and securityof the attachment relation (Ainsworth, .1963).Later Ainsworth became convinced that all infantsbecame attached but that some showed little feltsecurity and other's attempted to conceal theirneed for their mothers. The empirical processexerted its own inevitable press on theorydevelopment.

In 1%2 Ainsworth returned to this task in hernow classic Baltimore longitudinal study ofmother-infant attachment. Again she relied upoo.extensive naturalistic observation of relativelyfew subjects. Regular four-hour home visits weremade to observe 26 families beginning a few weeksafter delivery, and continued at 3-week intervalsuntil about 54 weeks. Consistent with thetraditions of ethological field work, Ainsworthbelieved that only extensive naturalisticobservation could provide a broad enough, and fineenough net to capture the details of theattachment process as it was played out in eachunique setting. From this inductive approachinvolving about 72 hours of observation in eachhome, together with the cross-cultural


observations in Uganda, Ainsworth was able todocument an ethogram of the typical attachmentbehaviors shown by the Ganda and Americaninfants.

With this descriptive base, Ainsworth was nowin a position to develop a laboratory procedure toassess attachment patterns. The impetus fordeveloping such a procedure was provided in partby her failure to observe secure base phenomenon inthe American babies, as she did with the Gandanbabies. Ainsworth reasoned that the Americaninfants were comfortable with the familiarroutines ofthe mother coming and going inside thehome and that she would need to place the infantand mother in a less familiar environment in orderto elicit the secure base behavior.

The breakthrough came during a half-hourflash of inspiration during which Ainsworthworked out the essential details of what hasbecome known as the Strange Situation (Karen,1994). The goal of the procedure was to provide anovel environment that would arouse the infant'smotivation to explore while at the same arouse acertain degree of security seeking. Separation insuch an unfamiliar setting would also be likely toactivate. the attachment system and allow for adirect test of it's functioning. The validation ofthe procedure and its scoring method was groundedin the naturalistic observation of exploration,crying, and proximity seeking in the home. Nosingle behavior can be used to assess the quality ofthe infant's attachment to the caregiver. Byitself, crying in response to separation merelyshows that the attachment system has beenactivated. Infants could differ in the amount andintensity of crying as a function of many factorsincluding age, temperament and transitorycontextual factors like illness. In her second book,Patterns of Attachment, a Psychological Study ofthe Strange Situation (Ainsworth, Blehar,Waters, & Wall, 1978), Ainsworth and colleaguesdescribe the behavior-in-context criteria forscoring attachment in the strange-situation. Thekey to this assessment lies in detecting theorganization or pattern of the infant's responses tothe changing context, particularly the infant'sresponse to the caregiver uponreimion.

Without question Ainsworth's strange-situationparadigm provided the impetus for movingattachment theory out of the armchair oftheoretical speculation and into the crucible ofempirical debate. It is supremely ironic t ha tAinsworth has been criticized for relying on an

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artificial laboratory procedure to assess th equality of the infant's attachment to the mother.No one, before Ainsworth, and no one since, hasever invested anything like the 72 hours of homeobservation per infant-mother pair, to say nothingof the earlier years invested in observingattachment patterns in the everyday life ofUgandan mothers and children. Looking back atthe phenomenal interest the scientific communityhas accorded her laboratory procedure, Ainsworthcommented, "The fact that the Strange Situationwas not in the home environment, that it was inthe lab, really helped ... I only did it as an adjunctto my naturalistic research, but it was the thingthat everyone could accept somehow. It was 00demonstrable. II (Karen, 1994, p. 163.).

Throughout her career at Johns HopkinsUniversity and later as Commonwealth Professorat the University of Virginia, Mary Ainsworthwas a model of the involved scientist-practitioner.Towards the end of her career she was to earnwell-deserved recognition as one of the pre-eminent developmental scholars of her era,garnering numerous awards and honors.

References

Ainsworth, M. D. S. (1963). The development ofinfant-mother attachment among the Ganda. InD.M. Foss (Ed.). Determinants of infant behavior(Vol 2., pp. 67-104) New York: Wiley.

Ainsworth, M. B. 5., Blehar, M., Waters, E., &Wall, S. (1978). Patterns of Attachment: aPsychological Study of the Strange Situation.Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.

Karen, R. (1994). Becoming attached: Unfoldingthe mystery of the infant-mother bond and itsimpact on later life. New York: Warner Books.

Sexually transmitted diseases andbiocultural responses:

Best way to skin a paradigmic cat?

By Ronald Immerman & Wade Mackey

Two recent developments offer an opportunity towitness how the dynamics of biocultural evolutionoperate. The two developments are (i) the(publicity of) increasing rates of sexually


transmitted diseases in the u.s. and (ii) the veryhigh rates of HN infection in Sub-SaharanAfrica. Sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) ingeneral andHN in particular have the potentialto worsen the reproductive health of a group orcommunity. For example, STDs canpelvic inflammatory disease which, in turn,results in infertility by causirtg a blockage of thefallopian tube, and STDs can greatly increase ratesof ectopic pregnancies which lead to increases inmaternal mortality. Indeed, prior to modemsurgical techniques, 80% of ectopic pregnancieswere lethal to the mother. In addition, STDs,which are passed from the mother to the fetus, canincrease infant mortality and infant morbidity. Ofcourse, an HIV infection which eventuaJes in AIDSis currently fatal.

Ceteris paribus, those families or clans within agroup that reduce or STD infections fronioccurringamongtheir mating partners would havea clear advantage vis-a.-vis Within-groupcompetition in terms of reproductive health andproportions of productive members. Similarly,those groups that minimize or preclude STDs fromoccurring would have a clear advantage overalternative groups that were pandemicallyinfected with STDs, i.e. in between-groupcompetition. STD free communities wouldsystematically displace or replace STD ladencommunities.1

Of interest to this note are one epidemiologicaltrend and two gender asymmetries which occurwithin the domain of STDs. The epidemiologicaltrend is that the best marker for an individualcontracting an SfD is for that individual to havemultiple sexual partnerships. The two genderasymmetries include (i) male-to-femaletransmission of the diseases is generally moreefficient than female-to-male transmission:

compared to males, are more vulnerableto STDs per copulation, and (ii) STD infecJions,once contracted, are more likely to result in femaleinfertility rather than in male infertility.

Options to respondto endemic STDs

There are three biocultural options by which aculture can successfully counter an STD infestation.(1) The culture can do nothing substantive and letthe co-evolution of the parasite and the hostallow a mutual adaptation. If successful, themutual adaptation would entail surviving hostswhose fertility is minimally reduced andsurviving parasites which are not lethal to the

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hosts. (2) The culture could institute mores &folkways -- and appropriate sanctions -- whichminimize multiple partners and thereby minimizeSID contagion. Such a reduction would tend toeventuate in some version of the nuclear family.(3) The culture could cultivate and rely uprnsophisticated prophylactic and medicaltechnologies either to prevent or to amelioratedangers from STD iDfections.

Currently, Sub-Saharan Africa seems to berelying more upon options #1 and #2. WesternEurope and its extensions have increasinglyshifted emphases from option #2 toward option #3.Other cultures, e.g. cultures incorporatingfundamentalist religions, rely more upon option#2 to cloister females and to prescribe femalemonogamy. Such cloistering and prescriptionsminimize multiple sexual partnerships and,thereby, attenuate the spread of any STDs whichmay be harbored in the breeding population.

An interesting question becomes: "Is there anyone of the three strategies which is more effectiveacross generations t han its competitors?" Orframed differently: "Is there an interaction effectsuch that different types of social structures arebetter pre-adapted to one strategy rather thanalternatives, and, thereby, distinct mosaics ofsociety x strategy are equally effective,but fordifferent reasons?

Either by tautology or by definition, th e"winners" will be those biocultural groups whichhave a higher proportion of the world's HomoSapiens than their competitors in subsequentgenerations. The interface of ethological theoryand demogtaphic data emanating frompopulations experiencing STD epidemics shouldprove both informative and challenging.

FOOTNOTE

1 For an expanded discussion on the relationshipbetween STDs and cultural evolution, see"Establishing a link between cultural evolutionand sexually transmitted diseases": Genetic,Social, and General Psychology Monographs123(4): 441-460. (1997) by Ronald S. Immerman &w. C.Mackey

Human Ethology Bulletin, 14(1), 1999 10

By Frank Salter, Max-Planck- Institut furVerhaltensphysiologie, 3,0-82346 ANDECHS, Germany

ANNOUNCEMENTS

The XXVI International Ethological Conferencewill take place 2-9 August, in Bangalore, India.This year's topic is "Individual Differences inHumans and Other Animals". Below is the line-upof speakers and topics.

