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    China's Fifth Modernization: EducationAuthor(s): John J. CoganSource: The Phi Delta Kappan, Vol. 62, No. 4 (Dec., 1980), pp. 268-272Published by: Phi Delta Kappa InternationalStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20385853 .

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    China's Fifth Modernization: EducationText and photography by John J. Cogan

    No one appreciates the power of education more deeply than the rulers of China.They count on school modernization to achieve the 'four modernizations" inagriculture, industry, military defense, and science and technology.

    "It is imperative to train a largecontingent of working-class intellectuals and greatly to raise thescientific and cultural level of theentire Chinese nation. "? Deng Xiaoping,

    22 April 1978

    Therevolutionary process in the Peo

    ple's Republic of China is a continuing one. Major changes have occurred inall areas since 1949. Education has alwaysplayed an important role in these changes,either through its presence or its absence.Consequently, education is a critical andessential component of the current drivetoward the "four modernizations" in

    agriculture, industry, military defense,and science and technology. Without major shifts in educational policy now beingimplemented, China cannot hope to attainits modernization goals. The importance

    of education in this process was summedup by Vice-Premier Deng Xiaoping in aspeech to the National Educational WorkConference on 22 April 1978, quotedabove. Further excerpts:

    [W]e must improve the quality ofeducation and raise the level of teachingin science and culture so as to serve proletarian politics better.We must train workers with high attainments in science and culture andbuild a vast army of working-class intellectuals who are both red andexpert. . . J

    Throughout the 31-year history of thePeople's Republic there has been a debateconcerning the importance of "redness"versus "expertness," i.e., between theconcept of "politics in command" (ideology) and scholarship (the mastery of science and culture). William Hinton, a

    long-time observer of modern China,comments further on this debate:In the context of this struggle [con

    tinued revolution], education is bothcrucial and controversial. If politics incommand is to mean anything, thenhundreds of millions must seriouslystudy philosophy and political econo

    my. . . . Replacing Confucian textswith Marxist texts does not in itselfcause people's brains to come to gripswith the real world. That is why Maohas stressed so often that knowledgecomes from practice and has insistedthat everyone take part in class struggle? that is, day-to-day political struggle? in order to master politics.

    But politics in command is not equivalent to politics in all. . . . Liberatedpeople, taking hold of technology andscience, raise the level of production.

    Higher levels of production form a material base for further revolution. In this

    whole process, the step-by-step masteryof technology and science is vitally important.2The obvious dilemma is to find amid

    dle ground where both the "red" and the"expert" are integrated. This task has notbeen accomplished well in the past. Everytime the Party leadership worried aboutthe masses straying from Party dogma,there would be a renewed emphasis on"redness," as in Chairman Mao's call fora "great cultural revolution." Now, afterthe devastation of that decade whichbrought the development of the countryto a virtual halt, "expertness" is onceagain valued. Critics charge that Deng

    Xiaoping has diluted the role of politicsand ideology in his drive toward modernization. Perhaps so, yet Deng's ownwords suggest an attempt to find a

    middle-of-the-road posture:Chairman Mao explicitly pointed out

    that the main task of students is tostudy, to learn book knowledge, i.e.,science and culture. Students must givefirst place to firm and correct politicalorientation, but this does not excludethe study of science and culture. On thecontrary, the higher their political consciousness, the harder the efforts and

    the greater the voluntary efforts thestudents should make to learn scienceand culture for the revolution.3

    The important aspect of this statementis that redness, the correct political orientation, ismentioned as primary and thatexpertness is a necessary and logical outcome of the correct political consciousness. How well these two concepts harmonize in practice will be one of themostimportant phenomena to watch in thenext decade. Some level of harmony between the two will be essential to continued progress toward modernization.This is only one of themany issues facingChinese education as this nation, with

    one-quarter of our planet's population,enters the decade of the 1980s, a criticaldecade in the drive toward modernization.This article will look at some of the issuesfacing Chinese educators and governmentleaders, so that we can better understandthis nation, whose destiny is increasinglyintertwined with our own. To understandthe issues more clearly, it is first necessaryto take a brief look at the current educational structure of the country and therole of intellectuals in China during thepast 31 years. The latter is crucial to

    understanding current trends.

