callender, fs nk vol i

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E GYPTIAN C ULTURE AND S OCIETY


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E GYPTIAN C ULTURE AND S OCIETY

STUDIES IN HONOUR OF NAGUIB KANAWATI

SUPPLMENT AUX ANNALES DU SERVICE DES ANTIQUITS DE L'GYPTE

CAHIER NO 38

V OLUME I

Preface byZ AHI H AWASS

Edited byA LEXANDRA W OODS

A NN M C F ARLANE

S USANNE B INDER

PUBLICATIONS DU CONSEIL SUPRME DESANTIQUITS DE L'GYPTE


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Graphic Designer:Anna-Latifa Mourad.

Director of Printing:Amal Safwat.

Front Cover: Tomb of Remni.Opposite: Saqqara season, 2005.Photos: Effy Alexakis.

(CASAE 38) 2010 Conseil Suprme des Antiquits de l'gypte

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by anymeans, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or other-wise, without the prior written permission of the publisher

Dar al Kuttub Registration No. 2874/2010

ISBN: 978-977-479-845-6

IMPRIMERIE DU CONSEIL SUPRME DES ANTIQUITS

The abbreviations employed in this work follow those in B.Mathieu, Abrviations des priodiques et collections en usage l'IFAO (4th ed., Cairo, 2003) and G. Mller, H. Balz and G. Krause(eds), Theologische Realenzyklopdie,vol 26: S. M. Schwertner, Abkrzungsverzeichnis(2nd ed., Berlin - New York, 1994).


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Presented to

NAGUIB KANAWATI AM FAHA

Professor, Macquarie University, Sydney Member of the Order of Australia

Fellow of the Australian Academy of the Humanities

by hisColleagues, Friends, and Students


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C ONTENTS

V OLUME I

P REFACE

Z AHI H AWASS xiii

A CKNOWLEDGEMENTS xv

N AGUIB K ANAWATI : A L IFE IN E GYPTOLOGY xviiA NN M CF ARLANE

N AGUIB K ANAWATI : A B IBLIOGRAPHY xxvii

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SUSANNE BINDER , The Title 'Scribe of the Offering Table': Some Observations

GILLIAN BOWEN , The Spread of Christianity in Egypt: Archaeological Evidence from Dakhleh and Kharga Oases

EDWARD BROVARSKI, The Hare and Oryx Nomes in the First IntermediatePeriod and Early Middle Kingdom

VIVIENNE G. CALLENDER , Writings of the Word Hathor from Akhmim

MALCOLM CHOAT, Athanasius, Pachomius, and the 'Letter on Charity and Temperance'

R OSALIE DAVID, C ardiovascular Disease and Diet in Ancient Egypt

LINDA EVANS, Otter or Mongoose? Chewing over the Evidence in Wall Scenes

R OBYN GILLAM, From Meir to Quseir el-Amarna and Back Again: The Cusite Nome in SAT and on the Ground

SAID G. GOHARY, The Cult-Chapel of the Fortress Commander Huynefer atSaqqara

MICHELLE HAMPSON, 'Experimenting with the New': Innovative Figure Typesand Minor Features in Old Kingdom Workshop Scenes


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ZAHI HAWASS, The Anubieion

TOM HILLARD, The God Abandons Antony: Alexandrian Street Theatre in 30 BC

COLIN A. HOPE AND OLAF E. K APER , A Governor of Dakhleh Oasis in theEarly Middle Kingdom

JANA JONES, Some Observations on the Dimensions of Textiles in the OldKingdom Linen Lists

EDWIN A. JUDGE, The Puzzle of Christian Presence in Egypt beforeConstantine

LESLEY J. K INNEY, De ning the Position of Dancers within Performance Institutions in the Old Kingdom

AUDRAN LABROUSSE, Huit pouses du roi Ppy I er

V OLUME II

MIRAL LASHIEN, The Transportation of Funerary Furniture in Old KingdomTomb Scenes

LISE MANNICHE, The Cultic Signi cance of the Sistrum in the AmarnaPeriod

K IM MCCORQUODALE, 'Hand in Hand': Reliefs in the Chapel of Mererukaand other Old Kingdom Tombs