Part 1: Patterns and Adaptations

Sergey BudaevAN Severtsov Inst of Ecology & EvolutionLeninsky prospect 33Moscow 117071 [email protected]

******* The 1998 ESS Meeting in Moscow *******

Samuel Gosling: "Personality dimensions inhyenas and other animals"Rebecca Ledger: 'The validation of aquestionnaire for the assessment of individualdifferences in pet dogs"Marie Bouissou: "Individual differences in fearreactions in farm animals: Methods of assessmentand factors of variation"Sergey Budaev: "Adaptive analysis of human BigFive personality traits"Kristine Coleman: "Behavioural inhibition: Anew look at a familiar trait:

Part 2: Proximate mechanisms

Stephen Suomi: "Genetic and experientialinfluences on individual differences inpersonality development in rhesus monkeys"Ton Groothuis: 'The development of inter-individual differences in socialbehaviour: The interplay between socialexperience, early hormones and non-geneticalinheritance in black-headed gulls"Vera Voznessenskaya: "Mechanisms of individualvariation in sensitivity to androstenone in mice:Genetic and environmental influences"Igor Nechayev: "Development of alternativestrategies in social behaviour and dispersalpatterns in fishes"Pict Drent: "Functional significance andheritability in coping styles in a free living bird,the Great Tit"Krisztina Lakatos: "Infants, mothers and infanttemperament: Who shapes the other?"

For more information contact:

Samuel GoslingDept of Psychology3210TolmanHall#1650, UC BerkeleyBekeley, CA 94720-1650 [email protected]

The 1998 annual meeting of the EuropeanSociobiological Society was held between 31 Mayand 4June at the Russian State University for theHumanities, an institution converted to civilianuse after a long history as a special establishmentfor training Soviet apparatchiks. Lenin spokethere in the 1920s. What a transformation! TheInstitute of Cultural Anthropology, whosemembers hosted the meeting, demonstrated anopenness to ethological and other evolutionaryapproaches that compares very favourably withuniversities in Western Europe and the UnitedStates.

Our hosts were Dr. Marina Butovskaya, Dr.AndreyKorotayev, and Dr. Olga Khristoforova,all of the Laboratory of Social and CulturalAnthropology in the Institute of CulturalAnthropology. The meeting was supported by agrant from the Russian Foundation for BasicResearch.

The conference was conducted in English. AsPeter Meyer remarked, this created a privilegedenvironment for attendees from Western Europeand America, all of them native English speakersor familiar with the language. While many of ourhosts were also competent in English (among otherlanguages!), on the whole this represented an actof considerable generosity on their part, for whi chwe were grateful and which should never be takenfor granted.

Preliminaries included a tour of the spectaculararchitectural sites of the Kremlin and Red Square,and an official welcome from Yuri N. Afanasiev,Rector of the host university. The conference

was the sociobiology of ritual and groupIdentity, though papers covered a wider range oftopics. The paper titles convey the breadth ofthese themes:

Robin Allott, Groupidentity and nation identity


Konstantin Bannikov, Ritual and social structureof "extreme groups"

M. Bujatti-Narbeshuber, Meta-meme ritualsteleonomically change meme-rituals and a gene-ritual.

Bergljot Borresen, Rituals could influence ahypothalamic "main switch" for social emotions

Zhang Boshu, Biological and social perspectivesof human group identity: A case of Chinese culture

Marina Butovskaya, Genderidentity as a basis forfundamental social opposition Valery Chalyan,Behaviour of free-ranging hamadryas baboons 01meeting

Johan M.G. van der Dennen, Ritualized"primitive" warfare and rituals in war:Phenocopy, homology, or ...?

Margarita Deriagina, Social behaviour andcommunicationof neotropical monkeys

Harald A. Euler, Sabine Hoier, and ElizabethPolitz, Kin investment of aunts and uncles: Why isthe matrilateral bias stronger in women?

Vladimir Friedmann, Ritualized demonstrationeffectiveness as supporting mechanism forintegrating some different individual social lifestrategies in steady social structure framework: Anexperimental study of the great spottedwoodpecker

A.A. Gliskov and M.G. Sadovsky, On the existenceand duration of social nonns

Natalia Haldeyeva, The role of humanappearance and the concept of anthropologicalautoidentification

Sabine Hoier, accelerated menarche of womenfrom irregular family environments: How to findan explanation?

A.A. Kazankov, Factors of the inter-communityconflicts among the hunter-gatherers of the aridzones

William Kitchin, Law as anti-ritual

Alexander Kozintsev, On the adaptive value oflaughter: Tickling and the origins of humour

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Natela Meishvili, Intergroup differences ofparental behaviour in macaques

Peter Meyer, Peculiarities of human rituals: Aborderline for homologies?

Balaji Mundkur, The migration of rituals andsexual symbols in folk religion

A. V. Oleskin, 1. V. Botvinko, T. A. Kirovskaya,and E. R. Kartashova, Primitive human socialstructures and modem society: An ethologicalperspective

Zhanna Reznikova, T. Novgorodova, and E.Dorosheva, How ants identify their symbionts andcompetitors: Special ways for special mates

Zhanna Reznikova andBoris Ryabko, Using ideasof information theory to reveal analogies of antand human languages

M. G. Sadovsky and A. A. Gliskov, Toward thebiology of law

Osamu Sakura, The reception of sociobiology inJapan, with a preliminary comparison to Germanyand Korea

Frank Salter, The welfare state versus ethnicpluralism: Ethological theory, research program,and invitation to collaborate

Stephen K. Sanderson, Extending sociobiology'sexplanatory power. Synthetic materialism: Anintegrated theory of human society

Vladimir N. Shinkaryov, The Khasi procreationideas: Aristotle orGalen?

Marina Vanchatova, L. Firsov, and N. Savina,Introduction of a groupof hamadryas baboons fromLeningrad Zoo to an island: Individual changes ofbehaviour

Tatu Vanhanen, Roots of group conflict in ethnicnepotism?

Oleg V. Yegorunin, Ethnonyrns of Tai-speakingpeoples and problem of their self-identification

Abstracts can be found at the ESS website:http://jurix.rechten.rug.nl/rth/ ess/ ess.htrnThe next meeting of the ESS will be held in theyear 2000; the place has yet to be determined.


Book Reviews

Male and Female:Evolution ofHuman Sex

Differences

By "David C. Geary. Washington, DC: AmericanPsychological Association, 1998, 397 pp.

Reviewed by Kevin MacDonald Department ofPsychology, California State University-LongBeach, LongBeach, CA 90840-0901 USA

Human sexual behavior has become thecenterpiece of the evolutionary analysis of humanbehavior at least partly because there is a veryrich theoretical basis stemming from Trivers's(1972) seminal article on parental investment. Instark contrast to other social science perspectives,this theoretical base has provided evolutionistswith the ability to make predictions regardinghuman behavior, and the result has been dozens ofempirical studies that essentially confirm theutility of this approach.

Given the overwhelming success of theevolutionary perspective in this area, it is·tempting to suppose that little remains to be done.However, reading this book made me realize howbadly a scholarly book in this area was needed.This is first and foremost an excellent book-amust-read, both for specialists in the area ofsexual behavior, as well as people interested inevolutionary psychology generally. Throughoutthe the reader is provided with highlydetaIled, nuanced presentations rather thansuperficial summaries. Particularly noteworthy inthis regard are Chapters 2 and 3 that cover thetheory of sexual selection and the data fromanimals. Many of those doing research on humansfrom an evolutionary perspective are not familiarwith the details of this literature, and thetypical examples appearing in popularizedtreatments fail to convey the subtlety andvariation that is actually out there. Geary hascovered this literature in an authoritativemanner. He has not relied on summary statementsor thumbnail sketches· or on widely knownexamples like elephant seals and peafowl, buthasdelved deeply into the original literature and theresult is an awareness of the complexity andsubtlety of the issues.

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By the nature of their interests,evolutionists are forced to become familiar withliteratures in evolutionary biology,neuropsychology and genetics, anthropology, andpsychology. Geary is up to the task. Chapters 4and 5 on paternal investment and sexual selectionin contemporary humans are cases in point. Thereare discussions of general theoretical issuesgrounded in evolutionary biology, primatepatterns, the cross-cultural data gleaned fromanthropological accounts, the oocial regulation ofsexual behavior in historical Western societiesthat has resulted in socially imposed monogamy,neurophysiological mechanisms, and individualdifferences revealed by psychological research incontemporary Western societies. His emphasis enthe developmental literature and his attention toindividual differences are often lacking intreatments by evolutionists. Particularly welcomeis the chapter on paternal investment. Paternalprovision of resources has a clear effect 00offspring survival in many pre-industrialsocieties, but also in contemporary developedsocieties, Geary concludes that "children liVing instable social and home environments and withboth biological parents appear to be in betterhealth and apparently enjoy a longer life span, 00average, than children living in other situations"(pp. 113-114). Because many children abandonedby their biological father do survive, however,Geary concludes that over evolutionary timepaternal investment resulted in conditional ratherthan an absolute benefits to children. Theconditional importance of paternal investmentthen sets the stage for the complex dynamics ofsexual selection in humans.

