classification as culture,types and trajectories of music genres

7/27/2019 Classification as Culture,Types and Trajectories of Music Genres

1/23

Classification as Culture: Types and Trajectories of Music GenresAuthor(s): Jennifer C. Lena and Richard A. PetersonReviewed work(s):Source: American Sociological Review, Vol. 73, No. 5 (Oct., 2008), pp. 697-718Published by: American Sociological AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25472554 .

Accessed: 21/08/2012 18:43

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of

content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms

of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

American Sociological Association is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to

American Sociological Review.

http://www.jstor.org
http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asahttp://www.jstor.org/stable/25472554?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsphttp://www.jstor.org/stable/25472554?origin=JSTOR-pdfhttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=asa


2/23

Classification as Culture:Types and Trajectories ofMusic GenresJennifer . Lena Richard A. PetersonVanderbiltUniversity Vanderbilt University

Questions of symbolic classification have been central to sociology since its earliestdays,given the relevance ofdistinctionsfor bothaffiliation nd conflict. usic and itsgenres are no exception, organizing people and songs within a system of symbolicclassification.Numerous studies chronicle thehistory f specificgenres ofmusic, butnone document recurrent processes of development and change across musics. In thisarticle,we analyze 60musics in theUnited States, delineating between 12 social,organizational, and symbolic attributes. We find four distinct genre types?Avant-garde,Scene-based, Industry-based, and Traditionalist. We also find that these genre typescombine toform three distinct trajectories. Two-thirds originate in an Avant-garde genre,and the rest originate as a scene or, to our surprise, in an Industry-based genre. Weconclude by discussing a number of questions raised by our findings, including theimplications for understanding symbolic classification infields other than music.

Sinceits advent as a discipline, sociologyhas generated systemsof sociocultural clas

sificationfor diverse setofphenomena, including forms of organization, religious belief,fashion,gender, sexuality, rt,race, and societiesat large,toname but a few. he sociological concernwith systemic change is venerable yet, asDiMaggio (1987) notes, there sno theory f thedynamic change in classificatory schemes,although efforts have been made in domainssuch as nation building (Anderson 1983), socialmovements (Traugott 1995), name-giving practices (Lieberson 2000), and French cuisine

Direct correspondence to Jennifer C. Lena,DepartmentofSociology,VanderbiltUniversity,UStation #351811,2301Vanderbilt lace,Nashville,TN 37235-1811 ([email protected]).The authors wish to thank N. Anand, ShyonBaumann, Howard S. Becker, Andy Bennett, DanielCornfield, Paul DiMaggio, Robert Faulkner, SimonFrith, David Grazian, Michael Hughes, Larry Isaac,Pierre Kremp, Steve Lee, Claire Peterson, MottiRegev, Gabriel Rossman, Bill Roy,Ken Spring,Tammy Smith, Jason Toynbee, Mayer N. Zald, andEzra Zuckerman for their assistance on drafts of thiswork. We are sorry thatwe cannot recognize by namethe anonymous ASR reviewers who provided extremely helpful comments.

(Ferguson2004). Analyses of such classificatoryschemes, however, often relegate the culturalmeanings of these categories to a secondaryfeature of thesystem. In contrast, theuse of theconcept ofgenre places culturalmeaning at theforefront f any analysis of category construction and has potential and significant generalutilityacross domains.Genre isa conceptual toolmost oftenused toclassify varieties of cultural products, particularly in thefields of visual art,popular culture,video games, film, literature, and music. Itdescribes a manner of expression thatgovernsartists'work, theirpeer groups, and the audiences for theirwork (Becker 1982; Bourdieu1993). In thisarticle,we build on the theoretical and conceptual use ofgenre tobetterunderstand thedynamics of symbolic classificationand change inorder to identifyrecurrentsociocultural formsofmusic genres. To date,no onehas published a systematic analysis of thecharacteristic forms thatmusic-making communities takeorhow they hange over time.

*Instead,historical surveysofpopularmusic focus attentionon charismatic performers,analyze works

1Although encyclopedic efforts were made in anearlier generation (Lomax 1964).American Sociological Review, 2008, Vol. 73 (October:697-718)


3/23

698 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWwithin the canon, and identify ultural factorsthatpromote thegrowthofmusic genres (e.g.,Garofalo 2002; Toynbee 2000). In addition,hundreds of social scientists have studied thestructure of particular popular-music communities and the social contexts that shape them.We carefullyexamine these studies tofind uniformities in the forms ofmusic genres and regularities intheirtrajectories.We also identify hedevelopmental sequences of thesegenres, ratherthanfocus on themechanisms thatcause genres to transition from one form to the next.

Although we examine thecase ofmusic genresin the twentieth-century nited States inparticular,ourmethod of social and cultural analysis offers a more general sociologicalframework?a frameworkpotentially applicable toallmanner ofphenomena where individuals and groups construct cultural boundaries.We conclude with a discussion of thesemoregeneral implications.THE GENRE IDEAGenre organizes theproduction and consumption of culturalmaterial, including organizationalprocedures (Ahlkvist and Faulkner 2002;Ballard, Dodson, and Bazzini 1999; Becker1982; Bielby and Bielby 1994;Griswold 1987;Hirsch 1972;Negus 1999), and influencestastesand the larger structures of stratification inwhich they are embedded (Bourdieu 1993,1995; Lizardo 2006). Recently, organizationalecologists have deployed genre tounderstand thecompetitive success and restructuringf organizations (Hsu 2006; Hsu andHannan 2005).There are two dominant approaches to thestudyof genre. In thefirst,humanities scholarstypicallyfocus attentionon the"text" of a cultural object, which is abstracted from thecontext inwhich it smade or consumed (Apperley2006; Devitt 2004; Fowler 1982; Frow 2006;Hyon 1996; Swales 1990; C. Williams 2006).Most musicologists employ this textualapproach to identifygenre as a setof pieces ofmusic that share a distinctivemusical language(van derMerwe 1989). Some sociologistsemploy the use of genre-as-text, but they arecareful to show how genre is influenced by thecontext inwhich it ismade and consumed.2

2Dowd (1992) shows the ocietal nfluencesn themusicological structure of popular music, and Cerulo

The second dominant approach defocalizestext nd places the studyof genre squarely inasocial context. Some analysts apply the term togeneralmarketing categories suchas pop, classical, country,urban, and jazz (Negus 1999).Most studies of taste thatanalyze surveydata toexamine how groups of consumersuse availablegenres to express their social identity r status

(e.g.,Mark 1998) look atvery inclusive genres(e.g., rock,MOR, or classical), closer toEnnis's(1992) "streams" orBourdieu's (1993) "fields."Others use the terms subculture (Thornton1996), scene (Bennett 1997), or neo-tribe(Maffesoli 1996) inways cognate with themeaning of genre here.Alternatively, others highlight the setof culturalpractices (Becker 1982) that music community defines as a genre and view its textsastheproduct of social interactions ina specificsociocultural context (Frith 1996). Thisapproach is found inPeterson's (1997) studyofthe creation of country music, as well asDeVeaux (1997) on bebop jazz, Garland (1970)on soul, Bennett (2004) on theCanterburysound,Cantwell (1984) on bluegrass, andKahnHarris (2007) on theEuropean varieties ofheavymetal rock. Following these studies, and paraphrasingNeale's (1980:19) definition of genreinfilm,we definemusic genres as systems oforientations, expectations, and conventions thatbind together an industry, erformers, critics,and fans inmaking what they identify s a distinctive sortofmusic.Given thisdefinition, genres are numerousand boundary work is ongoing as genresemerge, evolve, and disappear (Lamont andMolnar 2002). Musicians oftendo notwant tobe confinedby genreboundaries, but, as Becker(1982) notes, their freedom of expression isnecessarily bounded by theexpectationsofotherperformers,audience members, critics,and thediverse others whose work is necessary tomaking, distributing, and consuming symbolicgoods.3Walser (1993:4) provides an example of

(1995) shows how national anthems mirror the societal contexts within which they are created. Otherlines of work use genre without problematizing itscontent or development (Bourdieu 1984; Peterson andKern 1996).3 "Free music" is an interesting limiting casebecause, as Toynbee (2000) notes, although itsprac