R OBERT S. MERRILLEES, Two Unusual Late Cypriote Bronze Age Juglets fromEgypt in Western Australia and Tatarstan

JUAN CARLOS MORENO GARCA, La gestion des aires marginales: pHw, gs, Tnw, sxtau III e millnaire

K AROL MY LIWIEC, The Mysterious Mereris, Sons of Ny-ankh-nefertem(Sixth Dynasty, Saqqara)

ALANNA NOBBS, Phileas, Bishop of Thmouis

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BOYO G. OCKINGA, The Memphite Theology - Its Purpose and Date

MAARTEN J. R AVEN, A New Statue of an Old Kingdom Vizier from Saqqara

GAY R OBINS, Space and Movement in Pre-Amarna Eighteenth DynastyTheban Tomb Chapels

ASHRAF-ALEXANDRE SADEK , Trois pices de la Collection gyptienne du Muse des Beaux-Arts de Limoges

R AMADAN EL-SAYED, propos de sept scarabes au Muse du Caire

MICHAEL SCHULTZ, The Biography of the Wife of Kahai: A Biological Reconstruction

SAMEH SHAFIK , Disloyalty and Punishment: The Case of Ishfu at Saqqara

BASIM SAMIR EL-SHARKAWY, Sobek at Memphis, Once Again:Further Documents

K ENNETH A. SHEEDY, Scenes from Alexandria in the Time of Domitian

K ARIN N. SOWADA, Forgotten Cemetery F at Abydos and Burial Practices of the Late Old Kingdom

JOYCE SWINTON, De-Coding Old Kingdom Wall Scenes: Force-Feeding the Hyena

ELIZABETH THOMPSON, Scenes of the Tomb Owner Journeying-by-Water: The Motif in Tombs of the Old Kingdom Cemetery of El-Hawawish

MIROSLAV VERNER , MIROSLAV BRTA AND ZDENKA Svov , The Second Renaissanceof Abusir

SOPHIE WINLAW, The Chapel Types Utilised in the Teti Cemetery at Saqqara

ALEXANDRA WOODS, A Date for the Tomb of Seneb at Giza: Revisited

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WRITINGS OF THE WORD HATHORFROM AKHMIM *

Vivienne G. CallenderMacquarie University

This article has been written as a result of recent work completed for the Palaeography Project, headed by Dimitri Meeks (University of Montpelier). My brief was to study thehieroglyphs of Akhmim from the end of the FifthNinth Dynasties. The project aims toaugment Gardiner's list and record the actual variations made by the Egyptian scribes fromdifferent times and places within the pharaonic period. These records have been made

available by the work of Naguib Kanawati and his team from Auckland and MacquarieUniversities. To date, we can assert that a number of new signs and some very unusualvariant writings have been found within the Akhmim corpus, which do not havecounterparts from any other region of Egypt. Amongst these variant writings, it can be seenthat some hieroglyphic signs changed over time. One of the most interesting records of thiskind belongs to the hieroglyph (Gardiner O10), which represents the name of the

goddess @wt-@r Hathor. This article considers several examples showing different waysof writing the signs among the Akhmim artists and attempts to analyse why the changeswere made.

Naguib Kanawati is most closely associated with the Old Kingdom cemetery thatwas the burial ground for the higher officials who once worked in the UpperEgyptian town of Akhmim. During more than a dozen years of work under hisleadership, teams from Auckland and Macquarie Universities carefully recordedthe sadly fragmentary paintings and reliefs preserved in the crumbling tombs of themountain today referred to as El-Hawawish. To provide a complete record of thecemetery, even tombs without scenes or inscriptions were recorded in architectural plans and sections. In addition to the decoration in the tombs, other funerary itemswere robbed from this cemetery many years previously and consist of a number of

engravings and paintings on limestone stelae, a handful of wooden objects as wellas twenty-five painted coffins that were removed from Akhmim and distributed toa number of museums1 within and outside of Egypt. It is especially important thatthe details of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on the coffins from Akhmim, onlyotherwise known from P. Lacau's publication,2 have been carefully copied for thefirst time.