" This book is far more than an exhaustivereview of the literature, it is chock-full of insightsand original ideas. Indeed, Geary's maincontribution really amounts to a powerful newparadigm for conceptualizing evolutionarypsychology. Geary's starting point is Figure 1. Atthe apex of the triangle is the fundamental goal ofcontrolling social, biological, and physicalresources that support survival and reproduction.For example, males and females evolved verydifferent strategies for controlling reproductiveresources, including a greater interest in sociald?minance issues in the case of men and placing ahigher value on reciprocal social relationships inthe case of women. In the middle of the triangleare emotional mechanisms that support and directstrategies aimed at acquiring resources. Examplesare the various attributional mechanisms t hat

Human Ethology Bulletin, 14(1), 1999 13

allow people to interpret failure as due to externalcauses, and fantasy mechanisms that allow peopleto rehearse desired scenarios in a manner t hatwould reduce the difference between fantasizedand actual outcomesin the real world.

The bottom three domains, consisting ofsocial, biological, and physical modules, a IIpresuppose evolved cognitive systems. Gearyreviews the controversy over domain-specificversus domain-general mechanisms in psychology,and concludes that both types of systems areimportant. Some systems are domain-specific andhave a modular architecture (e.g., song learning inbirds), but other systems are domain-general, suchas the prefrontal cortex which regulates a varietyof more specific systems. Domain-specific systems

are contextually sensitive: "Evolved systems donot result in fixed systems of behavior t ha treflexively respond to environmental contingenciesbut rather are designed to produce behavioral andcognitive variability" (p. 199) so that people canrespondadaptively to situational demands. BasedonErnst Mayc's work and much research in childdevelopment, Geary distinguishes between opengenetic systems and closed genetic systems, thelatter impervious to environmental influenceswhile the former represent a sort of "skeletalknowledge" where domain-relevant experienceduring development (e.g., social play) is requiredfor full adult competence. Children areprogrammed to seek out such domain-relevantexperience by seeking out novel or highlystimulating environments (e.g.,

PhysicalModules

BiologicalModules

EmotionsGuideControl-Related

Behavioral Strategies andthe Supporting PsychologicalProcesses (e.g. fantasy)

SocialModules

Figure 1: The motivation-emotion-cognition triangle. FromGeary, p. 160.

rough and tumble play) and rehearsing socialscripts (e.g., playing 'mommy'). Nevertheless,while tl1ere is a great deal of inborn structure tothe cognitive modules underlying behavior, Gearyrejects the view that human behavior isreflexiVEly driven by such modules in response totheir eliciting environments. Here Gearyemphasizes the modulating effects of belief

systems, a phenomenon that is presumably uniqueto humans.

Geary distinguishes between two types ofopen genetic programs. One is exemplified bylanguage learning where the genetic programcodesfor a finite list of possibilities and experienceduring a sensitive period activates or deactivatessubsets of the possibilities. Such a program is


relatively closed compared to the other type ofopen genetic program which is exemplified bybiological modules where there is no preset fini telist of possible flora and fauna. In this case theopen genetic program biases the processing ofdomain-relevant information and influences thecategorization processes. However, extensiveexperience is required to develop thesophisticated knowledge that humans are able todevelop. This latter type of cognitive model isquite common, and Geary proposes that onefunction of the prolonged pre-adult stage ofhumans is to allow the development of adultcompetencies adapted to local conditions from theset of skeletal opengenetic programs.

With very few exceptions, evolutionarypsychologists have tended to focus exclusively mdomain-specific mechanisms viewed asadaptations .designed to solve recurrent problemsin the the environment of evolutionaryadaptedness (EEA). Geary goes beyond this veryrestricted paradigm to discuss sex differences inevolutionarily novel domains, particularlydomains that rely on domain-general mechanismslike general intelligence (g). As Geary notes, highintelligence is an advantage in novel, complex,constantly changing environments where peoplemust attend to a multiplicity of tasks and wherelearning new skills has great payoffs. As such,general intelligence is the very antithesis of anadaptation narrowly defined as a solution to aspecific recurrent adaptive problem in the EEA.Rather general intelligence is a domain-generaladaptation that evolved to deal with a generalclass of problems, the need to cope effectivelywith novel (non-recurrent) ecological conditionsand some aspects of human social interaction.Regarding the relationship between generalintelligence and human social interaction, Gearynotes that while not all social skills are related tog, g is correlated with skill at negotiating complexsocial environments such as those present incontemporary business and professional contexts.

Geary proposes that g, which includesabilities such as speed of information processingand working memory, "reflects the ability to useevolved, or biologically primary, cognitivecompetencies in .ways that are unrelated to theirevolutionary function" (p. 308). An example isreading which uses many of the same primary(domain-specific) adaptations involved inlanguage comprehension and production to performthe non-evolved, biologically secondary task ofreading. Individual differences in reading ability

14

are correlated with g and reflect the ease withwhich children can adapt their evolved systemsto accomplish a novel task. Unlike spokenvocabulary which develops rapidly andeffortlessly-a defining feature of a domain-specific adaptation, reading develops slowly andwith effort, and it is facilitated by g as a domain-general evolved mechanism.

Geary's treatment is a much neededantidote to the exclusive emphasis on domain-specific mechanisms so common amongevolutionary psychologists. In this new paradigm,domain-general mechanisms assume their rightfulplace at the very center of evolutionarypsychology. Geary notes that people withrelatively high general inteHigence are viewed asa valued resourcein mate-choice in cultures aroundthe world, indicating that individual differencesin g have been a critical resource in sexualselection and human mate choice. Moreover,reading, writing, and other evolutionarily novelskills, such as solving mathematical problems,turn out to be very important in attaining socialstatus in contemporary and many historicalsocieties. It is noteworthy that social status hasbeen highly correlated with reproductive successin traditional human societies-a phenomenonthat has undoubtedly resulted in a eugenic effect,at least until very recently, in human evolution(Lynn, 1997). General intelligence has thereforebeen a critical component of human adaptation,and individual differences in g have been a verysalient feature ofthe human mating landscape.

Geary rejects the proposal that maleshave a higher g than females. Although somecommonlyused subtests of intelligence do show sexdifferences, Geary argues that the sex differencesthat have been found are most likely the result ofsex differences in biologically primary domain-specific systems. However, there are also avariety of important sex differences in secondaryadaptations, such as sex differences in some areasof mathematics favoring boys and sex differencesin someareas of language processing favoring girls.In Geary's view, these sex differences stem fromevolved sex differences in primary adaptationssuch as those involVing three-dimensional spa ti alabilities required for navigation in the EEA, bututilized now in the service of the biologicallysecondary task of solving algebraic word problems.Sex differences in average ability in theseprimary abilities are important for occupationalattainment in contemporary societies. Forexample, 3 out of 5 boys outscore the average girl in


mathematics achievement in samples from thegeneral population. Because of greater variabilityamong males, for gifted samples the ratio is ashigh as 13:1 for adolescents, and 19:1 for thosetaking the mathematics portion of the ScholasticAptitude Test in high school.

However, interest iIi math-intensivecareers tends to be lower even among women whohave sufficient mathematical ability to succeed insuch careers, a finding that Geary attributesindirectly to sexual selection. Females, to a greaterextent than males, are attracted to careersinvolving intimate and reciprocal socialrelationships and animate objects (e.g., biology,medicine) rather than inanimate objects (e.g.,physics, engineering). Thus "the sex differences inoccupational pursuits are a reflection, at least inpart, of the the different reproductive motives,such as status striving and interest in people, ofmenand women" (p. 329).

Male andFemale: The Evolution of HumanSex Differences is a mature work of great depthand breadth. Its greatest strength is the manner inwhich it unifes the findings from evolutionarybiology, cognitive science,psychology, neuroscience, individual differences,behavior genetics, and ethology. This makes itespecially· welcome as a publication of theAmerican .Psychological Association, since muchwork remains to be done to convince a great manypsychologists of the value of an evolutionaryperspective. But I hope that it will also have abroadening influence onthose already converted tothe evolutionary paradigm, many of whom remainwedded to simplistic paradigms with an exclusiveemphasis on domain-specific systems that areunable to encompass the complexity of humanbehavior. Without such an integrating focus,evolutionary psychology will have only 11 limi tedimpact and will appear at best as a sterilespecializa tioil, and at worst, as a scientific cult,within the broader scope of the behavioral andbrain sciences.

References

Lynn, R., 1997. Dysgenics: Genetic Deterioration mModern Populations. Westport, 0': Praeger.

Trivers, R. L. (1972). Parental invl:!stment andsexual selection. In B. Campbell (Ed.), SexualSelection and the Descent of Man 1871-1971(pp. 136-179). Chicago: Aldine.