4/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 699such boundary work: "'Heavy metal' is a termthat is constantly debated and contested, pri

marily among fans, but also indialogue withmusicians, commercial marketing strategists,and outside critics and censors. Debates overwhich bands,which songs, sounds and sightsgetto count as heavymetal provide occasions forcontestingmusical and social prestige." Thesedebates not only sort bands and songs intogroups, but they also distinguish individualswho are aware of current istinctionsfrom thosewho are outsiders or hapless pretenders.Boundary-defining work occurs within ashiftingsocial, political, economic, and cultural landscape, and the structuralfeatures of thislandscape condition theactions of genre stakeholders. A genre's proximal environmentincludes othergenres thatcompete formany of

the same resources, including fans, capital,media attention, and legitimacy. Competinggenres often include both thedominant genre ina field and fledgling genres contesting for thesame opportunityspace. Prosperity, ar, depression, ethnic rivalries, gender relations, demographic shifts,and culturewars, for example,shape thecourse ofgenrehistories. In theUnitedStates, racial discrimination and prejudice haveplayed a vital role in theemergence and subsequent development of genres (Crouch 2007;Lott 1995).Genres also varywidely by popularity andlongevity.Some music forms, like rock-n-roll,become very popular and lastover a longperiod of time. Some, like disco, are very popularbut short-lived(BrewsterandBroughton 2000).Others, like polka, thriveovermany decadeswithout becoming widely popular (Shepherd,Horn, and Laing 2005), andmany, such as bigbeat, northern soul, psychedelic country, andrange rock have only a transitory existence. Inaddition,theefforts fmany lonemusical experimentalistsgo unheralded, and theirdistinctivestylesdo not become genreswithin our definitionof the term.4titionersaythat hat they lay isguidedby the ictates of themusical sounds of themoment, and notby the expectations of other players, audiences, or critics, they nonetheless play within conventions wellunderstood by progressive jazz musicians (Attali1985;Lewis 1996).4Mildred Cummings and her "Little MissCornshucks" performances (Mazor 2003) and

Most genres evolve out of one or more earliermusics thatdevelop inanalogous sectorsofsociety and share characteristics (Gendron2002). Ennis (1992) shows that somemusics,over the course of decades, spawn a number ofvariants. These families ofmusic retain theircoherence throughshared institutions, esthetics, and audiences. We follow Ennis and callthese sets of genres "streams" throughwhich anumber of genres may flow. For example,rhythm nd blues (R&B), countrymusic, andpop spawned rock-n-roll,which received recognition as a distinct genre beginning in 1954(Ennis 1992). In thedecades since, rock-n-rollhas spawned numerous new genres, includingrockabilly,glitterrock,punk, heavymetal, andemo, forminga rock stream.Although some ofrock'sprogenycame andwent inshort rder,weconsider each a genre in so faras itwas identified as suchby participants and commentators.Not all commercial music can be properlyconsidered a genre in our sense of the term.We consider music craftedforspecific typesofvenues or referred to as commercial categoriestobe non-genredmusic. Examples includeTinPan Alley, Broadway show tunes, and commercial music crafted for a specific demographic and designated by a commercialcategory (e.g.,middle of theroad [MOR],musicfor lovers, dance music, and easy listening

music).Much the same argumentholds forpop andteenmusic. At its core, pop music ismusicfound inBillboard magazine's Hot 100 Singleschart. Songs intended for thepopmusic marketusually have theirdistinguishing genre characteristics purposely obscured ormuted in theinterest of gaining wider appeal (Weisbard2008). Artistsmaking suchmusic may think ftheirperformances in terms of genre, but theorganizations thatassist them in reaching thechartmost certainlydo not.As a case inpoint,artistdevelopment expertLou Pearlman playeda vital role increating the"boy band" sensationof the late 1990s (e.g., Backstreet Boys, OTown, and 'N Sync) by putting togetherperformers who answered casting calls. Suchstar-making is a fascinating and underresearched topic but beyond our focus here.

Emmitt iller, theyodelingminstrel Tosches2002),are two examples.


5/23

700 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWThat said, genremusic can transform intopopmusic, and consequently thepop charts are amix of "pure" pop (i.e., a succession of hitsthat remarginally different) nd songs derivedfrom genres that are popular at themoment,such as rap or punk. Thus, pop is considered achart, way ofdoing business, or a target emographic, but not a genre (Anand and Peterson2000; but seeWeisbard 2008).We restrict urselves tomusic created in thecommercialmarketplace and thus eliminate themany "classical" and "art" musics. Genres thatfunction innonprofitorgrant-based economieshave different reative,organizational, financial,audience, and critical supportmechanisms thando commercial musics (Caves 2000). The typesand trajectories of genres among nonprofitmusics therefore take on distinct forms fromthose thatare focal here (Arian 1971).RESEARCH METHODSThis article builds on twopriorworks inwhichwe closely examined the features of four twentieth-century .S. musics that seemed to experience a complete developmental trajectory(Lena and Peterson 2006, 2007). We selectedgrungefrom therock stream,rapfrom theR&Bstream,bebop from the jazz stream,and bluegrass from the countrymusic stream.We thenread extensively in the academic and popularpress about each.We found thatover timeeach music took ondifferentforms thatwere roughly comparableacross themusics examined.We designate theseas Avant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based,and Traditionalist genre forms.Finally,we discovered that ver thecourse of itshistory,eachof thesemusic communities began as anAvantgarde genre, became Scene-based, thenIndustry-based, and finallyTraditionalist, a trajectorywe abbreviate asAgSITWe chose the four cases inour initialanalyses for theirmusical differences rom each otherand for thewealth of secondarymaterial available on theirhistories.We did not choose themfor theirrepresentativeness of a largerclass ofmusics, nor fordifferences in theirtrajectoriesof growth.The strongsimilarities in thedevelopmental patterns of thefourmusics ledus toseek out a large setofmusics thatmight not fitthis trajectory. o bound our searchwe limitedour study to genres established in theUnited

States during the twentieth century.Becausegenreboundaries are contested and fluid, nd noone has attempted to exhaustively and continually document all the music genres in theUnited States, itproved impossible to find adefinitive universe of musics fromwhich tochoose a representative ample.Accordingly,webeganwith Ennis's (1992) list fmusic streams,which includes rock-n-roll, pop, Black pop,countrypop, jazz, folk,and gospel. Ennis (1992)identified streams as such because each haddistinctive institutional structures,aesthetics,and symbolic identities.His model is a goodsociological examination of thepopular musicfield,but it sdated.To includenew kinds ofU.S.music, we added musics thatdo not fitneatlyinto one of these seven streams.

Critics, fans, andmusic promoters regularlyinventgenre terms,butmany of these are notwidely used in the relevantmusic community.To form a set of genres, we consulted reference works and music-related magazines tofind termscommonly inuse. Because we needed enough information omake judgments aboutthe forms and histories of genres,we limited urfocus tomusics forwhich we could findat leasttwo reliable sources.Working independently,we coded types ofmusic genres and then discussed them until we had agreement on theproper coding.We coded severalhundred booksand articles to get reliable data on 60 genres.5We do not claim that these genres comprise arepresentative sample of all genres in the twentieth-century nited States.We do, however,argue thatthe sample is sufficiently large, andthegenres sampled sufficiently iverse, to illuminate patterns ingenre formsand trajectories.Based on thefourpreliminary case studies,the currentanalysis isdesigned to answer twoquestions:What are theattributesthatorganizemusics intogenres, and how are these genresorganized intodevelopmental trajectories?Ourdesign is inductive, so our goal is to generatetheory,not test it.

5A list of the key sources used in classifying eachgenre, and the full biographical citation for eachsource, is available in the Online Supplement on theASR Web site (http://www2.asanet.org/journals/asr/2008/toc065.html).