Thus, all four types of records from the Akhmim burials have today received someform of publication in the El-Hawawish series of reports that are now accessible to both the world of Egyptological scholarship and to the public in general. Thisdaunting and, often tiresome work, stands as testament to the tremendous effort


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made by all those involved. Yet, their reward has been the preservation and recordof a cemetery that may have been otherwise entirely lost as many othercemeteries to the north of El-Hawawish have been. Thanks to Naguib Kanawatiand his team, the fragile remains of what K. P. Kuhlmann called the "traurigstenKapiteln in der Geschichte archologischer Entdeckung in gypten"3 have beenconserved and recorded for posterity.

The Palaeographic Project

During the years 2008-2009 further work has been conducted using the record published by the Australian Centre for Egyptology4 as part of a large palaeographic project led by Dimitri Meeks5 from the University of Montpelier. This project aimsto collect the many different forms of unusual late Old Kingdom hieroglyphs ascan be gathered from the Akhmim records. We acknowledge with gratitude NaguibKanawati's approval to use the El-Hawawish records in this wide-ranging scheme,which aims to augment the known corpus of Egyptian hieroglyphs recorded thusfar in A. H. Gardiner's Egyptian Grammar and R. Hannig'sWrterbuch collections.

Gardiner lists a total of about 750 signs,6 a small number of which are not exactcopies of actual signs, but composite forms. Gardiner compiled the list in c. 1929 more than eighty years ago and, due to many discoveries and publications sincethen, this list now falls far short of the true number of signs currently known.7 ThePalaeography Project aims to collect and publish the actual variations of thehieroglyphic signs made by the scribes for all the major historical periods from the

Third8

until the Thirtieth Dynasties, thus providing a fuller and more accurate guideto the actual hieroglyphic omnibus of ancient Egypt. The Akhmim records are particularly important for this work as they include various signs painted by thescribes during the late Old Kingdom and the disruption of the subsequent FirstIntermediate Period. To date, we can assert that many new signs were introducedduring this time and some very unusual variant writings have been found within theAkhmim corpus, which do not have counterparts from any other region of Egypt.

Tracing the Changes

Amongst these variant writings, it is occasionally possible to detect the way inwhich some hieroglyphic signs changed within this period, and one of the mostinteresting records of this sort belongs to the hieroglyph (Gardiner O10),9 whichrepresents the name of the goddess @wt-@r Hathor (see Figure 1a).10 Hathor'shieroglyph features a falcon standing within a square enclosure, in the upper cornerof which (i.e. behind the shoulders of the bird) there is a small simple square,which was intended to be seen as a plan view of a building the straight lines possibly represent the plan of an early temple inside a sacred enclosure. Originally,Hathor was a sky goddess and the presence of the bird is a way of emphasizing thischaracteristic, as falcons are the lords of the sky in Egypt. The reading of thehieroglyph, the primary meaning of which is usually understood as "the mansion ofHorus", is ambiguous. The sign may refer to the original view of Hathor as the sky,


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but also to another myth that claims the goddess Hathor gave birth to Horus, and inthis case, the enclosure represents the child Horus (as a bird) in the womb.11 AsHorus was also thought to be incarnated within the king, Hathor was symbolicallythe mother of the king as well. Whilst images of Hathor may even be traced back tothe Predynastic period, the goddess's name was used in this form only fromDynasty Four onwards12 and appeared in the Akhmim region13 some time after thisdate. Despite its slow introduction, writing the name of Hathor with the falcon inthe enclosure continued into the Ptolemaic and Roman periods. The example inFigure 1b14 has an enclosure narrower than Figure 1a, and both enclosures are morerectangular than the square enclosure used in the adjacent example, suggesting theway in which the basic Hathor sign began to alter at Akhmim.

Another common variation of the hieroglyphic name for Hathor recorded atAkhmim15 shows a bird in the enclosure, but without the additional building

(Figure 1c).16

Used throughout Egypt, this hieroglyph was a standard alternative tothe first two examples (Figures 1a-b) and was also in use for a long period of time.Both these forms of Hathor's name are commonly found in the tombs at El-Hawawish and on the coffins and stelae.