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Maternal Personality,Evolution and the Sex Ratio

By Valerie Grant. Routledge 1998, 11 New FetterLane, LondonEC4P4EE and 29 W. 35th St., N.Y.10001. ISBN 0-415-15879-6 (hb) or 0-415-15880-X(pb). 2.22pp. L14.99 orUS$24.99

Reviewed by Linda Mealey, PsychologyDepartment, College of St. Benedict, St. Joseph,MN 56374 USA

It is not often that we hear from ourcolleagues in the antipodes, so I am pleased to beable, at this time, to both welcome Valerie Grantas a new member of ISHE, and to introduce you toher newbook: Maternal Personality, Evolution andthe Sex Ratio.

When I first became aware of Valerie'sbook, I thought that the narrowness of its topicmight restrict its appeal to only a few other sexratio specialists. Indeed, those of you who arespecialists will already have read much of theliterature in this area, perhaps including Val'sprevious publications, and you will not findanything "new" to justify buying the book. Yet,upori settling down to read this very niceproduction (keep Routledge in mind for any of yourown forthcoming texts), I discovered that itsappeal and usefulness would, in fact, be quitebroad, and I can recommend it to all ISHEmembers.

As might be inferred from the title, thebook presents a model of maternal facultative sexratio manipulation (summarized below). It alsopresents a broad historical background that servesas an excellent example of scientific method andthe sociology of science. Because of the inherentlyinteresting nature of the central topic, I could seestudents in a mandatory (and otherwise perhapsboring) class on research methods or sociology ofscience digging into this text with relish-- andlearning an awful lot in the process. Among thescientists whose work is covered are:biosociologists Richard Udry, Allan Mazur andJames Dabbs; evolutionary anthropologists andpsychologists Elizabeth Cashdan, David Buss andRobin Dunbar; personality theorists andpsychophysiologists Hans Eysenck, MarvinZuckerman and James Gray; and reproductivebiologists William James, David Haig and MarkBellis. Even lay readers who are interested in thepsychosocial aspects of mothering would find this


book accessible and exciting: the subtitle "DoMothers Control the Sex of the Infant?" couldsnare a significant popular readership (if it weremore visibly displayed onthe book's cover).

Grant has tried to integrate the Trivers-Willard model of ultimate causation with thevarious proximate explanations that have beenproposed to explain human sex ratio patterns. Shefirst establishes that "dominance"- as measuredby a personality questionnaire- can, with greaterthan chance accuracy, predict the sex of a pregnantwoman's future offspring; the more extreme th etest score, the more likely her prediction will becorrect. These sections essentially present thework that has already been published in herscientific papers (1990, 1996). Next she relatesdominance as a personality characteristic to thehormonal patterns that reproductive physiologistWilliam James (1985, 1992) has associated withthe conception of males. Finally she invokesknown differences in the parent-offspringinteractions of mothers of sons versus mothers ofdaughters, to explain the facultative andadaptive nature of these statistical patterns.

Grant's model adds a series of twists tomore traditional interpretations of sex differencesin childrearing. Whereas early models suggestedthat sex differences in children's behaviorresulted from the differential treatment theyreceived from parents and other authority figures(who, presumably, held sex-role stereotypeswhich were imposed upon the tabula rasa thatwas assumed to be the natural state of newborns),developmental research has shown tha t althoughadults do hold sex-role stereotypes and treatbabies of different sexes differently, there is rodirect cause and effect relationship between thesestereotypes, parental behavior, and subsequentchild development. Later models thereforeposited that the differential parental treatmentof boys and girls was elicited from parents byinnate behavioral differences in the babiesthemselves. Of course, it is not an either/orsituation, and the reciprocal dynamic of thisinteraction is no surprise to human ethologists. Itis a dynamic, however, that is still is not widelyapprecLated in the social sciences.

Grant's model accepts neither a directcausal explanation of these correlational patterns,nor a proximate description of the dynamic.Instead, she suggests that both the parenting styIeof mothers and the sex of their offspring are causedby a third variable, which can explain the

16

correlation at both proximate and ultimate levels.That third variable is maternal testosteronelevel. Grant posits (1) that socially dominantwomenproduce more testosterone than others; (2)that the physiochemistry of these women makesthem (a) morelikely to conceive sons and (b) morephysically active, more assertive, and moreindependent than other women; (3) that thesebehavioral differences in women affect the stylethey use in childrearing; and (4) that boy babiesand girl babies respond differently to variousstyles of parenting such that boy babies profitmore from the style of parenting that a dominantwomanwill tend to use and girl babies profit morefrom the style of parenting that a sub-dominantwomanwill tend to use. Thus, according to Grant'smodel, a woman's physiology facultativelyadjusts to her immediate status in a way that willaffect both the sex of her child and her parentingstyle, in concert. Not only does the mother'sparenting style best match the needs of her child,her hormonal status during fetal development also"matches" the interests of the child, in that th emother's blood has relatively high levels oftestosterone during the gestation of a son, and lowlevels of testosterone during the gestation of adaughter.

According to this model, the fact that awoman's dominance status (and thereforetestosterone output) has both a heritable (stable)basis and an environmental (labile) basis, is th ereason why a few women have children of all onesex, butmost womenwho have several pregnancieswill have children of both sexes. For a woman tohave several children all of one sex, she wouldhave to have a consistently Imv (or high)testosterone level with only fluctuations;most women have average levels of testosterone(on a normal curve) and have fluctuations that

them occasionally above and occasionallybelow the average, therefore not allOWingaccurate prediction of the sex of child that wouldbe conceived at any given time.

In Grant's model, the relevant chemicalevents that select for offspring of one sex or th eother probably occur prior to conception. Perhaps,e.g., there is differential chemical composition ofthe membranes surrounding the mfertilized ovumto preferentially allow only X- or Y-bearing spermto penetrate. Coney and Mackey (1998) suggestthat there might be additional mechanisms atwork post-eonception that allow a mother toadaptively encourage or discourage the


implantation and growth of a conceptus of "thewrong" sex.

Although Grant's research was notinspired by the Trivers-Willard model, her resultsclearly fit with its premises and supplement theresults of other authors who have reporteddominance-related patterns in human secondarysex ratios (e.g. Bereczkei & Dunbar 1997,Puignau & Jaffe 1996, Chahnazarian 1988, Gaulin& Robbins 1991, Mackey 1993, Mackey & Coney1987, Mealey 1990, Mealey & Mackey 1990).Perhaps because her book tends to proceedchronologically along the historical lines of herownthinking, it is not until she has discussed herowndata and studies of proximate explanations ofsex ratio patterns that Grant reviews the cross-species literature and evolutionary explanations.Although I found this organization surprising, Ithink it makes for a better book: the generalistreader will not want to start directly with theory,and the psychology of mothers is a moreinteresting and perhaps less threatening way tobegin.

I did find one significant "error" in thebook- an error of omission: no book on sex .ratio iscomplete without an extensive discussion ofRonald Fisher's evolutionary model of sex ratio,yet despite its otherwise excellent historicalcoverage, this book neglects Fisher entirely. Asingle sentence (on p. 106) even attempts to justifysex ratio manipulation in terms of group selection!Fortunately, appearing only so briefly, thisinference will go unnoticed by the majority ofreaders.

All in all, the book's extensive integrationof literature acroSS such a diversity of disciplinesis impressive. At the same time, the style ispersonable and accessible; there is frequent use ofthe pronoun "I" and many research findings arereported in narrative style. At US$25, thepaperback is priced in the same range as mostpopular books, and is significantly less than mosttextbooks-- making it reasonable to buy for apersonal library or to assign as a coursesupplement.

References

Bereczkei, T. & Dunbar, R.I.M. (1997) Female-biased reproductive strategies in a HungarianGypsy population. Proceedings of the RoyalSociety of London, B 264:17-22.

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Chacon-Puignau, G.e. & Jaffe, K (1996) Sex ratioat birth deviations in modem Venezuela: TheTrivers-Willard effect. Social Biology 43:257-270.

Chahnazarian, A. (1988) Determinants of the sexratio at birth: A review of recent literature. SocialBiology 35:214-235.

Coney, N.5. & Mackey, W.e. (1998) The woman asfinal arbiter: A case for the facultative characterof the human sex ratio. Journal of Sex Research35:169-175.

Gaulin, S.J.e. & Robbins, e.J. (1991) Trivers-Willard effect in contemporary North Americansociety. American Journal of PhysicalAnthropology 85:61-69.

Grant, V. (1990) Maternal personality and sex ofinfant. Journal ofMedical Psychology 63:261-266.

Grant, V. (1996) Sex determination and thematernal dominance hypothesis. HumanReproduction 11:2371-2375.

James, W.H. (1985) Sex ratio, dominance statusand maternal hormone levels at the time ofconception. Journal of Theoretical Biology 114:505-510.