6/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 701GENRE FORMS AND ATTRIBUTESAre thegenre formsAvant-garde, Scene-based,Industry-based, and Traditionalist adequate todescribe all themusics inour sample of 60 genres?We find that(1) all of themusics evince atleast one of these genre forms, (2) with theexception of Scene-based genres, each of thegenre forms ismissing in some of themusics,and (3) none of themusics have genre formsother than these four.To be sure thatwe examined all the relevantattributes fgenres ineach of the60 sample genres,we created and iterativelyrefined a conceptual template to classify each of the 60musics. Table 1 shows this template,with thefour genre types represented in the columns.Each of the 12 rows represents a dimensioncommon to all sample genres, and each cellrepresents thespecific attributes characteristicof a genre type. So, forexample, in theupperleftcorner cell, "creative circle" is the representative organizational form ofAvant-gardegenres.The entries ineach column of Table 1represent an ideal-typical construction of a genretype; theydo not operate likeentries in theperiodic table of elements or thegenetically-basedtaxonomies in biology. This is because eachspecific attribute isnot both necessary and sufficienttocode amusic as a particulargenre.Thistable of attributes hould thereforee considereda conceptual tool forunderstanding genre. Bymaking more detailed distinctions among attributes, itwould be possible to create more thanfour genre types. However, the four-genre typeby twelve-dimension resolution is themost parsimonious.The first threedimensions inTable 1 identifytheprototypical organizational form, scale,and locus of activity forgenres. Genre ideal isthe vision of themusic held by thosemostinvolved in thegenre, including the fundamentalvalues theysee embodied in themusic. Thenext dimension describes thedegree towhichperformance conventions are codified and theformof such conventions. These varywidelyfrombeing very open and experimental torigidly codified. Technological features ofmusicmaking, distribution, and enjoyment do muchtoconstraingenre development, and changes inthese features often augur the emergence ofnew genres. Through boundary work, genremembers identify ho is amember of a genre

community andwho isbeyond itspale by cultivatingdistinctive dress, adornment, drug use,and argot.6The sources of income toartists andtheamount and kind of press coverage a genrereceives largelyreflecttheorganizational form,locus, and goals of thegenre. These factors areof specific interest to scholars working at theintersection of political economy, urban socialdynamics, and cultural production. Finally, thesource of a genre name can be used todistinguish genre types and reveal processes of collectivememory and discursive structures thatlinknomenclature togenre forms. In the remainder of thissection,we consider the attributesofeach of the fourgenre types, startingwith theAvant-garde.

Avant-garde GenresAvant-garde genres are quite small, having nomore thana dozen participantswho meet informally and irregularly. orrowing a termfromfine arts, we call such creative groups "circles."Circles are leaderless, fractious, and typicallyunravel in a matter of months from lack ofrecognition or because a subset of theparticipants gains wider recognition. These genresformaround members' shared dislike of someaspect of themusic of theday and thequest formusic that isdifferent.Members play togetherinformally nan effort o create a genre ideal forthegroup. This ideal, and specifically themusical ideas that re central to it,may emerge from

members taking lessons, carefully listening torecords, and playing with different kinds ofmusicians. Alternatively, avant-gardists mayassert thatprevailing genres are predictable andemotionless and, flaunting the fact that theycannot play instruments inconventional ways,make what others consider loud and harshsounds. This was the experience of both thethrashmetal and punk Avant-garde genres(Kahn-Harris 2007; McNeil andMcCain 1996).In craftingmusic that is "new," avant-gardists

may combine elements of genres thatare usu

6There is not always a direct correspondencebetween different "styles" and musical difference;some argue that riot grrrl, straight edge, anarchopunk, and White power music are differentiated bypolitical and philosophical, not musical, distinctiveness (Schilt2004; P.Williams 2006).


7/23

o > s m n

Table. GenreFormsndttributes?

-??-???-????-?=?-_z=_z_______=_z_z^-O

Genreorms

-.-_h

o

Attributesvant-Gardecene-Basedndustry-Basedraditionalist

_____-

Organizationalormreativeircleocalcenestablishedieldlubs,ssociationsnet Local,

Internetlinked National, worldwide Local to international

ops, bars, Local,translocal,

andirtual Industrial firms Festivals, tours, academic settings

emptyspaces

scenes S

Genredealremberoalsreateewusicreateommunityroduceevenue,ntellectualreserveeritagendasstnproperty

Low: highly experimental Medium:muchattention to High: shaped by industry Hyper: great ccodifying style

categories deviation

Codifying technicalinnovationsProduction tools that standardize Idealized

sound

Boundaryorkgainststablishedusicgainstivalusicsarketrivengainsteviantsithin

Dress,dornment,rugsccentricmblematicfenreassarketedstyle"tereotypicndutedArgot Sporadic Signals membershipsedo sellproductstylizedSourcesfncomeorrtistself-contributed,artners,cenectivities,elf-contributedales,icensing,erchandise,elfontributed,eritagerants,

unknowingmployersndorsementsestivalsPressoverageirtuallyoneommunityressationalressenre-baseddvocacyndritique

Sourcefenreameiterrouppecificceneembers,enre-basedassediarndustrycademics,ritics

media


8/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 703ally treatedas distinct. Bauck (1997:232), forexample, describes how Avant-garde grungemelded different enres together: Grunge contained the energy, volume and distortion ofhardcore punk,butwas generallyplayed at a farslower tempo.While borrowing themelodiclines and hooks of heavy metal, grunge leftbehind themacho posturing and gratuitousguitar solos."The desire to produce a new music drivesgroups to engage in experimental practices,including playing standard instruments inunconventional ways, creating new musicalinstruments,ndmodifying objects thathave notpreviously been used in theproductionofmusic.For example, in theirearly shows, Iggy and theStooges, anAvant-garde punk band, "played" afood blender filled with water and a microphone, danced on a washboard wearing golfshoes, and drummed 50-gallon oil drumswithhammers (McNeil andMcCain 1996:41). Theexperimental ethos is often expressed throughthe idiosyncratic grooming, dress, demeanor,and argot of circlemembers, but these are not(yet) consolidated into distinctive genre style.Avant-garde genremembers do not receiveremuneration for theirparticipation ingenrerelated activities. They earn money for performingconventional typesofmusic and fromnonperformance employment. In addition, family,friends, ndpartnersoften contribute rangeof resources.Avant-gardists commonly livewithlittlerecognition and many privations. Theseharsh conditions may retrospectively be romanticized as bohemian, but theycontribute to thedemise ofmany Avant-garde genres. Themusicand thepeople making itreceive virtually nopress coverage,whichmakes itexceedingly difficult for scholars to find accounts of Avantgarde musics thatdid not evolve intomoreinstitutionalizedforms.The newmusic receivesnumerous appellations, but theeventual nameisgenerally applied retrospectively by promoters, critics, and historians.

Scene-Based GenresFor more than a decade, scholars analyzingmusic communities across theglobe have usedthe concept of "scene" to refer to a community f spatially-situatedartists,fans,recordcompanies, and supporting small business people(see, e.g., Shank [1994] on rock and country in

Austin, Texas; Cohen [1991] on theLiverpoolscene; Becker [2004] on jazz inKansas City;Grazian [2004] on blues inChicago; andUrquia[2004] on salsa inLondon). These local scenesmay be incommunication with similar scenesin distant locales whose members enjoy thesame kind ofmusic and lifestyle. Such communities cohere throughtheexchange of information andmusic, which ismade simplerwiththe advent ofquick, small-parcel shipping companies and digital technologies such as theInternet (see Laing [1985] on punk, Kruse[2003] on alternativerock,Schilt [2004] on riotgrrrl, ndKahn-Harris [2007] on deathmetal).Some scenes are essentially, ifnot entirely, irtual; fans,musicians, and criticsfind each otheron theInternetthrough istservs and chat rooms(Bennett 2004; Kibby 2000; Lee and Peterson2004). A Scene-based music genre may takeany or all of these forms (Bennett and Peterson2004), but herewe focus primarilyon the localform.

Scenes, musical and otherwise, commonlyemerge inneighborhoods where rentsare low,police supervision is lax, and residents toleratediversity f all kinds (Florida 2002; Lloyd 2006).Such neighborhoods nurture a scene, and thelifestyle rowing around it, y fostering onstantinteraction among scenesters (Gaines 1994;Thornton 1996; Urquia 2004; Walker 2006).Business entrepreneurs, often drawn from theranks of scene-participants, become music pro

moters, club owners, and band managers. Somefounded independent record companies, Scenebased fanzines, and Internet sites. Local newspapers, radio stations, and criminal elementsoftenarrive in thearea to support thescene andtoderive profits from it.Scene musicians andancillary creative people often cannot supportthemselves entirely from themusic. They typically take low-skill service jobs in the community and depend onmoney and other supportfrom partners, family, and friends. As scenesdevelop, these neighborhoods draw bothmorecasual scenestersandmerchandisers of thegenrelifestyle,hastening the end of intensely localgenres (Shank 1994).Innovative technology oftenplays an importantrole inScene-based genres. For example,the development of inexpensive, powerful,portable, and relatively compact sound amplifiers in the late 1930s was important in thedevelopment of bluegrass (Rosenberg 1985),