The next example from an Akhmim coffin, however, deviates from the standardhieroglyphic tradition because the artist has removed the bird from the enclosurealtogether (Figure 1d).17 The reason for this radical rewriting of the sign derivesfrom the hieroglyphic usage in the Pyramid Texts (introduced at the end of theFifth Dynasty), where certain bird and animal hieroglyphs were 'mutilated' to prevent any magical attack in the Afterlife.18 Frequently, instead of mutilation, the phonetic spelling19 of the names of deities was used in funerary contexts instead ofthe animal versions of the hieroglyphs. The Akhmim artist who completed thisgroup of signs with a face and t -loaf may have been aware of the Pyramid Texttradition and elected to omit the predatory falcon from his patron's funerary domainin the Afterlife. This phonetic form would have rendered the sign of Hathor always a powerful and sometimes capricious goddess harmless to the deceased.An alternative spelling for the @r or 'Horus' part of Hathor's name, has beensubstituted for the bird and the representation of the enclosure (the @wt -element)

has also been decidedly narrowed in Figure 1d. The augment oft for the @wt -signhas also been removed from the enclosure and set above the head of theHr -glyph,20 while the enclosure itself has been given an extra division in its upper section. Thesquare building originally enclosed by the walls of theHwt is still retained, but theHr -element has been placed outside the enclosure, perhaps to reduce the power ofthis often volatile goddess.21 In addition, the short beard usually shown on the chinof the Hr -glyph has been omitted and substituted by a human neck . In thisexample, the enlarged ears of the head recall the cow-ears of Hathor, so that (eitherconsciously or unconsciously) the artist may have been thinking of a representationof Hathor herself. Indeed, a number of the examples of this glyph as shown in thisarticle have a decidedly feminine face (see Figures 1e, 1f, etc).


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Unlike the majority of hieroglyphic signs that are seenen profile , the Hr -glyphreveals the entire face just as Hathor herself is one of the few deities ever shownen

face in two-dimensional representations.22 The above mentioned beardless versionof the Hr sign is thus thematically very suitable for the spelling of the name for thefemale god,23 on whom a beard would be inappropriate, and it is more than likelythat these variations were deliberate.

The fourth version of the name of Hathor (Figure 1e)24 at Akhmim is similar to the previous example, with both the head andt-augment placed outside the enclosure.The enclosure itself is rectangular and elongated, not square, as in the originalversion of the sign (Figure 1a). Perhaps this narrowing of the enclosure sign wasdesigned to reduce space for the writing of Hathor's name, as the inclusion of theelements outside the enclosure would have doubled the width of the group of signs.As in previous examples, the small square building can still be found in the bottom

corner of the sign and the face of theHr -hieroglyph has also become ratherfeminine.

The next variation also sees the beard omitted on the head of theHr -hieroglyph(Figure 1f),25 which is a detail found on all other renderings of this word on theAkhmim coffins. On this occasion, the enclosure has become very narrow compare the large, square area of the first of these Hathor signs, given in the textabove. Furthermore, the internal area has been divided into two spaces of equalsize and the small internal building has been omitted. Perhaps this indicates that theoriginal internal building has become more substantial in size by this time? Or, wasit simply a more hasty rendering of the sign?

As in the previous examples cited above, the beard is missing from theHr -sign forFigure 1g,26 and the face again has a feminine appearance. However, there areother obvious changes between this particular hieroglyph and the precedingexamples. The enclosure now has three internal spaces did the artist deliberatelydecide to place the small square building within the enclosure or does thisrepresentation of the sign simply predate the example given in Figure 1f?Interestingly, thet -augment forHwt has also been omitted and, instead, theHr -signis given an augment with the phoneme r . It is of considerable importance to notethat the variations to these signs arenot a series of changes made within achronological dimension. This particular variation of the name of Hathor in Figure1g is on the same coffin as example Figure 1a above, which appeared on Side 2 ofAnkhenes's coffin. By contrast, the sign represented in Figure 1g was placed onSide 3, the long side of the coffin, which should be oriented to the west. Do wehave evidence of an alternation of these signs for a religious purpose? If so, the placement of the signs probably reflects Hathor's role as the goddess of the West,the one who helped the deceased to travel to the Horizon of the Afterlife, and forthat reason, a feminine face was more welcoming than a predatory bird.