James, W.H. (1992) The hypothesized hormonalcontrol of mammalian sex ratio at birth- A secondupdate. Journal of Theoretical Biology 155:121-128.

Mackey, W.e. & Coney, N. (1987) Human sex ratioas a function of the woman's psychodynamics: Apreliminary study. Ethology and Sociobiology8:49-60.

Mealey, L. & Mackey, W.e. (1990) Variation inoffspring sex ratio in women of differing socialstatus. Ethology and Sociobiology 11:83-95.

Trivers, R.L. & Willard, D. (1973) Naturalselection of parental ability to vary the sex ratioof offspring. Science 179:90-92.

ISHE Web Page:

http://evolution.humb.univie.ac.at


Animal Vocal Communication:A New Approach

By Donald H. Owings and Eugene S. Morton.Cambridge University Press, New York, NY, 1998,hardback.

Reviewed by D. Kimbrough Oller, Department ofCommunication Sciences and Disorders, 336 DunnHall, University ofMaine, Orono,ME 04469.

The theoretical ethological perspectives ofOwings and Morton provide a rich opportunity forreaders to gain a new hold on relationships amongthe functions of vocalizations, body postures andgestures of various animals, including humans.The key ideas in this intriguing book represent anelaboration of the notion that the communicativeacts of nonhumans are generally acts of"management" rather than acts of 'informationtransfer'. If we think of information transfer ascommunication about things in the world, thingsthat are external to either the sender or thereceiver of the message, then most of what iscommunicated by animals does not representinformation transfer. Instead the communicationstend to represent acts of transmission about thephysical or emotional states of fhe sender. Moreimportantly, the acts appear to be selectedaccording to the extent to which they may, as aresult of the effects they have on the receiver,establish a survival advantage for the sender ofthe communication. For example, if the alphamonkey in a troop, growls and makes a fierce-looking face, he says nothing about objects in theworld, and in a sense transmits no "information"about the world. He does, however, display hispresumable power, and may as a result frighten offpotential rivals.

This volume presents numerous engagingexamples of the ways that vocal and visualdisplays of various animals are used for purposesof management of the behavior of other animals.Equally important to the thesis of the volume isthe concept of 'assessment'. Just as the animalsender of communicationsdoes not typically engagein 'information transfer' about objects in the world,so too the receiver of the communication does nottypically engage in information processing aboutobjectsin the world. Instead, the receiver engagesprimarily in an assessment of the value of thesender's communication and what it indicates

18

about the sender's capabilities or state. Thereceiver makes decisions based on the assessment,and often they appear to be intelligent ones. Forexample, the lower-ranking rival monkey mayhear and see the alpha monkey's threat display,and assesses it to determine whether the displayeffectively characterizes both the willingness ofthe alpha monkey to fight to protect hisprerogatives, as well as his ability to succeed in afight if opposed vigorously.

Both successful living within groups of animalsand the natural history of the kinds of displaysthat are available among animals in any speciesappear to be determined by the interplay ofmanagement and assessment. The authors arguethat management and assessment should alwaysbe recognized as distinct. It is the fact that themanagement goals of the sender may not beaccepted by the receiver (who may recognize thegoals but not accept the purported capabilities andwillingness of the producer) that yields the basisfor constant scientific interest in communicationamong many animals. Further, the authors arguethat the distinction between andassessment spurs evolution of communicativesystems to new heights by fostering successiveadjustments in displays produced by senders (whomay find it advantageous to alter signals so thattbey may get their way with other animals) andin interpretations rendered by receivers (who mayfind it advantageous to learn when they shoulddisbelieve the signals of other animals).

The book begins with a prologue of delightfulexamples of communications in various speciesranging from the Carolina wren to the hwuaninfant. Each of the examples is constructed withthe purpose of laying the groundwork for themanagement/assessment distinction and thedevelopment of perspective on how evolution ofcommunicative systems can be best understood inthe context of an interpretation that keeps the twoclearly separate. .

The book continues with a background infundamental ethology, reviewing Tinbergen'sdistinction between proximate and ultimatequestions of causation in behavior. Adaptiveevolutionary change in signals, within thisclassical interpretation, is often the result of'ritualization', a stereotyping of actions thatincreases their efficiency as signals. A keybackground argument of the book is that this veryinfluential information tbeory, while makingimportant contributions to evolutionary theory of

II

II


communication, may have misdirected ourattention by focusing too much upon the transfer ofveridical information that could be of use to bothsender and receiver. Owings and Mortonemphasize instead the self-interested actions ofanimals both as senders and receivers, actions thatoften incorporate both intended or potentialdeception by the sender and the attempt to thwartsuch deception on the part of the receiver. Theauthors give important credit to the pioneeringwork of Dawkins and Krebs (1978) who wrote of'manipulation' as a primary goal in animalcommunication, contrasting their approach to thethen prevalent view of information transfer.

The authors offer a useful review of the historyof research in communication among animals,emphasizing the important new roles that havebeen played by field recordings and instrumentalanalyses that have in recent years substantiallyraised the level of our understanding ofevolutionary changes in communication. Morton's(1977) 'motivation-structural rules' interpret manyfeatures of animal vocalizations as predictable byreference to a frame in which certain intentionsappear to be naturally expressible most effectivelywi th certain acoustic features. Large size, forexample, is naturally expressed with loud, low-pitched vocalizations. Consequently, if sendersseek dominance, it may be to their advantage tovocalize loudly and at low pitch. The book placesthese motivation-structural rules squarely in thecontext of the assessment/managementinterpretation, because, of course, the sender'sintention may be to establish dominance throughdeception about size, and the receiver's motivationmay be to thwart that goal.

After having established the theoreticalimportance of the assessment/managementdistinction, the remainder of the book provides arich elaboration of its implications in face-to-faceand long-distance communication, and incommunication both within and across species.There are specific sections (Chapter 4) thataddress implications for perception, motivation,emotion, cognition and development. Thisbreakdown is useful in putting theassessment/management view in perspective. Aconcluding chapter reinvokes the originalexamples of animal communication from theprologue and provides interpretation for them interms of the contrasting 'information' and,assessment/management' approaches.

19

If there is something nussmg from this book,something that could have enhanced its impact, Ithink it is a perspective-taking in the realm oflinguistic philosophy. The work of J. L. Austin(1962) for example, has taught us that humanspeech communication is delicately structured toaccomplish both informational andassessment/management functions. The importantdistinction Austin promulgated is that betweenillocutionary force (roughly social intention) andmeaning (roughly information). He taught thatthere is always a distinction to be drawn betweenthe illocutionary force that an utterance conveysand the meanings that it transmits. If one says''lion', one invokes a concept of the class of beings,lions, and in this way expresses a meaning. But inaddition there are a variety of possible socialintentions that can be simultaneously transmitted.The utterance could constitute a labeling of a lionin a cage. It could constitute a warning about animpending attack. It could constitute a correctionof a prior claim that the animal in question was atiger. It could constitute a threat that the speakeris about to act like a lion. In each case the meaningof the word is the same, because the sameconceptual class of beings is invoked. But theillocutionary force can vary. I think Owings andMorton's treatment of the evolution ofcommunication could have been profitablyaugmented by consideration of Austin's distinction.For example, an animal communicator (at least insome cases) can be portrayed as transmitting bothmanagement intentions (illocutionary forces suchas threat or appeasement) and intentional impliedinformation (meanings such as 'I am big and strong'or'I am small and weak'). Similarly the animalreceiver can be portrayed as interpreting both themanagement intentions of the sender and thevalidity of the implied information upon whichthe management goal is expressed by the sender.The. authors of this fascinating book clearlyunderstand these possibilities. But the fact tha tthe linguistic philosophy perspective was notaddressed may have limited the potential impactof the work in providing a bridge to understandingof relationships between communicative acts ofhumans and nonhumans.

References

Austin, J. L. (1962). How to do things with words.London:Oxford Univ. Press.

Dawkins, R, & Krebs, J. R (1978). Animal signals:Information or manipulation? In J. R Krebs & N. B.Davies (Eds.), Behavioural Ecology: An


Davies (Eds.), Behavioural Ecology: AnEvolutionary Approach (pp. 282-309). Sunderland:Sinauer Associates.

Morton, E. S. (1977). On the occurrence andsignificance of motivation-structural rules in somebird and mammal soUnds. American Naturalist,109,17-34.

Editorial Staff

Editor

Peter LaFreniere362 Little HallDepartment of PsychologyUniversity ofMaineOrono,ME 04469 USAtel. 1-207-581-2044fax 1-207-581-6128e-mail: [email protected]

CurrentLiterature Editor

Johan van derDennenCenter for Peace and Conflict StudiesUniversity of GroningenDude Kijk in 't.]atstraat 5/99712 EA Groningen,TheNetherlandstel. 31-50-3635649fax 31-50-3635635; e-mail:[email protected]

Chief Book Review Editor

Thomas K AlleyDepartment of PsychologyClemson UniversityBrackett HallClemson, SC 29634-1511, USAtel. 1-864-656-4974fax 1e-mail: [email protected]

Call for Associate Book Review Editors:

The newly organized HEB editorial staff is seekinginput from international scholars. This positioninvolves organizing and editing reviews of 3 or 4books per year, as coordinated by the Chief BookReview Editor. Those interested in this new positionshould send their' CV and current research intereststo the editor orbook review editor.