9/23

704 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWurban blues (Grazian 2003), honky-tonk country usic (Peterson 1997), and bebop (DeVeaux1997). Technological innovations can alsochange the balance among elements of themusic. In theearly days of rap, Js were thecenter of interest,but when Grandmaster Flashmodified the turntablemixer, he solved thetechnical challenges of producing steadyrhythm, nd thenext set of innovativepractitionersturnedtheir ttention toward lyricalcontent and techniques of oral delivery. Thiseffectively refocused crowd attention on therapper,andDJs ceased tobe the focus of innovation or attention (Chang 2005; Fricke andAhearn 2002; Lena 2003, 2004).Conventions ofperformanceand presentationare rapidly codified in Scene-based genres.These conventions grow out of effortsto findthebestway to express newmusical ideas, buttheyoftenputperformers indirect conflictwithpractitioners of other genres competing for thesame resources. These frictionsbetween rivalscenes can be quite contentious and visible, aswhen bebop scenemembers foughtwith swing

musicians (Lopes 2002), orwhen, urged on bya radioDJ, rock fansmet ina Chicago stadiumtobreak dance records and chant "disco sucks."Ornette Coleman even had his specially-madeinstrumentsmashed by fellowmusicians whofelt upstaged by his complex and aggressiveway of playing hard bop (Rosenthal 1992).Social conventions, includingstylesof clothesand adornment, body-type, argot, and "attitude,"are codified inScene-based genres. In theearly 1940s,when Bill Monroe was trying toestablish bluegrass music as distinct from thehillbillymusic of theday, he dressed his bandin tailored outfits that emulated the dress ofKentucky gentlemen horse-breeders (Rosenberg1985). Other examples of adornment in Scenebased genres include psychedelic rock fans'beads and tie-dyeclothes, punks'Mohawk haircuts,goths' "corpse paint"makeup, and beboppers' berets.These adornmentshelp distinguishmembers fromnonmembers, particularlyfromdevotees of competing genres. They can alsosymbolize whole constellations of beliefs andpractices known to scene members. For example, straight-edge punk rockers draw a conspicuous "X" on the back of theirhands todeclare they have forsworn alcohol, drugs,tobacco, and promiscuous sex (Haenfler 2006).The harsh negative reactions of "squares" and

authorities confirm scenesters' sense of theirimportance and solidify scene solidarity(Thornton 1996).

Scene-based genres have a loose organizational form characterized by nested rings ofvaryingcommitment to thegenre ideal. Clustersof thosemost responsible for the distinctivecharacteristics of themusic are at the center.

Next, there is a ring of committed activistswhose identity, and sometimes means ofemployment, is tied to the scene. Outside ofthis isa ringof fanswho participate in thescenemore or less regularly.The outerring ismadeup of "tourists" who enjoy activitieswithin thescenewithout identifying ith it.Such distinctrings are characteristicofmature scenes like theChicago blues in the 1990s (Grazian 2004);newer scenes exhibit similarrings of commitment, but their structure ismuch more fluid(Cohen 1991).As with otheraspects of Scene-based genres,disagreements over thename of an emerginggenre abound. Nonetheless, a consensuallyagreed name usually emerges by the end of theScene-based phase, because the communitypress, critics, merchandisers, and scene members themselveswant toconsolidate the identityof themusic and itsassociated lifestyle.Thechosen name is sometimes an onomatopoeicrepresentationof a genre's sound, such as bebopand doowop. More often a name has todowithsexuality (e.g., jazz, rap, funk, rock-n-roll, andstraight edge), but our sample genres have awide variety of name sources.Industry-Based GenresIndustry-based music genres are so namedbecause theirprimary organizational form isthe industrial corporation. Some aremultinational in scope, but others are independentcompanies organized to compete directlywith themultinationals. Frith (1996:77) describes suchgenres as being located within the "marketbased popularmusic field."7Along with industrialfirms, theprime actors in thisfield includesingers and musicians who contract for theirservices, genre-targeted audiences, and a widearrayof ancillary service providers, from song

7See PetersonandBerger (1975), Lopes (1992),Negus (1999), andDowd (2004).


10/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 705publishers to radio stations and diverse retailoutlets.

For a genre to thrivefor long in this largeapparatus, itsfansmust number inthehundredsof thousands, andmarket logic demands everlargernumbers. Corporate interest in a particular genre lasts as long as its sales potential isincreasing (Negus 1999). The otherwise highlycompetitivemultinational entertainment onglomerates collectively fight theunauthorizeduse and distribution of theircopyrightedmusic,doing whatever theycan tofrustratethedevelopment of new genres (Peterson 1990).At thesame time, industrialfirms that remore closely linked to theirmarkets, such as Motown,Rough Trade, and Sugar Hill Records, can beinstrumental in the development of genres(Toynbee 2000).Simplified genre conventions are codifiedinthe interests fmaking, measuring, andmarketing Industry-based genres. Firms trainnewartiststowork within highly-codified performance conventions, and record producers regularly coach songwriters and artists tomakesimplemusic, clearlywithin genre bounds, thatwill appeal to a mass audience. Such stereotyping strategies also facilitate sales becausecompany personnel will know how to categorize andmarket the"product" (Longhurst2007;Negus 1999), and potential consumers can beidentified through nalysis ofmarketing demographics data (Negus 1999). Over thepast century, technological innovations havestandardized and simplified theproduction of

music to satisfy theneeds ofmass production.Trade magazines' weekly charts of song salesand Industry-based annual music awards helpguide industry ecisions about the relative success of individual songs and whole genres(Anand and Peterson 2000; Anand andWatson2004;Watson andAnand 2006). In theprocess,genre names become more clearly fixed,but, atthe same time, different Scene-based genresthatwere thought to be antithetical may bemelded intoone category (Peterson 1997).National media bring a budding Industrybased genre to the attentionof amass audiencewith stories about its seemingly discordantmusic and the largenumber of genre fanswithunconventional lifestyles (Gillett 1974; Laing1985). This coverage, however, is usually illinformedabout themusic and often frames agenre in three contradictoryways. Journalists

may portray genre lifestyle s innocent fun ndfeature its colorful surface aspects, theymayspin the lifestyle as a danger to its fans(Thornton 1996), or theymay claim its lawless,anti-social, and hedonistic" fanspose a dangerto society (Binder 1993). In 1969, at the timeof theWoodstock and Altamont festivals,psychedelic rock faced all threereadings (Santelli1980). This negative attention typicallydrawsevenmore fans to a genre (Cocks 1985; Laing1985; Thornton 1996).The media may also ignitea "moral panic"inwhich genre spokespeople, police, politicalauthorities, religious leaders, parent groups,teachers, and moral pundits provide awillingpress with luridquotes. Press coverage oftenhighlights racist, classist, or sexist tropes.Forexample, in 1943 to 1944 bebop jazz wasblamed forthewidespread White-on-Black raceriots atmilitary bases and inNorthern industrialcities (Lopes 2002). Fortyyears later, apmusicwas similarlyblamed when riotserupted inLosAngeles following theRodney King trial(Chang2005). Tensions over race, class, and genderalso emerge within Industry-based genre communities. For example, when large numbers ofmore educated, liberalNortherners flocked tothe bluegrass community in the 1960s, theywere characterized as "drug-taking freelovingpinkos," towhich theyresponded by characterizing working-class, Southern bluegrass fansas violent racists.Like themusic, elements of dress, adorn

ment, and lifestyle are exaggerated and massmarketed tonew fansof Industry-based genres.The "grunge aesthetic," for example, inspiredfashion designer Marc Jacobs to incorporateflannel shirts,wool ski caps, and Doc Martenboots intoPerry Ellis's 1992 spring collection(Moore 2005). Likewise, advertisers oftencapitalized upon thepopularity of a genre topromote theirproducts. In the early 1990s, forexample, the moniker "alternative," commonlyused torefertogrunge rock,was used to sellconsumer products likeBudweiser (the "alternative beer") and todescribe theMTV program"AlternativeNation." A generation earlier, thepopularityofpolitical protestprompted amajorcompany to pronounce, "Columbia Recordsbrings you the revolution" (Santelli 1980).New fansattractedtoan Industry-basedgenreby intensivemerchandising often raise the ireofmore committed genre participants. New


11/23

706 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWrecruitsargue overwhat constitutes authenticity inmusic, musicians, and signs of groupaffiliation (Grazian 2004; Peterson 1997),whilecommitted, longer-termfans and performersengage in a discourse about lost authenticity(Cantwell 1984; Eyerman and Jamison 1998;Lopes 2002). This tension is sometimes divisiveenough to propel some genre members intoforming new genres, either Avant-garde orTraditionalist.Traditionalist GenresTraditionalist genre participants' goal is topreserve a genre'smusical heritage and inculcatethe rising generation of devotees in the performance techniques, history,and rituals of thegenre. Fans and organizations dedicated toperpetuating a genre put a great amount of effortinto constructing itshistory and highlightingexemplary performerswho theydeem fit intothegenre's emerging canon of exemplars (Lee2007; Regev 1994; Rosenberg 1985).Periodic gatherings of genre artistsand fansat festivals, celebratory concerts, and reunionsare characteristicofTraditionalist genres.Theserituals give devotees the chance to gather andmomentarily live in the spiritof thegenre andreaffirm tscontinuity (Rosenberg 1985).Newand old performers will often play together,enacting a ritual of renewal throughtheveneration of the old timersand the "discovery" ofnew talent. Performers and promoters commonly relyon employmentoutside thegenre, sothese gatherings provide themost significantproportion of their earnings fromperforminggenre music. They may also earn additionalmoney from selling records, musical instruments, and genre-related ephemera.Many fanssing, play an instrument, r act as promoters ofgenre events, so the division of labor is lessdistinctbetween fan,artist, nd industry han inIndustry-based or fully-developed Scene-basedgenres.