    Educational Structure*Institutionalized education inChina is

    about 3,000 years old. Schooling in thecountry prior to 1949was limited; themajority of students came from privilegedand wealthy families. School enrollmentwas at about 20% of the total school-agepopulation, and illiteracy ranged between80% in urban centers to 95% in ruralareas. With the coming to power of MaoZedong and his forces in October 1949,education of the masses became a highpriority. Reforms were dictated at theFirst National Conference on Education,JOHN J. COGAN (University of Minnesota Chapter) is associate professor of educa

    tion, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis.He visited the People's Republic of China lastyear and has made a special study of popularand research literature now coming out ofChina. ? 1980, John J. Cogan.

    Much of the material in this section is from aspeech titled "The Development of Education inChina over the Past 30 Years," by Ming-yuan Gu,director general, Beijing Normal University, China, atthe Fourth World Congress of Comparative Education Societies, Tokyo, 8 July 1980.

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    held just two months after Mao established his Communist revolutionaries asthe governing body of the new People's

    Republic of China. The major tasks facing educators and government planners

    were seen as 1) raising the cultural level ofthe people; 2) training and advancingqualified personnel in key posts; 3) eliminating the feudal, compradore (imperialist), and fascist ideologies; and 4) popularizing the ideal of working for the peo

    ple.Significant gains have been made at all

    levels of education since 1949 in accordance with these directives. Kindergartenswere established for children ages 3 to 7.Their task was to equip children mentallyand physically for the primary schoolyears. The kindergarten also serves as asocializing force in the collective spirit andgenerates respect for authority. In 1979,8,790,000 children were enrolled in thesepreschools, 67 times the peak preschoolenrollment before 1949.

    Primary education, which generallybegins at age 7, is designed to providechildren with a basic education that prepares them for the middle schools, theequivalent of secondary education in

    China. It takes five years to completeprimary school, which is compulsory anduniversal. The curriculum includes thestudy of the Chinese language, mathe

    matics, music, fine arts, and physicaleducation. Natural science and politics arestudied from the fourth grade onward. Inurban schools foreign language instruction begins at age 3. Today English is the

    most prominent foreign language studied.The school year is 9Vi months in length.In 1979 primary school enrollment was

    90%, with an attendance of 146,630,000students, six times the enrollment in 1949.

    Secondary education in China is differentiated. There are general secondaryschools and secondary professional (technical and normal) schools.

    General secondary school education isfive years in length and isdivided into twostages: three years of junior middle schooland two years at the senior level. Theprimary task is to prepare students forhigher or further education. The curriculum includes the Chinese language, politics, mathematics, physics, chemistry, bi

    ology, foreign languages, history, geography, agriculture, hygiene, physical education, music, and art. The school year isnine months long. In 1979 general secondary school enrollment stood at59,050,000 students, nearly 60 times theenrollment in 1949.

    Secondary professional schools trainprofessional personnel for roles in modernized production. There are secondaryprofessional schools in engineering, agriculture, forestry, medicine, finance andeconomics, physical education, the arts,and teacher training (for preschool andprimary school teachers). The period ofschooling is three to four years for those

    Middle school chemistry students at work.

    professional schools that take junior middle school graduates and two years forthose that take only graduates of thesenior middle school. The curriculum includes politics, literature, and basiccourses in the area of specialization beingstudied, e.g., engineering, agriculture,

    medicine. Practical work in appropriatesettings is also required, the proportionvarying according to specialty. The schoolyear is 10 months long. In 1979 the secondary professional schools enrolled some1,199,000 students, five times the enrollment in 1949.

    Higher education in China is alsodiversified. It includes universities, colleges, institutes, and higher professionalschools. The goal of higher education is totrain students as senior professional workers. Applicants for higher education arechosen according to their scores on national entrance examinations, which werereinstituted in 1977. Applicants must also

    meet several other requirements: 1) Theymust be 26 years old or younger, althoughrecently there have been exceptions to thisrule, especially for some of the youth sentto the countryside during the CulturalRevolution; age 30 is the cutoff point; 2)they must have graduated from senior

    middle schools or must demonstratethrough some other means an educationallevel equivalent to that of a senior middleschool graduate.

    Higher education was particularly hardhit during the Cultural Revolution. Manyof the colleges, universities, and researchinstitutes were completely shut down. Only now are they beginning to return totheir assigned tasks. The period of higher

    education is from two to five years ? fourto five for universities and institutes andtwo to three for colleges and higher professional schools. The curriculum variesaccording to which one of the 800 specialties is being undertaken, but it always includes the study of political economy. In

    1979 there were 1,020,000 students registered for higher education in 633 highereducational institutions in China. Eightynine of these were "key" universities andresearch institutes (discussed in more detail later).