20

HUMAN EVOLUTION:A NEUROLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE

By JohnL Bradshaw. Psychology Press, 27 ChurchRd., Hove, East Sussex, BN3 3FA UK. 1997

Reviewed by Glenorchy McBride. (Prof emeritus)Psychology Department, University of Queens-land, St.Lucia Qld 4072 Australia

This topic is important to humanethologists. Despite the subtitle and theneurological perspective of this book, theevolution of the brain, of language and praxis iscentral to what people do and how they go aboutit. Thus ethologists are concerned here. Lessrelevant but certainly part of studying ourevolution involves starting with the first life mthe planet and tracing the path to modemhumans,drawing attention to recent developments(provided one reads the relevant references).Bradshaw thus begins with Precambrian andCambrian life forms with the transitional detaiLsthrough to the mammals, then gives a summary ofthe evidence onwhich primates began the changeto hominids some5 to 8 million years ago.

Bipedalism begins the hominidevolutionary story: the various explanatoryaccounts are covered, along with the skeletalchanges and a detailed account. of the postural,heat load and obstetric problems involved. Here,as throughout the book, multi-factorial-interactive explanations are favored. Indeed theauthor sticks to accounts of evidence and reviews ofhypotheses, ignoring the needs of many readers tosee what conclusion the author has reached fromexamining the evidence. New evidence on recenthominid discoveries is introduced, withappropriate recognition that it will take time fora new synthesis of the evolutionary progression toemerge and becomeaccepted.

In separate chapters the reader is takenthrough an account of hominid evolution throughthe various forms of evidence: molecular, genetic,physical, cultural, environmental, archeologicaland palaeontological. The lines of evidence arebrought together, though clearly, the links areoften tenuous. Indeed it is the nature of theevidence in this field that conclusions are rarerthan speculations.

Human Ethology Bulletin, 14(1),1999

The real focus of the book is on language,praxis, behavior, aesthetics and thought, andtheir association with areas of the brain and thenervous system. There is an impressive array of

throughout, though only specialists willbe familiar with the many references, oftenwithout details of the evidence involved. Thesimilarities between the genetic and linguisticrelationships between people are presented anddiscussed. Various forms of human communicationare compared, and spoken and gestural languageare analysed and compared with the Chomskyianview of a special language module and with the"continuity theorists" who see slow continuouschanges over evolutionary time. Sign languagesare not well treated and are not seen as anevolutionary step towards speech..

'Evidence from apes and other animals,genetic and trauma damage and the structtire ofthe brain are presented in considerable detail,moving towards a multi-factorial theory oflanguage origin, but without a clear picture of howthis could or might have occurred. Most humanethologists see human communication ascomprising· a complex of speech, voice control,gesture and body form, perfectly integrated,indeed as closely integrated as are the syntactic,phonetic and semantic components of the sameprocess. This differs from the traditional view ofgesture being of different form from speech, whichis the central problem in human communication.Language and tool use are both hierarchicallyorganised with similar brain areas involved, andit is suggested that both may have evolved fromthe sa...TJ1e pre-existing structure.· authorsubscribes to the view "that all of our cherishedhuman attributes, so far from being unique, aregroundedin ourprimate evolutionary history". Hesees a Machiavelfian model, along with primatecapacities for care, reciprocity and altruism; asthe basis of oursocial intelligence.

The Hrst step to bipedalism freed the hands andprobably made everything that followedinevitable. The stretching of estrous to continuoussexutJ receptivity gave females access to the h elpof maJes when they mQst needed it, and probablychanged the societal structure. Speech and its non-verbaJ accompanyists in voite, hands and bodies isan ancient whole; the componentscan be separatedfor discussion, yet their treatment together isneeded for a step towards their understanding.Non-verbal behavior accompanying speech can be

21

treated as emotive and dismissed as not relevantin the study of language- indeed this author does

BulletinSubmissions

All items of interest to ISHE members arewelcome: Society Matters; articles; replies toarticles; suggestions; announcements of meetings,journals or professional societies; etc. These sortsof submission should be sent to the editor. Bookreview inquiries should go to the book revieweditor. All submissions should be in English, andsent to the appropriate editor via e-mail, as anattachment in order to maintain formatting. If e-mail is impossible, hard copies will be accepted,as long as they are accompanied by the same texton diskette (preferably in Microsoft Word version6.0 or earlier). Shorter reViews are desirable (lessthan 1000 words). Please include completereferences for all publications cited. For book

please include mailingaddress and the price of hardback and paperbackeditions.Submissions are usually reviewed only by theeditorial st.aff. However, some submissions arerejected. PolItical censorship is avoided, so as tofoster free and creative exchange of ideas amongscholars. The fact that material appears in thenewsletter never implies the truth of those ideas,ISHE's endorsement of them, or support for anypolicy implications that might be inferred fromthem.

so- yet the belief that lan.guage CaI, be understoodonly through its study in syntactic, phonetic andsemantic structuresseernsdominant over a study ofintegrated human communication.

There are many issues which attractethologists which are not discussed on books on ourevolution. Most animals have one or two, mostlyseasonai forms of society while we make hundreds,independent of season. Most animals move andhold status in two or three subgroups;we may move in dozens. Attention structures havenot beenwidely studied either in animalsor humans though there is excellent workavailable In groupsof children. These are centralin all social animals, yet they have not beenstudied in the neurological situations reviewed bythis (or arty other) author. There are so manyother topics ignored in our conventional humanoriented view of ourselves. Religion or


spirituality, chauvinism, music and bonding arevery basic human characteristics, probably withas much(or little) hard wiring as the conventionalattention to aggression, submission and status, yetwe knowlittle about effects onthese deriving fromvarious forms and sites of brain injury.

This book covers what is knownneurologically of humans, and the topics relevantto our evolution are well presented in a veryreadable form. It is, however, one of many booksthat have appeared lately on this topic. Mycriticism is more about the selectivity of studies ofthe human condition than it is of this particularbook. For this I apologise to readers and to theauthor.

Diversity ofHuman RelationshipsBy A.E. Auhagen, & M. von Salisch, (1996)Cambridge University Press, New York, NY 10011-4211, USA. 19%,347 pp.

22

The section on foundations contains threechapters. The first is a chapter by Robert Hindeoutlining the various dimensions on whichrelationships can differ. This chapter is basicallyan update of his 1979 book and has appeared invarious forms in various locations.

LotharKrappmann, in a chapter on the diverserelationships in the social world of children isvery critical of what he calls the one-track modelof development. He argues that earlier types ofrelationships are not abandoned as the child ages,but develop as social competencies increase.Krappmann also presents a useful developmentalmodel of relationship types, based on Erikson's(1956) model of development.

The chapter by Maria von Salisch enrelationships between children focuses ensymmetry and asymmetry in children'srelationships with peers, friends and siblings.Comparisons between sibling and peerrelationships are made both at the level of face-to-face interactions, and at the level ofrelationships.

This bookwas originally published inGerman in1993, and has now been published in English.Twelve of the contributors are from Germany orAustria, three are from the United States and oneis from England. Thus it has a very differentauthorship from many other books aboutrelationships.

The aims of the book are to 'broaden ViSIOnbeyond types of relationships generally favored',to 'give insights into current theories, empiricalfindings and new ideas on the diverserelationships in everyday life' and to 'considerchanges in interpersonal relationships across thelifespan' (pp. 1-3). These aims are generally wellfulfilled.

The book is divided into· five sections:Foundations, Relationships within the family,Partnerships, Private nonkin relationships,Relationships at work, and Epilogue. it is clearthat relationships are covered here that are notusually covered in texts on relationships. There isless emphasis onfamily relationships and more ennonkin relationships.

Reviewed by PatriciaPsychology, UniversityQueensland, 4072, Australia.

Noller,of

School ofQueensland, The section on relationships within the family

goes beyond relationships between parents andchildren, to look at relationships between adultchildren and their parents, the relationships ofadult siblings, and relationships in the extendedfamily and in nontraditional family forms.Interestingly, the marital relationship is notincluded here, butmoreonthat later!

Kurt Kreppner in his chapter on parent-childrelationships concentrates on childhood andadolescence, with an emphasis onhow the parent-child relationship, although having uniquecharacteristics is embedded within the wholefamily. He also emphasizes that the familyshould be considered as a 'dynamic context' or an'arena of dyadic relationships' not as a staticrelationship structure.