Artists, promoters, and fans join clubs andassociations devoted to theperpetuation of thegenre thathold performance contests and create annual "best of..." awards. Adherents ofTraditionalist genres communicate at a distancethroughnewsletters, journals, trademagazines,and Internet discussion sites, throughwhichthey fabricate and promulgate a history for agenre (Bennett 2004). The genre-orientedpress

publishes schedules of events, recounts recentgenre events, prints articles on performancetechniques, profiles both venerated and risingartists and groups, and reviews new and remasteredhistorical records released by thenumerous small record companies devoted to thegenre. There are usually scholarlypublicationsand academic classes, but much instruction inmusical technique and genre lore is received viaone-on-one interactionwith established performers and other aficionados.Committed Traditionalists expend a greatdeal of energyfighting ith each other about themodels they construct to represent a genre'smusic and the canon of its iconic performers.Traditionalists argue over which instrumentsand vocal stylings are appropriate, and theymay even battle over theplace and time thatagenre originated. For example, TraditionalistUS. punks claim thatpunk developed inNewYork and Detroit during the late 1960s and early1970s, while British Traditionalists locatepunk's founding in 1970s London (Longhurst2007). Retrospectively, adherents ofTraditionalist genres decrywhat they dentify sthe adulterating consequences of commercialexploitation of genremusic, and theycensureartists who are seen as catering to corporateinterests r values. This censure can be seen inthedenigration of "crossover" rap artistsof the1980s likeVanilla Ice orDigital Underground,who arederided forhaving "made Rap palatableto white, suburban youth across the country"(Light 2004:140).

Performers' race, class, educational attainment, and regional origins are often used asmarkers of authenticity.To play bluegrass, forexample, it is said amusician must beWhite,working class, rural, and preferably from theAppalachian mountains (Rosenberg 1985); youmust be young,White, and an underachiever toperform punkmusic in an exemplary fashion(Laing 1985); and to really play salsa, amusician must be Latin American (Urquia 2004).Even journalistic and academic accounts ofTraditionalist genres engage in such demographicprofiling (Kelley 2004). Other outsidersoften conflate stories of a genre's exotic originwith itspresent Traditionalist form, and thesestereotypes influencetourists ho want toknowsomething about thegenre. Grazian (2003:13)reports thatwell-meaning tourists come toChicago expecting tofind blues played by "un


12/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 707educated American black men afflictedwithblindness or some other disability, playing inramshackle joints that re dimly lit, nbearablysmoky, and smelling as funkyas theirmusicsounds."

GENRE TRAJECTORIESAgSIT Genre TraiectoriesBased on our fourcase studies,we expected allgenre trajectoriestogrowfromAvant-garde circles, but just 40 of the 60 genres we sampledbegan thisway, and only 16 experienced thefullAgSIT trajectory.Bebop, a form of jazzthatemerged in theearly 1940s, exemplifies agenre thatexperienced the full trajectory. ikeotherAvant-garde genres, Bebop coalescedaround a small group of experimentalists,includingCharlie Parker and "Dizzy" Gillespie.They attractedtheattentionof otheryoung jazzplayers,most notably Bud Powell, TheloniousMonk, and Charlie Christian,who were dissatisfied with the big-band swing of the time(DeVeaux 1997). Their collective stylisticinnovations, dedication tocreatingBlack artmusic,and charismatic leadership created a consensusaround theBop genre ideal (Lopes 2002). Genremusic conventions coalesced as Bebop came tobe played by small combos ofmusicians onacoustic instruments,usually led by a saxophone and trumpet, nd characterizedby a seriesof fast extended solos improvised on a song'sharmonic structureratherthanon itsmelody.As the Avant-garde Beboppers began toexperiment insmall clubs, a Scene-based genredeveloped. Bop-dedicated clubs such asBirdland opened and several specialty recordcompanies, like Blue Bird, were established.The always contentious jazz press hotly debated themusic, politics, and behavioral "excesses" of themusic's practitionersand devotees. Asetof sartorial, linguistic, nd behavioral markers developed, allowing Bopsters to identifyeach other and enact the circle's criticism ofthestatus-quomusic scene. Evoking the imageofFrench bohemian artists, izzy Gillespie andotherBoppers wore black berets, but theprimesymbol ofBop group allegiance was theuse ofan elaborate vocabulary todescribe themselves,swing players, ignorantfans,demanding managers, varieties of drugs, and the authorities.This rapidly evolving argotmade itpossible toderide outsiders in theirpresence, and the Ian

guagemade itsway into number of thegenre'ssongs.In the late 1940s,Bebop made the transitioninto n Industry-basedgenre as themajor recordcompanies bought the recording contracts ofthe leadingBop artists nd began topromote themusic to thegeneral public. The national pressregularlyreportedon themusic, aswell as Bopartists' and fans' antics.Many storiesdescribedthe oot suitfashions,argot,racialmixing, juvenile delinquency, and drug taking Lopes 2002).Much of thenational media attention initiallyderided Bop, but by themid-1950s themediawas increasingly positive, leading to a rapidswelling in the ranks of casual listenerswhowanted tovicariously live thedangerous lifeofthe"hepcat."Numerous marketers obligedwiththemass production of distinctive emblems ofscene status. The record companies, to drawmore casual fans, began backing the starBopperformerswith string sections, a move thatsignaled the Industry-based genrewas reachingits end.Genres thatexperience theexplosive growthand aesthetic dilution characteristic of anIndustry-based genre tend to suffer crisis astheirmany casual fans finda new focus of attention. In this instance, thegrowth of bothR&Band Rock music drew fans away fromBebop.Not surprisingly,thegeneralmedia reduced itscoverage ofBebop, and themajor record companies reduced theirmarketing and financialsupportofgenre artists, sometimes terminatingtheir contracts altogether. Even the media supportive ofBebop increasingly saw itasmusicto review rather than as a newsworthy lifestyle.In response, some musicians explore new

ways to revitalize a genre ideal, and new Avantgarde genres emerge from these efforts. Forexample, Bebop artistshelped to spawnHardbop, Cool jazz, Free jazz, psychedelic jazz, andthird stream genres. At the same time, hardcore Bebop fans,who were dismayed by theadulterationsmade inthe Industry-based genreand by thehordes of touristic fans, tookwrypleasure fromBebop's downfall and set abouttryingto recreateBebop as ithad been in theglory days when itwas Scene-based. In time,these musicians, scholars, and fans created a setof institutions opreserve thememory and practice of themusic through education in theschools, festivals, album reissues, and otherfeatures ofTraditionalist genres. Increasingly,


13/23

708 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWBebop was interpretedas a modern art formworthy of scholarly attention and preservationin themajor conservatories of classical music(Lopes 2002; Peterson 1972). The February 28,1964 issue ofTimemagazine, forexample, featured Thelonious Monk on its cover anddescribed his eccentricitiesnot as signs ofmadness but of creative genius.Fifteen othergenres followed thesameAgSITtrajectoryas Bebop: Bluegrass, Chicago jazz,Folk revivalmusic, Gospel, Folk rock,Heavymetal, Honky-tonk country,Old-school rap,

Punk rock, Rockabilly, Salsa, Urban blues,Western swing, Hillbilly, and Rock-n-roll (seeTable 2). Of these,Bebop most closely resembles Heavy metal, Old-school rap, Punk rock,and Rockabilly in the spectacular and contentious Industry-based phase of theirtrajectories.As Table 2 shows, ninemusics indisparatestreams, includingAlternative country,Disco,Gangsta rap,Jumpblues, Psychedelic rock,andThrashmetal, experiencedAvant-garde, Scenebased, and Industry-based genres but have not

Table 2. AgSIT Genre Trajectories_IndustryAvant-Garde Scene-Based Based Traditionalist