    Postgraduate education has also received renewed attention after a period ofsuspension during the Cultural Revolution. The period of postgraduate studyranges from two to four years. One of the

    most significant recent developments inthis area is the establishment of the regulations regarding academic degrees by theStanding Committee of theNational People's Congress in February 1980. Theregulations set forth a process for imple

    mentation of a baccalaureate, master's,and doctoral degree-granting system tobecome effective 1 January 1981.

    Much attention is also given to adultand nonformal education in China. Television is receiving more attention as aneducational tool. Educational radiobroadcasts have been used effectively forsome time. Some 280,000 students arenow registered through the Central Radioand Television University, which was established in 1979. In addition, there arenumerous kinds of part-time colleges andfactory-run colleges. In 1979 there were863,000 students in part-time schoolstraining teachers for secondary schoolsand 1,375,000 students in schools fortraining primary school teachers.

    These part-time teacher training programs supplement the 161 teachers colleges and normal universities, which enrolled 310,000 teacher trainees in 1978.

    Qualified secondary school teachers mustreceive training in one of these schools,

    whereas qualified primary teachers areselected from secondary normal schools.Since there is still a shortage of qualifiedteachers at both the primary and secon

    dary levels, the inservice training of teachers is currently viewed as critical.

    DECEMBER 1980 269

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    /I Chinese primary school class studies English.

    Successes in education have not beenachieved without periods of considerableturmoil. The popular press has givenmuch attention to the diminished role ofeducation and especially the plight of intellectuals during the decade of the Cultural Revolution, 1966-76. The role of theintellectual in China since 1949 has beensomewhat ambiguous and ever-changing.

    The Role of IntellectualsIn China the term "intellectuals" is

    used more inclusively than is normally thecase inWestern societies. The category includes professors, scientists, engineers,

    writers, factory technicians, schoolteachers, and other workers with professionalknowledge in addition to physical skills.At the time of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 therewereabout three million intellectuals. Todaythere are nearly 25 million.

    The policy toward intellectuals haschanged each time the political winds haveshifted, although the goal has always re

    mained the same: to make them part ofthe working class. During the period following the liberation in 1949, Party policy

    was to unite, educate, and remold intellectuals, because most of them werebourgeois intellectuals from the old society. The goal was to make them workingclass intellectuals dedicated to socialism.But this policy turned to one of outrighthostility during the period of the "GreatLeap Forward." Mao had encouraged acritical assessment of the Revolution inorder to improve future socialist construction. Intellectuals took this challengeseriously, only to be heavily criticized bythe Party during the late 1950s and early1960s. It labeled them "anti-Party, antisocialist, bourgeois rightists." Then in1962, at a meeting in Guangzhou (Can

    ton) attended by intellectuals from the scientific and literary circles, Premier ZhouEnlai said he believed that they had been

    wrongly accused, that intellectuals alongwith workers and peasants constituted the

    three groups of working people. The horizon seemed bright once again, but onlyfor a short time. In 1966 the Great Cultural Revolution began, ushering in a decade of turmoil and humiliation for intellectuals, as witnessed by this account froma normal school teacher with whom Ispoke at some length during a visit toChina in 1979:

    In 1969 I left my college because atthat time Iwas accused, as were all intellectuals. We were called class enemies

    by the Gang of Four. I didn't want toteach anymore. So I left my college. All

    my colleagues left also. All my studentswere told by the Gang of Four to give ustrouble, not to pay attention to what wesaid. Those like myself who understooda foreign language were accused of being foreign slaves.

    A conversation with a former middleschool teacher near Shanghai confirmedthat the abuses occurred at other levels ofschooling also. She was a teacher of English.

    I taught for only one year. I didn'tlike it at all, because my students didn't

    want to learn. The Gang of Four urgedstudents not to study, to disrupt education. It was very difficult to teach. I

    would say ? to my students and theywould say ah. So I quit and looked foranother job. But intellectuals werelabeled as one of the nine stinkingcategories by the gang, and so it wasvery difficult to find a job where I coulduse my skills. People didn't want to hireme because they feared trouble from thegang.