Yvonne Schutz, explores the advantages anddisadvantages of different ways of coping withintergenerational issues in the family. She arguesthat the segregation of adult children from theirelderly parents is no longer functional for thesociety. She also looks at the implications ofearlier parent-child and parent-adolescentrelationships for later elderly parent-adult childrelationships, particularly where elderly parentsrequire care.


Victoria Bedford looks at relationships betweenadult siblings. She links adult siblingrelationships to childhood experiences in thefamily, arguing that the sibling relationship is apeer-like relationship with shared parents. Shealso discusses the effects of gender and the lifecourseonsibling relationships.

Peter Kaiser's chapter on the extended familyfocuses on relationships between family membersnot directly related to each other, as well asgrandparents and grandchildren, and more distantfamily members. The chapter includes a complexdiscussion on the nature of family relationships,and on the characteristics of well-functioningfamilies. He makes quite strongly the point thateven though the members of the extended fami!ydo not generally live in the same house, relativesare still the primary support system in mostfamilies, for example, in times of illness or othertypes of crises. This chapter provides a usefulreview of the literature on topics hardly treatedby other textbooks on the family, but the sectionsare generally brief and the material can only bedealt with in a relatively superficial way.

The section on partnerships contains twochapters: one on heterosexual partnerships byHans Bierhof, and one onsame-sex partnerships byVirginia Rutter and Pepper Schwartz. The mostsurprising thing about the chapter on heterosexualpartnerships is that marriage is never mentioned.Although marriage is not as popular as it used tobe, in many western cultures most people stillmarry, many of them several times. The results ofignoring the distinctions between dating,cohabitation and marriage are, I believe,problematic. First, the author does not make clearwhich findings are related to which type ofcouple. In addition, these different groups ofcouples are never compared, even though there arestudies that find clear differences between them.According to the index, marriage is discussed inthree other chapters in the book, including thechapter onsame-sex partnerships.

In this chapter on heterosexual partnerships,the emphasis is on the three stages ofrelationships: initiation, maintenance anddisengagement, and the author rightly commentson the lack of focus, in much relationshipliterature, on the maintenance of relationships.There is a strong emphasis on attachment theory,styles of lOVing, the course of love relationships,and on investment theory. I had some problemswith the structure ofthis chapter.

23

The chapter on same-sex partnerships by Rutterand Schwartz takes up some interesting issues,including the similarities between homosexualmen and women and their heterosexualcounterparts, heterosexual men, the developmentof homosexual culture with its consequenteffects 00behavior and lifestyle, and the issue of whethergender or power has the strongest effect 00

behavior. Another fascinating part ofthe chapterwas the discussion of the power of ideology (e.g.,the importance of equality as an ideal) 00

homosexual relationships, as well as the effects ofheterosexual norms (or the avoidance of such) 00behavior in homQsexual relationships.Interestingly, the authors also discuss the benefitsmissed by homosexuals in not being able to marry.Ironic isn't it, when more heterosexuals than in thepast are avoiding marriage relationships,homosexuals feel disadvantaged by not havingthis possibility.The section on private nonkin relationships

includes chapters on adult friendship, neighboursand acquaintances, relationships betweencolleagues and occupation- determined rolerelationships. Although adult friendships areoften included in books on relationships, the otherrelationships included here generally receivelittle attention.

Auhagen's chapter on adult friendship pointsout problems with conceptualizing friendship, 'i tpossesses so few, truly clear, unequivocalcharacteristics' (p. 229). The author also presentsinteresting d.ata about the rules, values, etc. thataffect 'friendships. Christian Melbeck's chapteron neighbours and acquaintances emphasizes theeffects of structural phenomena (such as size anddensity of living space) on the likelihood ofrelationships developing between neighbours.Structural factors (of the workplace) are alsolikely to affect relationships between colleagues,as Oswald Neuberger points out. He notes thatpeople's 'actions are made pOSSible, constrained orchanneled by this structuring' (p. 272).

The focus of Gaska and Frey's chapter 00occupation-determined role relationships is on thelinks between the personand the role, as well as 00the significance, of the occupational role toindividuals, along with the effect of that role 00activities and relationships outside work. Thedoctor-patient relationship is discussed as anexample of this type of relationship. GeroldMikula's epilogue encourages an interdisciplinary


approach to relationship research, and theintegration of insights from different areas.

Overall, this is a useful book which would bequite suitable for a course on relationships.Because it was first published in 1993, however, itdoes not take account of the large ampunt of workonrelationships published since then. It has bothauthor and subjects indexes, which makes itrelatively easy for use by undergraduates, as wellas by graduates, academics or professionals.

Virtual Groups:Human Dimensions of Groupware

and Computer Networking.By Io AnnOravec., Cambridge University Press,40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 10011-4211,1996. $49.95 (hdbk.).

Cognition and CommunicationatWork.

Edited by Yrjo Engestrom and David Middleton.Cambridge University Press, 40 West 20 th Street,New York, NY 10011-4211, 1996. $54.95 (hdbk.),$21.95 (sftbk.).

Reviewed by Lisa Dal Santo, School ofPsychology, University of Queensland, Brisbane,Australia 4072.

The number of thmgs we can do withcomputers and associated technology is rapidlyincreasing. Similarly, the knowledge that most ofus have about computer use is also increasing.However, the rates of increase in computertechnology and in the computer knowledge of thegeneral public are not equal, with the formerbeing much greater than the latter. Thisinequality has many implications for the use ofcomputer applications within organizations, andbrings to the fore conflicts between organizationalgoals and individual rights.

Virtual Individuals, Virtual Groupsdescribes the social and ethical implications ofapplying the use of computers to the area of groupinteraction. Types of applications that fall underthe hNding of computer-supported cooperativework (CSCW) include computer monitoring and

24

group meeting support amongst others. Althoughthe purpose of these applications is to enhancehuman interaction in group settings, the practicaluse of the applications has many importantramifications such that a numberof issues must betaken into account when designing and using suchsoftware.

This bookis organized into an introductionand severt chapters. Chapter 1 introduces theconcept of a "genre" and discusses computerapplications as genres, as well as the evolution ofcomputers and computer software genres. It alsoprovides a history of groupware and background'onCSCW. Chapter 2 introduces the concepts of avirtual individual and a virtual group (niferringto those linkages to ourselves such as credit cardand educational records), and discusses the waywe use groupware in creating, distributing, andmanipulating these virtual entities. It alsoprovides different philosophical pers'pectives mways of thinking about the self and group.Chapter 3 documents the history of the concept ofimportance of the individual, as well asdiscussing issues of collaboration and cooperationin work, education, and research contexts(including types of groups and pathologies ofgroup work). Chapter 4 discusses the concept of'efficiency' and how being efficient inorganizational settings often requires theexclusion of personality. This chapter alsoprovides a history of filing and indexing systemsand an analysis of office artifacts (e.g. video,whiteboards, desks, etc), as well as discussingelectronic meeting rooms, resource sharing, andhow to engineer educational and work settings inparticular ways to manipulate group interaction.Chapters 5 and 6 introduce and discuss thecultural objects of dependence on technology,intellectual autonomy, intellectual augmentation,privacy, anonymity, and agency/surrogacy, all inrelation to the use of computer applications.Finally, the last chapter introduces an approachfor the "genre-responsive design" of network-based computer systems, providing suggestions todesigners of such programs.

The content of this book comes from manyareas including philosophy, drama, computers,psychology, and organizational theory. The bookcontains a great deal of information(e.g. the concepts of self and genre, the term'groupware', the development of the computer,the evolution of the scientific journal) as well aslengthy analogies. I would have preferred to seemore on CSCW applications along with


situational examples of their use, and lesshistory. The issues the author brings up couldhave been easily illustrated by the· use of suchexamples, and this would have made for easierand more interesting reading. There are nosuperfluous words here; each sentence is crowdedwith information, making for tedious anddifficuI t reading. I would not recommend this bookas light or entertaining reading. However, thosewho might be interested in attempting it would bepeople interested in group interaction, computersupport of group work, or issues relating to theimplications of technoiogy on privacy and controlof individuals.

Cognition and Communication at Work isan edited book in which work activity isinvestigated as ethnography. With the exceptionof a few theoretical chapters in the book, eachchapter analyzes the everyday actions andinteractions of people doing work. The settingsinvestigated vary. widely and include courts oflaw, computer software design, scientificlaboratories, advanced manufacturing systems,airplanes, air traffic control, baggage handling,and underground railway systems. The basic idE:?ais that local interaction and talk at workdetermine the context ahd structure of work (thisis referred to as a ;'microsociological" approach).