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Figure 1h27 is yet again different, with a simple, irregular, lozenge-shapedenclosure for theHwt -sign. The Hr -element is a poorly preserved head with ther phoneme beside the enclosure. In relation to the enclosure sign, the head is muchlarger than other similar signs found in examples Figure 1d-g. Both the enclosureand the Hr -glyph include a phonetic complement. In this case, however, theenclosure is a lozenge, rather than an attempt at a true rectangle, and thet -complement has horizontal stripes, which is the typical way the Akhmim artistsdecorated their t -loaf bread signs. Perhaps this exaggerated and large loaf is avisual pun for an offering for the deceased. Figure 1h, which is similar in someways to the preceding example, is also from the coffin of Ankhenes, but from Side4, so we see that this artist has used three different ways of writing the name

Hathor on the one funerary object. The hieroglyphs are not well preserved here, sothe face includes few details, but both examples (Figures 1g and 1h) show whatappears to be a tight skull cap on theHr -glyph. (Such a skull cap is always worn by

the god Ptah).Figure 1i28 is comparable to the previous example in that theHr -sign is augmented by the r but, in this example, the word representing theHr -element (the face andmouth version) has been replaced inside the enclosure once again! Moreover, thesmall square building has also been included in the upper left corner. In hisrecording of the Hathor signs from South Saqqara, E. Brovarski29 remarked that,whilst he could sometimes find parallels with such writings in other governorates,his Hr -sign with the r -complement inside the square enclosure had no parallel.Although the Akhmim example has the addition of a small building within theenclosure, its Hr -sign with the r -complement does elicit comparison withBrovarski's example. (All his other examples include the twisted flax hieroglyph .)

The final Akhmim variation of the Hathor hieroglyph under discussion (Figure1j)30 is the most intriguing of all the different ways of writing the name of Hathorat Akhmim, and only a reference to the original coffin inscription (Figure 2)31 canverify that this collection of signs is to be read as Hathor .32 The coffin belonged toa distinguished woman from Akhmim who, amongst other offices, was a Priestessof Hathor as all the owners of these signs mentioned in this article have been sothe writing of the goddess's name had particular importance for her. But therendering of this title is very different from all the previous versions of the goddess'name because the phonemeh (Gardiner's O4) has replaced the enclosure sign. Insubstituting the 'reed hut/cattle enclosure' for the temple/mansion enclosurerepresented by , the incorrect phoneme has been used. Furthermore, the sign thathas been substituted for theHwt -element of Hathor's name has been written upsidedown on the painted coffin. Despite these apparent errors, this inversion andsubstitution are unlikely to be mistakes.33 I suspect that this talented artist haddeliberately inverted the hieroglyph to alert the viewer to the fact that Gardiner's

O4 was not to serve the same purpose as the simpleh because, elsewhere, he/shewrites the phoneme correctly on the same coffin.


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Yet, the question remains:What point was the artist trying to make here? If oneconsults the original inscription, (Figure 2), we note that the full title of the priestess Nefertjentet isHmt nTr @wt-@r nbt nht 'Priestess of Hathor, mistress ofthe Sycamore/Acacia House'. It therefore seems likely that the use of Gardiner's O4was a pun, as the sign recalls the most prolific epithet known for Hathor:nbt nht ,'Mistress of the sycamore', which, in fact, uses Gardiner's O4 sign. As can be seenfrom Figure 2, the inverted hieroglyph (Gardiner's O4 sign) balances the use of theO4 sign on the other side of the verticalHmt nTr hieroglyphs. It is very likely that atleast one of the reasons for the inclusion of the 'wrong sign' for theHwt -hieroglyphwas the desire for balance in the writing of the title.34

Conclusion

At Akhmim the individuals who wrote the texts for the various needs of themortuary cult seem to have been a particularly inventive and competent group ofartisans. The ways in which they varied the writing of the name of Hathor provides just one indication of their particular skill, but this is by no means a singular phenomenon.35 Detailed study of the hieroglyphic inscriptions provides us with anopportunity to enquire into the purpose behind their adoption of particular signs,revealing that the reasons for substitution and change may at times be extremelysubtle and sophisticated. It is only because of the work of Naguib Kanawati and hisassistants at El-Hawawish that we have today the privilege of being able toexamine the use of those hieroglyphs at leisure for ourselves.