    The death of Mao and the overthrowof the Gang of Four, coupled with the riseto power once again of Deng Xiaoping,architect of the drive to modernize China,

    made the role of intellectuals much morepromising. Under Deng's leadership, expertness is once again valued, and thepolicy toward intellectuals has been revised. The current policy toward China's25 million intellectuals is "to firmlyestablish a close relationship betweenphysical and mental workers who learnfrom each other and make common progress within the working class." Thus mental labor is equated with physical labor inthe cause of furthering the construction ofthe socialist state. Many intellectuals with

    whom I spoke were cautiously optimisticin their outlook, given the sudden changesin policies and attitudes toward intellectuals since 1949. "We are hopeful that

    our lives will be good and productive for avery long time," said one university professor. "But one never knows when the

    winds may change again."

    Education and ModernizationEverywhere in China the primary topic

    of any conversation is the drive formodernization. Now that relations with

    the U.S. and Japan have been normalized,the Chinese realize more than ever howunderdeveloped their country is in termsof Western models. They have a great dealof optimism about the plans for modernization. Yet in some respects there is a realnaivete about the massiveness and complexity of the undertaking. The intellectuals with whom I spoke in 1979 believed that if China could only receivecapital and technology from the Westernpowers, as Japan did following World

    War II, they could reach their goals by theyear 2000. Yet when I asked them aboutthe possible negative side effects of such a

    program (e.g., massive unemploymentcaused by technology and machines taking over jobs previously carried out by

    people), the standard response was, "Wewill manage. We have time to solve theseproblems." But optimism and enthusiasmcan accomplish only so much.

    The role of education in the drive formodernization must be substantial if theplan is to succeed. Already many changeshave taken place. As noted earlier, thepolicy toward intellectuals has recentlybeen changed to include them as an important factor in the drive for modernization. Expertness is once again valued. The

    Chinese leadership realizes that advancements in each of the four areas targetedfor modernization can be accomplishedonly through significant contributionsfrom the intellectual community. Thuseducation takes on a special importance inthe People's Republic of China today at

    all levels, from primary schools throughpostgraduate work. Examinations have

    270 PHI DELTA KAPPAN

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    ". . .[Education is and will continue to be one ofthe cornerstones in the Chinese Communist Party's drivefor modernization in the latter part of this century."been reintroduced at all levels. The "key"school concept has been reestablished atthe primary, middle school (secondary),and college and university levels to trainthemost gifted students in areas of neededexpertise.Universities and research institutes,

    many of which were completely shutdown during the Cultural Revolution, areopen again and rapidly moving to trainneeded research scholars and specialists.Eighty-nine institutions have been designated as "key" universities and researchinstitutes in given disciplines. They willconcentrate their efforts in those areas.Increased faculty exchanges between

    Chinese universities are being pushed,as

    are major exchange agreements withuniversities abroad. Senior scholars arenow being received by institutions ofhigher learning in the U.S., Europe, andJapan while simultaneously Westernscholars are being invited to Chinese universities. English-language programs arebeing developed throughout the countryin order to prepare scholars to go abroad,receive visiting scholars, read scientificjournals and books, and generally updatetheir knowledge. Education in China today is clearly education for development.

    Chinese Education in the '80sGiven this background, and in the lightof recent policy changes, let us explorefive of themajor trends inChinese education for the coming decade.First, education is and will continue tobe one of the cornerstones in the Chinese

    Communist Party's drive for modernization in the latter part of this century.Undergirding modernization plans is theneed, often stated by policy makers, including Deng Xiaoping himself, to quickly and substantially develop the expertiseof the Chinese intellectual community,especially in the areas of science, technology, and agriculture. Recent changesin the Party hierarchy further insure thatthose favorable toward the drive tomodernize are firmly in command. (At the recent National People's Congress in Beijing, Party Chairman Hua Guofengstepped down from his premier's post infavor of Zhao Ziyang, who is supportedby Deng, the architect of the four modernizations.) China will not be able tomeet its stated goals without a scientificcommunity well educated in current scientific thought and technology. Intellectuals' contributions will again be valued.

    They must, however, maintain a balancebetween the concepts of redness and ex

    pertness if they are to keep their valuedplaces in the eyes of both the people andthe regime. Failure to keep a perspectiveas members of the working class couldprove very troublesome, as it has in thepast.