BeBop Jazz x x x xBluegrass x x x xChicago Jazz x x x xFolk Revival x x x xFolk Rock x x x xGospel x x x xHeavy Metal x x x xHillbilly x x x xHonkyTonk x x x xOld-School Rap x x x xPunk Rock x x x xRockabilly x x x xRock-n-Roll x x x xSalsa x x x xUrban Blues x x x xWestern Swing x x x xAlternative Country x x xDisco xxxEast Coast Gangsta Rap xxxGrunge Rock xxxJazz Fusion xxxJump Blues xxxPsychedelic Rock xxxThrash Metal xxx

West Coast Gangsta Rap xxxDelta Blues x x xDooWop xx xNew Orleans Jazz x x xBlack Metal x xCountry Boogie x xDeath Metal x xFree Jazz x xGarage x xGrindcore x xHard Bop x xHouse x xJungle x xSouth Texas Polka x xTechno x xLaurel Canyon_x_


14/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 709formed a Traditionalist genre. Since there isoften a gap of five ormore years between thecollapse of an Industry-based genre and thecoalescence of a Traditionalist genre, it ispossible that theymay experience a "revival" inyears to come. In several cases, the creativeenergies thatmight have gone into traditionbuildingwent instead towardbuilding new genres. Most conspicuously, Alternative country,Disco, Gangsta rap, and Psychedelic rockspawned, respectively, mericana; newer formsofdancemusic likeTechno,House, and Jungle;top-40 rap; and glam rock (Brewster andBroughton 2000; Chang 2005; Curtis 1987;Lee and Peterson 2004; Lena 2006).Three musics in our sample, Delta blues,Doowop, and New Orleans jazz, developed aTraditionalist genre without ever being anIndustry-based genre. This may be due toparticular features of the racialized system formusic distribution in thefirsthalf of the twentieth entury, hich limited theaccessibility ofBlack music. Beginning in the third uarter ofthetwentieth entury, oth Delta blues andNewOrleans jazz experienced revivals asTraditionalist genres.The historyofDoowop isa bit different.Doowop started in the 1950swhen young African American vocal groupsbegan touse theirvoices to simulate theBlackpopmusic of theday.As the stylebecame morepopular, their ocal renditionswere augmentedbyR&B bands, and Doowop merged into theBlack pop-music stream (Pruter 1996).We found 11genre trajectoriesthatwere lively Scene-based genres but never becameIndustry-based genres nor formed aTraditionalistgenre.Most of these communitiespurposively maintained their genre ideal,appealing toa narrow group. Death metal isanextreme example; its often violent, sexist, racist,and homophobic lyrics, as well as devotees'antisocial behavior, foreclosed any distributionbymajor music companies (Kahn-Harris 2007).Less extremeexamples includeFree jazz, Blackmetal, Garage, Grindcore, and South Texaspolka. Country boogie and Hard bopwere bothabsorbed into thergenres, so they id not enjoya separateTraditionalistperiod.At the end of the1990s, threedance musics, House, Jungle,andTechno, enjoyed continuing vital developmentand produced numerous permutations throughScene-based media (McLeod 2001).

Finally,while most Avant-garde genres eitherwither or develop new scenes, from time totimeanAvant-garde circle explodes, spawningseveralnew genres. SuchAvant-garde genresare

usually labeled by theplace theycame together, such as the loose collection of singer-songwriter-musicians who gathered in thebucoliccanyons above Los Angeles inthe late 1960s andwe identify s the"Laurel Canyon" circle.8Likeall Avant-garde genres, the artists associatedwith Laurel Canyon were quite eclectic, buttheywere united in theirdislike of themusic oftheday, including pop, glam, and psychedelicrock.The Laurel Canyon circle did not develop a cohesive Scene-based genre, but its ffortswere central to theflowering f several quite distinctgenres, including the singer-songwriterstyle of JamesTaylor and JoniMitchell, Folkrock led by theByrds, cosmic country exemplified by theFlyingBurritoBrothers, thecountry ock of theEagles, and thepsychedelic popofThe Mamas and The Papas (Hoskyns 2006;Walker 2006).SIT Genre TraiectoriesAmong our 60 genre trajectories, 11 began asScene-based genres and moved toan Industrybased orTraditionalist form (see Table 3). Thefirstfive genres inTable 3 grew out of preexisting domestic Scene-based genres, and siximportsfromabroad took on distinctive identities in theUnited States.

Swing is theonly one of these 11musics togo throughthe entire SIT trajectory nthetwentieth century. It developed in the late 1920swhen sweetdance bands incorporatedelementsof "hot jazz" into theirmusic. Composers andarrangers orchestrated hot jazz improvisationoverwritten dance-band parts, satisfyingbothdancers and jazz fans. In thehands of DukeEllington,Glen Miller, Count Basie, andBennyGoodman, Swing became thedominant formofindustrial pop music by the late 1930s. ItsIndustry-based formwithered inthe late 1940s,but a vigorous swing Traditionalist genre

8This circle had no agreed name in the day. Toidentifyt, ikeWalker (2006)we followthe ommonpractice inAvant-garde genres and name the circleafter the place where itwas centered.


15/23

710 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWTable 3. SIT Genre Trajectories

Scene-Based Industry-Based TraditionalistSwing xx xContemporary Christian x xConscious Rap xContemporary ospel x xHumor Rap xReggae xSoca xTango x xChicago Polka x xCleveland Polka x xMilwaukee Polka_x_x_

emerged a decade later (Magee 2005; Shipton2001).Contemporary Christian music grew out ofyoung gospel musicians' effortsto incorporateelements of rock into theirreligiously-themedmusic (Darden 2004). Likewise, Conscious rap,Contemporary gospel, and Humor rap emergedfrom efforts to combine scenes (see Krims[2000] and Rose [1994] on Rap; see Darden[2004], eilbut 1997], ndThompson 2000]on Contemporary gospel). Reggae, Soca, andTango, Caribbean and Latin music forms thatcame to theUnited States and developed distinctive attributes here, had no Traditionalistphase. Instead, each became part of the foundation for laterforms of Latin, Rock, and Rapmusic (Dudley 2004; Roberts 1979; Shepherdet al. 2005). Finally, threeformsofpolka musiccomingfrom centralEurope tookon distinctiveforms inMidwestern industrialcities, fosteredby Scene-based institutions (Shepherd et al.2005). None of the polka musics developedinto Industry-based genres, but all sustained anextended Traditionalist genre.IST Genre TraiectoriesNine of our 60 genre trajectories,as depicted inTable 4, began as Industry-based genres andthen developed scenes; six then experiencedTraditionalist phases.We did not anticipate thissort of trajectorybut identified a number ofcases that hare this"anomaly."On close inspection,we found thatmost of these genres conspicuously share a source in thepooled effortsof a few creative musicians paired witharrangers, producers, and industry marketersworking in thefield of Industry-basedmusic.

Soul is a good example of this pattern.African American religious singers had longborrowed fromBlack secularmusic and rhythmstogive their sacred songs intensity nd popularappeal. FollowingWorld War II, singers raisedin the church reversed the process, bringingelements of energized Gospel music into theirsecular songs.These effortsrangedwidely, fromthe rocking songs of Little Richard and theshouts of JamesBrown to theballads ofnumerous R&B quartets. This work coalesced as acoherentgenre inthehands ofRay Charles andAhmet Ertegun, theAtlantic Records ownerand producer. In 1954, Charles had a huge hitwhen he transformed thewell-known Gospelanthem "My JesusMeans theWorld toMe"intothesecular "IGot aWoman (way over townthat's good tome)." Over the next 10 years,many artists followed his lead, includingSolomon Burke, Otis Redding, Aretha Franklin,Sam Cook, JackieWilson, andWilson Picket(Garland 1970; Gillett 1974; Guralnick 1999).In the 1960s,Motown Records became verysuccessful by crafting a line of "softer," "safer,"soul songs. Cool jazz, Funk,New jack swing,andNu metal likewise emergedfrom the effortsof successful artistsworking with industrialrecord company producers or arrangers.Southern gospel developed quite differently.While thegenre ishighly inflectedwith Blackinfluences, thedesignation "Southern" isusedto clearly distinguish itspredominantlyWhite,close-harmony style rom related trends nBlackGospel. Southern gospel was an unintendedbyproduct ofmarketing effortsbegun in 1910by theVaughn Music Publishing Company tosell theirnew line of religious songbooks featuringfour-partharmonies. The company hired


16/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 711Table 4. IST Genre Trajectories