The ethnographic method, which isdiscussed in great detail in the final chapter ofthe book (oddly enough), is quite the opposite ofthe typical experimental psychologymethod9logy. Rather than definiflgan.dmeasuring variables, ethnographers usequalitative methods such as conversations andiilterviews; rather thail performing statisticalanalyses, ethnographers perform detailedanalyses of documents and dialogue transcripts;rather than trying to obtain a random sample,ethnographers seek out cases that vary widely.Raithel, in the last chapter of the book,sU1l)1llarizes t.he ethnographic approach to workresearch, which begins by viewing each workgroup or organization as "a culturally aliencommunity whose world-model and practices wemust reconstruct from the utterances and situatedactions of the working persons" (p.320).

The first chapter of the book (Engesb:om& Middleton) provides a very brief introductionto the ethnographic methodology and is followedby a description of what is to follow in theremaining chapters. I will briefly try to describethe focus of these thirteen chapters. Chapter 2

25

(Hutchins & Klausen) focuses on distributedcognition and asserts that we should be interestednot in how well a particular individual isperforming but in the performance of the systemcomprising the individuals and the technology.Chapter 3 (Suchman) analyzes sharedworkspac;es and describes how workers becomeengaged in situations through "partial,continuously changing awareness." Chapter 4(Goodwin& Goodwin) focuses onthe perception ofrelevant objects at work; the ac.t is not the simpleperception of an object but is relative to the courseof activity that the worker is engaged in at themoment. Chapter 5 (Heath & Luff) analyzes bodyposition and communication, and asserts thatpeople organize their behavior so that whilethey are engaged in one activity, they aremonitoring or participating in the activity ofothers. Chapter 6 (B0dker & Gmnbrek) analyzesthe activity of cooperative prototyping whereusers are actively involved in the design ofcomputer applications that they might use in thefuture. Chapter 7 (Norros) describes the ways inwhich operators handle disturbances resultingfrom the implementation of new technologies inmanufacturing. Chapter 8 (Laufer & Glick) and 9(Engestrom) investigate expertise. Chapter 10(Middleton) examines the construction ofteamwork that occurs through spontaneous andinformal conversations. Chapter 11 (Mukerji) is atheoretical paper on scientific· genius and theculture of science. Chapter 12 (Shaiken) describesa long-term study on the nature of skill in theautomobile industry. Chapter 13 (Star) is anothertheoretical chapter which aims to integrateinsights trom a number of different perspectives.Finally, Chapter 14 (Raeithel) is probably thebest chapter in the book in explaining theethnographic methodology and it's implications.

Although, of the two books, this one ismore relevant to the interests of humanethologists, I was not very impressed with it'sorganization or the seemingly incomplete job ofthe editors. [For example, I recommend readersbegin with the last chapter and then read thefirst chapter (the supposed introduction),followed by the other chapters in any order]. Inaddition, some of the sentences were poorlystructured and incomplete. What I did findinteresting Were the transcripts of theconversations from such settings as the airplanecockpit and the law courts. Those who would beinterested in this book are people interested inapplying ethology to the study of work.Individual chapters may be useful to people


interested in work in a particular setting. Thereare also sections within some chapters whichanalyze language and body language, and thesemay be of interest to communication researchers.

In sum, both of these books are highlyspecialized and will have narrow, albeit well-targeted appeal. Perhaps they should berecommendedfor your local library rather than asa personal purchase.

CURRENT LITERATURE

June 1999

Compiled byJohan van der Dennen

Albus, KE. & Dozier, M. (1999) Indiscriminatefriendliness and terror of strangers in infancy:Contributions from the study of infants in fostercare. Infant Mental Health Journal, 20, 1, 30-41(Dozier, M.: Univ. Delaware, Dept. Psycho!., 220Wolf Hall, Newark, DE 19716, USA)

Archer, J. & Haigh, A. (1999) Sex differences inbeliefs about aggression: Opponent's sex and theform of aggression. British Journal of SocialPsychology, 38, Part 1, 71-84 (Urov. Cent.Lancashire, Dept. Psycho!., Preston PR1 2HE,Lancs, England)

Babinski, L.M., Hartsough, C.S. & Lambert, N.M.(1999) Childhood conduct problemsj

and inattention aspredictors of adult criminal activity. Journal ofChild Psychology and Psychiatry and AlliedDiscipline.s, 40, 3,347-355 (Univ. N Carolina, Sch.Educ., Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USA)

Bartlett, M.s., Hager, J.c. j Ekman, P & Sejnowski,TJ (1999) Measuring facial expressions bycomputer image analysis. Psychophysiology, 36, 2,253-263 (Salk Inst., CNL, 10010 N Torrey Pines Rd,La Jolla, CA 92037, USA)

Bedaux, J;B. and Cooke,"B. (Eds,), (1999)Sociobiology and the Arts. Editions Rodopi B.V.,Tijnmuiden 7, 1046 AK Amsterdam, Netherlands,1999, US$ 25 (ppr., US$ 83 (hdbk.). (NEEDSREVIEWER).

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Buchholz, E.s. & Marben, H. (1999) Neonataltemperament, maternal interaction, and the needfor " alonetime". American Journal ofOrthopsychiatry, 69, 1, (NYU, Dept. App!'Psycho!., 239 Greene St, 5th Floor, New York, NY10003, USA)

Budaev, S.V. (1999) Sex differences in the Big Fivepersonality factors: Testing anhypothesis. Personality and Indt?tdualDiffere1J-ces, 26,5, 801-813 (Russian Acad. SCI.,. ANSeverstQv Inst. Eco!. & Evolut., Moscow 117071,Russia)

Buitelaar, J.K, Van der Wees, M.,Swaab-Barneveld, H. & Van der Gaag, R.J. (1999)Theory of mind andfunctioning in autistic spectrum disorders and Inpsychiatric control and normal children.Development and Psychopathology, 11, 1, 39-58(Dept. Child Psychiat., POB 85500, NL-3508 GAUtrecht, Neth€rlands)

Buss, D.M. & Greiling, H. (1999) Adaptiveindividual differences. Journal of Personality, 67,2,209-243 (Univ, Texas, Dept. Psycho!., Austin, TX78712, USA)

Buss, D.M., Shackelford, T.K, Ki:rkpatrick, L.A.,Choe, J.c., Lirri, H.K, Hasegawa, M., Hasegawa,T & Bennett, K (1999) Jealousy and the nature ofbeliefs about infidelity: Tests of competinghypotheses about sex differences in Um.tedStates, Korea, and Japan. Personal Relattonshtps,6,1, 125-150 (Univ. Texas, Dept. Psycho!., Austin,TX 78712, USA)

Butovskaya, M. & Kozintsev, A. (1999)Aggression, friendship, and reconciliation .inRussian primary schoolchildren. Aggresstvi!Behavior, 25, 2, 125-139 (Russian State lJniv.Humanities, Inst. Cultural Anthropo!., MiusskayaPI 6, Moscow125267, Russia)

Cole, J. (1-999). About Face, Cambrid.ge, MA: MITPress. (pb, $17.50, ISBN 0-262-53163- 1).(UNDER REVIEW).

Cooke, B. and Turner, F. (Eds.) (1999) Biopetics,International Conference on the Unity of theSciences, 147Goodrich Ave., Lexington, KY40503, USA, $16.95ppr. (NEEDS

Corballis, M.C. & Lea, S. (Eds.) (1999). Thedescent of mind: Psychological perspectives on


hominid evolution. Oxford: Oxford UniversityPress. (NEEDS REVIEWER).

Daly, M. & Wilson, M.l. (1999) Humanevolutionary psychology and animal behaviour.Animal Behaviour, 57 Part 3, 509-519 (McMasterUniv., Dept. Psycho!., Hamilton, ON L8S 4K1,

Davis, P.J. (1999) Gender differences inautobiographical memory for childhoodemotional experiences. Journal of Personality andSocial Psychology, 76, 3, 498-510 (Griffith Univ.,Sch. Appl. Psycho!., Kessels Rd, Nathan, Qld4111, Australia)

Dondi, M., Simion, F. & Caltran, G (1999) Cannewborns discriminate between their own cry andthe cry of another newborn infant? DevelopmentalPsychology, 35, 2, 418-426 (Univ. Padua, Dept.Dev. & Social Psycho!., Via Venezia 8, 1-35131Padua, Italy)

Doosje, B., Rojahn, K. & Fischer, A. (1999) Partnerpreferences as a function of gender, age, politicalorientation and level of education. Sex Roles, 40,1-2, 45-60 (Fischer, A: Univ. Amsterdam, Dept.Social Psycho!., Roetersstr IS, NL-1018 WBAmsterdam, Netherlands)

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Eley, T,C" Lichtenstein, P. & Stevenson, J. (1999)Sex differences in the etiology of aggressive andnonaggressive antisocial behavior: Results fromtwo twin studies. Child Development, 70, 1,155-168 (lnst. Psychiat., Genet. & Dev. Psychiat.Res. Ctr., De Crespigny Pk,l11 Denmark HilI,LondonSES 8AF, England)

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