    Second, and closely related, there is atendency toward conventional as opposedto revolutionary education in China today. Conventional education is formaland structured and takes place primarilyin the school setting. Under Maoist revolutionary education, the school was but

    one of many educational agencies; formaland nonformal education lines wereblurred. Professor Emeritus T. H. E.Chen of the University of Southern California elaborates:

    Conventional education values theacquisition of knowledge; revolutionaryeducation puts a premium on action.

    Conventional education defines inacademic terms learning; revolutionaryeducation is essentially nonacademicand sees learning opportunities on thefarm, in the factory, and in the streets.

    Conventional education acts on thepremise that knowledge can best belearned by systematically mastering

    graded levels of subject matter. Revolutionary education scorns prerequisitesand rigid requirements; in the name of"practice," it favors ad hoc learning tohelp solve the immediate problems ofproduction and political struggle assoon as possible. In conventional education, study and books are practicallysynonymous; but in revolutionary education actual experience in productionand political struggle is deemed morevaluable than book study. Book knowledge is decried. Theory unrelated topractice is discredited. Opposed to intellectual elitism, revolutionary education rejects selectivity on the basis ofacademic standards. Nonacademic activities dominate; nonacademic qualifications like production records andideological-political acceptability carrymore weight in the evaluation ofachievement.4

    Accordingly, the school system inChina is once again regularized and moreconventional in form. There are clearly articulated levels of schooling: primary,middle (secondary), and higher. Compulsory 10-year schooling has been set as agoal for 1985. This is already attainable in

    many urban areas but will be much moredifficult to realize in rural China.Discipline, which totally broke down

    during the Cultural Revolution, has beenrestored at all levels of schooling. Theauthority of and respect for teachers isbe

    ing restored after the chaotic years of theCultural Revolution. Examinations areonce again being used as a means ofchecking on studies and the efficacy ofteaching. Centralized administration ofprograms has been restored also in thehope of improving educational quality.This orientation toward more conventional education will continue so long asplans for modernization remain in effect.

    Third, the emphasis is and will continue to be on academic study. Nothing ismore indicative of this trend than thereinstitution of "key" schools at theprimary and middle school levels. At theNational Conference on Education heldfrom 22 April to 16May 1978 in Beijing,the then minister of education, Liu Hsiyao, called for the reestablishment of"key schools" to play a major role in improving educational quality. Key schoolswere first established in the 1950s, but fellvictim to the leaders of the Cultural Revolution as being "revisionist," the traininggrounds for an intellectual elite. Theschools are now intended to serve as

    models for others. They are to identifyand train intellectually talented studentswho are both red and expert.These key schools are the best equippedand have the best teachers. They receivespecial government supplements and drawfrom the total school population in anarea, not just from the local neighborhood. Admission isby examination. Onceselected, key school students are given accelerated programs and special tutoring toadvance them as quickly as possible, tomeet the scientific and technical skillneeds of the developing society.Coupled with this development is thereappearance of the practice of "tracking" students into fast, medium, and slowgroups. Within the key schools, and insome regular schools, students aregrouped according to their academic ability. Chinese officials reject the notion thatthiswill create an intellectual elite. Here iswhat amiddle school principal told me in1979:

    We view our society as an egalitarianone which is comprised of three levels:very able students, average students,and poor students who need extra help.The very able students will contribute tothe development of our society in one

    way while the others will contribute inother ways. All will be working for thesame goals; all will be equally important. There are no classes in Chinesesociety. No one is privileged.

    Yet university students and faculty

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    Kindergarteners in Naiying offer a warm welcome.often spoke to me of the privileges thatbeing a respected intellectual would bringthem in the future. When I asked if thisdid not put them in an elite position insociety, some said, "Yes, and rightfullyso, because we are contributing with our/ninds, not our bodies." The obvious contradiction must be dealt with carefully, orthe policy toward intellectuals could easilyshift again. Clark Kerr, chairman of a1978 study group in China, reflects thesame concern:

    It is not possible to be both for modernization and against meritocracy, butit is possible to avoid development of a"new class" with special privileges forits members and their children. The realissue is not whether a meritocracy is being developed ? it is? but whether ornot this meritocracy will evolve into a

    privileged "new class."5

    Fourth, along with the changes inprimary and middle school education,major reforms are taking place in highereducation as well. Entrance examinationsfor admission to the universities were fullyrestored in 1977. Competition for university admission is grim. Only 4% to 5% ofthose sitting for the examinations are admitted each year. The rationale for thispractice is coldly pragmatic: "The principle of matriculating the best examinees isaimed at turning out competent personnelin the shortest possible time."6 But what

    about the other side of the issue ? the 6.7million senior middle school graduateswho do not gain admission each year? Theshortage of places in higher education isamajor problem thatmust be faced quicklyifChina is to develop the talent pool necessary to proceed with modernization.Chinese officials deplore the shortageof places at the university level, blaminglack of residential space, laboratories,libraries, and lecture halls at major institutions.7 Attempts are now being made

    to encourage the enrollment of daytimeonly students (nonresidential), televisioncolleges, night schools, and correspondence courses. But these measures remaininadequate. The problem will plague

    China throughout the 1980s, because restless youth are not easily placated by whatappears to them to be clearly second-ratealternatives.

    For those fortunate enough to be admitted to higher education, the very bestwill now attend one of the 89 "key universities" throughout the country, "wherethey will find better teachers, a richer curriculum, better libraries and laboratories,and financial aid."8

    Another major change in higher education is the reduction in the number ofweeks students must spend in productive

    labor ? now about four weeks annually.A wider variety of work experiences is accepted, and many, perhaps even most,students can complete the requirementclose to their homes or universities. In

    many institutions the labor requirement islittle more than symbolic.

    Fifth, one of the biggest challenges facing the country is themajor drive to closethe gap quickly between China's level ofscience and technology and that of the industrialized world. Closing this gap is central to successful modernization in agriculture, industry, and national defense.Thus the study of science and technologyat all levels has become primary. Besidesthe domestic emphasis, large numbers ofsenior scholars are being sent abroad tostudy. This policy is very costly and requires large amounts of foreign exchange,which is in short supply and is needed inother areas, e.g., to purchase industrialand technological equipment. The decision to send large numbers of advancedgraduate students abroad to study is unprecedented, and the risks are considerable.

    Scientists, researchers, and technicians

    are now to be given increased time towork on their projects. Deng Xiaoping, ina speech to scientists and technicians attending a national science conference inMarch of 1978, emphasized this need asfollows: "To enable scientists and technicians to concentrate on their work, atleast five-sixths of their work time shouldbe left for their scientific and technicalwork."*

    It is obvious from this pronouncementthat theoretical study is highly valued.This isamajor shift from the past decade.The Chinese Academy of Sciences hasgained renewed prestige and a new Academy of Social Sciences has been created(1977). Scientists are being sent abroad toconferences; scholars from abroad are being brought toChina to lecture and advise

    on research projects; and many new textsand scientific journals are being purchased from Western industrialized nations.10

    An enormous burden of expectationshas been placed upon Chinese scientists.Can they live up to it?Will the knowledgegap be closed quickly enough to keepmodernization efforts moving? Will technicians be trained quickly enough? Willthe nation have the necessary foreign currency to purchase the hardware for modernization? What is the potential for defection of scientists sent abroad for further study? Put in another way, what levelof defection can the Chinese tolerate andstill maintain progress toward their newgoals? These and many other questions re

    main unanswered. We should know theanswers by the end of this decade, however.

    In closing, I should underscore whatappear to be the two biggest educationalissues facing China in this decade. Theyare related, and they are critical in a Marxist state: how to provide for equalityof educational opportunity and how tomaintain an intellectual community that isboth "red" and "expert."

    Finally, we must use our opportunitiesto learn from the Chinese who are nowliving and studying inAmerica. After all,they represent one-quarter of the peopleinhabiting our planet.

    1. Deng Xiaoping, "Speech at the National Educational Work Conference" (22 April 1978), PekingReview, 5May 1978.2. William Hinton, in foreword to Ruth Gamberg,Red and Expert: Education in the People's Republicof China (New York: Schocken Books, 1977).3. Deng, op. cit., p. 7.4. Theodore H. E. Chen, "Changes inChinese Education," Current History, September 1978.5. Clark Kerr, Observations on the Relations Between Education and Work in the People's Republicof China: Report of a Study Group (Berkeley, Calif.:Carnegie Council on Policy Studies inHigher Education, 1978).6. Beijing Review, 28 July 1978, p. 19.7. Beijing Review, 28 July 1980, p. 19.8. Chen, op. cit., p. 80.9. Chen, op. cit., p. 81.10. Kerr, op. cit., p. 6. D

    272 PHIDELTA KAPPAN

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