Industry-Based Scene-Based TraditionalistCool Jazz xxx

Funk xxxMovie Cowboy xxxNew Jack Swing xxx Soul xxxSouthern Gospel xxxNashville Sound x xNu Metal x xOutlaw Country x x

amale quartet toperformworks from thesongbooks in churches across the South and theMidwest. Four-part quartets had not been popular previously, but theywere themost costefficientway topromote songbooks. Touringquartets rapidly became popular, and enterprising singers formed publishing companiesand sent out singingquartets of their wn. Thiscreated a greatdemand fornew songswell suited to four-partharmonies. By 1940, performances were also held in town halls, theaters,schools, and under tentswhere theatricality asimportant to success. Several quartets recorded forRCA inthe 1920s, but itwasn't until the1960s thatgroups again obtained contractswithmajor labels. By the 1980s the old circuit nolongerdrew young fans,but the formhas experienced a revival as a Traditionalist genre sincethe 1990s (Goff2002; Murray 2005).The Nashville soundwas also an unintended byproductofmusic industry ctors. Itwas thework ofmajor music corporation producerswho were also accomplished musicians, mostnotablyOwen Bradley, Herbert Long, and ChetAtkins. Beginning in the late 1950s, theycreated an assembly-line systemof production inan effort to produce standard, high-quality countrymusic at a low cost. Professional songwriters provided songs thatwere assigned toparticular artists, and a set of professional "session" musicians created arrangements in thestudio.What began as a system of productionsoon developed distinctmusical qualities thatcollectively became known as theNashvillesound (Hemphill 1970). The genre flourished inthe 1960s,was supplanted in the 1970s, and todate ithas nothad aTraditionalist form (Jensen1998). Like theNashville sound,Cowboy musicwas the byproduct of a system of creatingrecorded music; itwas produced in the

Hollywood movie lots devoted tomaking "B"Western films (Peterson 1997).Outlaw country coalesced in themid-1970sas a reaction to the growing banality of theNashville sound, but itrepresented a long tradition of "hard countrymusic," runningfromJimmieRodgers and Hank Williams toGeorgeJones and Johnny ash (Malone 2002). Led byWaylon Jennings and Willie Nelson, artistsbegan to flaunt theirdrug use, write theirownsongs, choose their ecordproducers, and recordwith theirown road bands awayfrom the largecorporately-owned studios. This "outlaw" movement became a genre in 1976 when RCArepackaged previously-released material byJennings,Nelson, Jessi Colter, and TompallGlaser as "Wanted: The Outlaws," whichbecame thefirstcountrymusic album to sell amillion copies. Many artists followed in thewake of this success, but themusic has not hadaTraditionalist phase. Instead, theoutlaw spirit and way ofmaking records has animatedloosely-organized Avant-garde movements, suchas Texas country, Southern rock, Alternativecountry, and hellbilly (Ching 2001, Malone2002).Our sample genres suggest thatnot all industrialenvironments are equally congenial to thedevelopment of newmusics. While themajorcompanies (measured in way appropriateto thetime) accounted formost popular music production in the twentieth-century nited States,six of thenine musics in our sample?Cooljazz, Funk, New jack swing, Soul, Southerngospel, and Nu metal?were developed in unaffiliated, independent record companies thatwere incompetitionwith themajor labels.


17/23

712 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWSUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONSThis article examines theattributes,forms,andtrajectoriesof commercial music genres in thetwentieth-century United States. Based onexploratory case studies of Bebop jazz,Bluegrass, Grunge rock, and Rap, we foundthat ach music communitycan be characterizedby clusters of 12attributes:organizational form,scale, and locus ofmusic production; codification of performance conventions; the role oftechnology, ress coverage, and boundarywork;the identity ork ofparticipants, including theirgoals, dress, and argot; sources of income forartists;and finally thevarying sources ofgenrenames. We found that combinations of theseattributes cluster into fourgenre forms thatwecall Avant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based,and Traditionalist.To gauge thegenerality of these genre attributes, forms,and trajectories,we examined 60kinds ofmusic found in theUnited States.Wediscovered that these four genre formsweresufficienttoaccount forvariations in the sampled musics. We also found that thedevelopmental featuresof thesemusics fitone of threedistinct genre trajectories. Two-thirds of thesampledmusics started inAvant-garde circles.Most of these thengenerated support rom localpeople and institutions, ttracted the attentionof mass marketers, and, after a period of international visibility,a number became thedomainof those seeking topreserve thetraditional enreideal.9A smaller number ofmusics emergedwithin scenes, usually becoming Industry-basedgenres and thenTraditionalist genres. Perhapsthe greatest surprise was that nine musicsemerged within themusic industry, s artists,producers, ormarketers seized theopportunityto innovate, and several of these developedScene-based and Traditionalist forms. It isnotable thatwhile many musical trajectories

9 Caution should be taken when asserting thatAgSIT is the predominant genre trajectory. This trajectory roughly mirrors the story of genre development recounted in many popular works andretrospective critical evaluations. There is a dangerthat this is as much a reconstructed myth as an accurate accounting of events. We try to avoid this potential bias as much as possible by relying on sourceswritten close to the times that the events beingdescribed took place.

are broken or truncated, ll the sampledmusicswent througha Scene-based phase.The Theoretical Utility of Genre andSocial-Cultural ClassificationThe forms and trajectorieswe discovered inmusic of the twentieth-century nited Statesseem similar to those of other social formations.We described how newmusic genres coalesce frommusicians' dissatisfactions and theirability toattract n activemusic scene.Much thesame process seems to take place in the "invisible colleges" of scientists and scholars in thehumanities. These groups formaround faculty'sand students' dissatisfactionwith thedominantpractices in a given discipline, and some ofthese factionsbecome well enough establishedthatthey re able togather sufficientresourcestoproduce and conveyknowledge (Crane 1972;Frickel and Gross 2005). The growth of academic disciplines thus resembles musics in thefirstthreephases of theAgSIT trajectory. uchthe same process is found in thedevelopmentof churches that grow from sects or cults.Whether derivedfrom an existingdenominationas a sect,orbornfrom fresh inspiration s a cult,these groups can experience similar developmental paths as AgSIT genres, until they toowither or become established churches (Starkand Bainbridge 1985;Wallis 1975).The musics we studied changed inpatternedways thatmay mirror processes in otherdomains. The music and lifestyleofmany genresmoved from being novel and experimentalto being seen as unexceptional, fixed, or oldfashioned. This particular patterned changestrikesus as similar toWeber's idea of the routinization of charisma (Weber 1947), and thissimilaritymay point us towardmore generalprinciples thatcould explain thedynamics ofdiverse collectivities.Numerous sociological studies examine thesocial processes of genre dynamics invariousforms of cultural expression, focusing on thevalorization of a cultural formas art (Baumann2007; Bourdieu 1990; DiMaggio 1982, 1992;Regev 1994;White andWhite 1965). If artmusics are considered in theway we have donehere, a genre phase based on institutionalvalorization and governmental-philanthropic supportwould probably be found, nd this rt-basedphase might simply substitute for the


18/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 713Traditionalist phase experienced by some commercial genres. In the case ofBebop, thevalorization processes emerged near theend of itsIndustry-basedgenre (Lopes 2002). Is itpossible that there are characteristics of theTraditionalist phase thathave, todate, prevented the valorization of blues and rock as artdespite the concerted efforts of numerousgroups (Lee 2007; Regev 1994)?In the course of ourwork itbecame abundantlyclear thatgenres do not all have thesameinfluence inalteringeithermusic or thefield ofcommercial music. One might distinguishbetween genres that re onlymarginally differentand those that regerminal, that s, theyrepresent a significant departure from existingmusics. Such germinal genres tend to spawn anumber of genres that re onlymarginally differentfrom them. For example, the germinalgenres ofBebop, Rock-n-roll, and Old-schoolrapbegat, respectively, ard bop andCool jazz,psychedelic and glam rock,andGangsta, bootyrap, and numerous other variants. If this distinctionproves useful, itwould be importanttoask why germinal genres emerge when andwhere theydo.A great deal of popular writing about musicgenres focuses on descriptions of the interactionamong participants, but this is an underresearched area and, except for a few illustrations, we have given it scant attention here.There are numerous possible research questions:What are thediscursive andmusical structures that concatenate into genre ideals andproduce symbols of inclusion and exclusion?How do performance conventions emerge, andwhat is theprocess of elective affinity nd resistance bywhich lifestyles emerge? Is thereanoptimum level of competition between musicians, old and new genre fans, industry ctors,and between genres for creating genres andtheirdevelopment?Why do someAvant-gardecircles attractsceneswhile otherswither?Whydo some genre participants seek innovationwhile others try omaintain traditions?And arethedynamics of identity ormationdifferent orAvant-garde, Scene-based, Industry-based, andTraditionalist genre participants?