* This article was commenced during time spent at the Czech Institute of Egyptology,Charles University, Prague, thanks to research grant from the Czech Ministry of Education(Research Grant No. MSM 0021620826). I am most grateful to the Ministry of Education,and to members of the Institute, particularly to the Head of the Project, Miroslav Verner,and to the Chief Librarian, Ji ina R zov, who saw that every library request was attendedto promptly. I would also like to thank Mary Hartley (Macquarie University) for drawingthe selected hieroglyphic signs accompanying this article and Alexandra Woods forarranging this service for me.

1 Most of the Akhmim coffins are now are housed in the Cairo Museum. (CG 28002-28021)2 P. Lacau, Sarcophages antrieurs au Nouvel Empire [CG 28001-28126], IFAO, (1904-

1906), 2 vols. Lacau's inscriptions used the hieroglyphic font of the IFAO printing house,a type face that appears in silhouette and lacks all internal detail. Several examples ofLacau's transcriptions even fail to capture the outlines of many of the Akhmim coffinhieroglyphs, which is why the Auckland/Macquarie University copies are essential for thecurrent study. However, several coffins that were not available for an epigraphic recordhave been printed with Lacau's copies instead and it would be very useful if these toocould be included in some future publication.

3 K. P. Kuhlmann, Materialien zur Archologie und Geschichte des Raumes von Achmim SDAIAK 11 (Mainz am Rhein, 1978), 50.

4

N. Kanawati et al.,The Rock Tombs of El-Hawawish. The Cemetery of Akhmim , 10 vols.(Sydney, 1980-1992).


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5 D. Meeks, 'La Palographie hiroglyphique: Une discipline nouvelle', Egypte, Afrique &Orient 46 (2007), 3-14.

6 A. H. Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar. Being an Introduction to the Study of Hieroglyphs,Griffiths Institute (3rd edn., Oxford, 1957), 544-548.

7

There are more than seventeen common hieroglyphs from the Akhmim signs alone (andquite a few that are less common), which are not included in Gardiner's list, and this countdoes not include numerous variants (both common and less frequently used variants).

8 Thanks to Hilda Petrie's painstaking work, the corpus of signs for the Early Dynastic period was published in the late 1920's, H. Petrie, Egyptian Hieroglyphs of the First andSecond Dynasties (London, 1927).

9 The hieroglyphic font used for several signs in this paper was supplied by JSesh : An OpenSource Hieroglyphic Editor.

10 For the purpose of this paper all the figures have been drawn after the original publications. The references for the figures will be provided after each citation in the text.E.g. Figure 1a) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 38).

11

See for example, A. Roberts, Hathor Rising. The Serpent Power of Ancient Egypt(Trowrbridge, 1995), 21 and fig. 25. 12 S. Allam, Beitrge zum Hathorkult (bis zum Ende des Mittleren Reiches) , M..S. Band 4

(Berlin, 1963), 4.13 Henwi's stele (probably from the F.I.P) is one of the many Akhmim examples that uses

this form with the small enclosure behind the falcon's shoulder (Kanawati, El-HawawishVIII, fig. 32a).

14 Image reference for Figure 1b) Stele CG 1613 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VIII, fig. 32b).15 Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 26c. The Akhmim coffin inscription of Nebet-itef uses this

form. Kanawati (p.64) suggests that she lived during Dynasty Six or later.16 Image reference for Figure 1c) Coffin CG 28013 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 26).17

Image reference for Figure 1d) Coffin CG 28013 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish IV, fig. 30).18 Similar 'mutilation' of signs are attested in Old Kingdom elite tombs, see N. Kanawati,'Decoration of Burial Chambers, Sarcophagi and Coffins in the Old Kingdom' in K.Daoud, S. Bedier and S. Abd-el-Fatah, (eds)Studies in Honor of Ali Radwan , 3 vols.,SASAE 34 (Cairo, 2005), II, 55-71.

19 For example, the name of the god Seth was never written in its usual animal form withinthe tomb itself, but his name was written as%Ts.

20 E. Brovarski, ('The Late OK at South Saqqara' in L. Pantalacci and C. Berger-El-Naggar,(eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep Travaux archologiques en course sur la fin de laVI e dynastie et la Premire Priode Intermdiaire , TMO 40, [Lyon, 2005], 58) cites H. G.Fischer's remark that this type of writing appears as early as Dynasty Eight on the false

door of Princess Nebet of Koptos. Brovarski himself records similar alternative writingsfrom South Saqqara, which he says are typical of Dynasty Nine writings at Naga ed-Dr,Only one example (No. 5 in Brovarski's group on p. 59) corresponds to a specific signfrom Akhmim (Figure 1i of the present article). Brovarski's No. 5 is similar, but notidentical to the Akhmim writing, although all of the examples listed are 'mutilated'hieroglyphs. No other examples show divisions within the enclosure hieroglyph similar tothose found on the coffins at Akhmim.

21 See Roberts, Hathor Rising , passim. 22 As P. Lacau, Sur le systme hiroglyphique , BDE 25 (Cairo, 1954), 9 has remarked, the

head symbolised nothing less than the identity of a person or god, and the fact that Hathoris singled out among the gods by being shownen face distinguishes her and emphasises

her importance.


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23 Other variations on the spelling of Hathor from different centres in Egypt used the twistedflax sign (H) see Brovarski's examples from South Saqqara Brovarski, in Pantalacciand Berger-El-Naggar, (eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep , 58.

24 Image reference for Figure 1e) Coffin CG 28010 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 39d). 25

Image reference for Figure 1f) Coffin CG 28015 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish V, fig. 27).26 Image reference for Figure 1g) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 38c).27 Image reference for Figure 1h) Coffin CG 28002 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VII, fig. 41a).28 Image reference for Figure 1i) Coffin 13.10.11.26 Merseyside County (Kanawati, El-

Hawawish IX, fig. 29h).29 Brovarski, in Pantalacci and Berger-El-Naggar, (eds) Des Nefrkare aux Montouhotep , 59.30 Image reference for Figure 1j) Coffin CG 28001 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, fig. 32b).31 As per previous image, Coffin CG 28001 (Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, fig. 32b).32 CG 28001 belongs toXkrt nswt, watt, wrSt Mnw, Hmt nTr @wt-Hr nbt nht Nfr-Tntt = Sole

Ornament of the king, Watcher of Min, Priestess of Hathor-Mistress-of-the-Sycamore, Nefer-tjentet (she who belongs to the Holy Cow). See Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, pl. 16,

fig. 32b. Her floruit is confusing. N. Kanawati believes that the owner of this coffin mighthave been the wife of Tjeti/Kai-hep, the owner of tomb M8 at El-Hawawish, which hedates to the reign of Merenre (Kanawati, El-Hawawish III, 14). In Kanawati, El-Hawawish VI, 61, the author suggests that the wife mentioned on a broken architrave belonging to aman named Tjeti (Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago 31700; Kanawati, El-

Hawawish VI, pl. 15, fig. 31), may be the same Nefer-tjentet who owns coffin CG 28001.33 Evidence for this opinion can be seen in a few glyphs along from this sign, where theh-

sign is correctly shown.34 For further discussions on this phrase, its artistic qualities and meaning, see V. G.

Callender, 'The Art of Egyptian Hieroglyphs as used by the Akhmim Painters' in N.Strudwick (ed.),Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology. Proceedings of the Conference held

at the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, May 20-23 2009 , forthcoming. 35 Callender in Strudwick (ed.),Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology , forthcoming.


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WRITINGS OF THE WORD HATHOR FROM AKHMIM

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FIGURE 1. Examples of the hieroglyphs used for the name of Hathor on cof

ns and fromstelae texts from Akhmim scribes.

j) Cof n CG 28001 of Nefer-tjenet.

a) Cof n CG 28002of Ankhenes.

b) Stele CG 1613of Iret.

c) Cof n CG 28013of Nebet-itef.

d) Cof n CG 28008of Hetepet.

e) Cof n CG 28010of Ipi.

f) Cof n CG 28015of Henyt.

g) Cof n CG 28008

of Ankhenes.

h) Cof n CG 28002

of Ankhenes.

i) Cof n 13.10.11.26

of Hetepit.

FIGURE 2. The hieroglyphic inscription from Side 2 of the cof n of Hmt nTr wt-r nbt nht Nefer-tjentet CG 28001.


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