Genre in Interactional and MacroContextRival genres are among themost important lements ina genre's environment, nd aswe notedabove, contentious battles between rivals oftenshape Scene-based musics. The historical recordoffersmany examples of such conflict, includingthestreetfightsbetween "mods" and "rockers" in the early days of rock-n-roll in theUnited Kingdom. We know very little,though,of the role these frictionsplay in thedevelopment of genres. It could be that competitionover resources produces similarities between

musics.Much writing on genre emergence focuses onthe ingenuity nd creativityofparticular artists.It is clear from the detailed descriptions ofAvant-garde genres,however, thatkey artists ndculturalentrepreneurs re often familiarwith thedevelopment of earliermusics, and these storiesmay condition theiractions as they set out toforma newmusic. Similarly, theremay be pressures for a genre to acquire particular institutionalfeatures that re isomorphicwith thoseofothers in the organizational field.Hesmondhalgh (1998), forexample, shows thattheorganizational and institutionaldynamics ofthemusic industryfrustrated the attempts ofpost-punk bands to operate on a democraticbasis.The dynamics of field opportunitystructuresseem todictate thatwhen a dominant genre isaging, only one of the contending new genreswill be able to take itsplace. Is thisprocessinevitable, andwhat happens to theother contestants?Do theyget absorbed by thewinninggenre? Do theysimplywither? Or do theyconsolidate their strengths as Scene-based orTraditionalistgenres and surviveon themarginsof commercial music?Much of this rticle focuses on field-level factors ingenre dynamics.Nonetheless, we bracketed several importantfactors tomake the datamanageable. Most importantly, e did not takeinto consideration the intimate relationshipbetween creative communities in theUnitedStates and those inEurope and otherparts of theworld. A full understanding of genres in theUnited States must take into account thesediverse influences and collaborations. In addition, genres such as bebop, punk, rap, and postdisco dance music have taken root incountriesaround theworld and are being reimported to


19/23

714 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWthe United States in transformed versions.Likewise, Avant-garde and Scene-based genresmodeled on exportedU.S. genres emerge inmany countries, but few systematic studiesexplore theprocesses involved or theways inwhich the genres are transformed (Condry2006).Research shows that discrimination againstmarginalized elements of our societyhas had acomplex influenceon genre formation and trajectories (Cantwell 1984; Crouch 2007; Lott1995). Indeed,many of themusics inour sample emerged from theexperiences ofmarginalized elements of society, most prominentlyAfricanAmericans, youth, immigrants, omen,and individualsfrom slums and other impoverished areas, such as theSouth. By way of contrast, he lifeways nd complaints of thewealthyhave not inspired the development of any ofthe commercial genres inour sample. Why isthis thecase, and what is itsspecific impactongenre attributes and trajectories?We were surprised by the counterintuitivediscovery thatseveral twentieth-century usicsemerged as Industry-basedgenres (IST), whichsuggests the importance of furtheranalyzingthe role of corporations ingenre formationanddevelopment. Multinational corporations ofteninhibitmusical innovation; to sustain profits,firms constrain artists toproduce onlymarginally different aesthetic content (Dowd 2004;Lopes 1992; Peterson and Berger 1975;Weisbard 2008). How does the increasing roleofmultinational corporations intheearly stagesofmusical innovation effect the incubation ofmusics in Scene-based genres (Negus 1999)?Looking forprofits, the industrial sectormay"prematurely" harvest Scene-based genres.What are the consequences for the aestheticcontentand trajectory f suchmusic? It isentirelypossible that, n the twenty-firstentury, orporate control of themusic industrymay stiflethedevelopment of autonomous genres of thesort that flourished inthe twentieth entury.Ontheotherhand, themyriad technological changesstimulated by digitalization, togetherwith theradical restructuringf corporateorganizations,may provide opportunities for thedevelopmentofnew germinal genres.One suchpossibility istheemergence ofnew genres based entirelyonthe electronicmanipulation of sound (Puckette2007).

We have said littleabout themacro socialconditions thatgive rise to specific innovationsor periods of innovation.The greatmajority ofmusics inour sample were created in the second half of the twentiethcentury. Itmight wellbe an artifact of our limited resources for historical research, or the tendency ofhistories toblurdistinctions amongmore distantevents andphenomena, but it is plausible that there hasbeen an accelerated rate of genre formation.Features of U.S. culture, political economy,communication, and technologymay have promoted and sustainedunique levels of innovationin the second half of thecentury.For example,theUnited States emerged fromWorld War IIwith its industrial nfrastructurentact, ndmostof thekey inventions in radio, television, andrecordmaking were made in thepostwar period. In the 1950s, teenagers' newfound wealthfueled the explosive growth in themarket forcommercial music. Growing worldwide comprehension of theEnglish languagemade U.S.commercial music popular, and growingworldwide popularityof the three-minute ong format,and the confines of an eight-note scale, influenced the freer sonorities and meter of folkmusics around theworld. More recently, thenewfound ease ofmusic creation, distribution,and consumption,made possible by digitalization and thenewmedia, may fuel thedevelopment of diverse genres around the world.We have focused on identifying developmental sequences ofmusic genres; the causalmechanisms that aid genres as they transitionfrom one genre form to thenextwere not ourconcern here. However, having identified theprevalent genre types and trajectories, futureresearchmight seek thenecessary and sufficientconditions for the production of these genreforms and theirsequencing.Our study shows thatdefiningmusic genresociologically as a creative group process ratherthan as a discourse about taxonomy or a market category facilitates understanding theprocesses of classification and systematicchange. It also provokes a range of questionsabout the social structure f genres, thedynamics of theirtrajectories, nd theways these shapemusic. Itmay also shed lighton processes ofclassification and change in other creativedomains in sociology, the arts,management,and the sciences.More broadly, this inductiveschema illustratesboth therelevance of sociol


20/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 715ogy to the studyof culture and thecentralityofthe study of culture to the problems of contemporary sociology.Jennifer C. Lena is an Assistant Professor atVanderbilt University. She does not have a "favoriterapper."Richard A. Peterson is Emeritus Professor ofSociology at Vanderbilt University. He has mostrecently co-edited an issue of Continuum on musicscenes inAustralia. His current work focuses on the

formation of creative communities; thewithering ofbureaucracy in competitive organizational fields,1968 to 2008; and the periodicity of music-genre

formation. He is trying topractice omnivorousnessrather thanprofess it s he works, without great success, to retire.

REFERENCESAhlkvist, JarlA. and Robert Faulkner. 2002. "'WillThis Record Work for Us?': Managing MusicFormats in Commercial Radio." QualitativeSociology 25(2):m-2\5.Anand, N. and Richard A. Peterson. 2000. "WhenMarket Information Constitutes Fields:

Sensemaking ofMarkets in theCommercial MusicIndustry." Organization Science 11:270-84.

Anand, N. and Mary R. Watson. 2004. "TournamentRituals inthe volution ofFields: The Case of theGrammy Awards." Academy of ManagementJournal 47:59-80.

Anderson, Benedict. 1983. Imagined Communities.London, UK: Verso.

Apperley, Thomas H. 2006. "Genre and GameStudies: Toward a Critical Approach to VideoGame Genres." Simulation & Gaming 37:6-23.Arian, Edward. 1971. Bach, Beethoven andBureaucracy. University, AL: University ofAlabama Press.Attali, Jacques. 1985. Noise: The Political Economy

ofMusic. Manchester, UK: Manchester UniversityPress.Ballard, Mary E., Alan R. Dodson, and Doris G.Bazzini. 1999. "Genre of Music and LyricalContent: Expectation Effects." The Journal ofGeneticPsychology 160(4):476-87.Bauck, Andrew. 1997. "Review." Popular Music

16(2):231-34.Baumann, Shyon. 2007. "A General Theory ofArtistic Legitimation: How Art Worlds are LikeSocial Movements." Poetics 35:47-65.Becker, Howard S. 1982. Art Worlds. Berkeley, CA:

University of California Press.-. 2004. "Jazz Places." Pp. 17-29 inMusicScenes, edited by A. Bennett and R. A. Peterson.Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press.

Bennett, Andrew. 1997. "'Going Down the Pub':The Pub Rock Scene." Popular Music 16:97-108.-. 2004. "New Tales from Canterbury: TheMaking ofaVirtual Scene." Pp. 205-20 in usicScenes, edited by A. Bennett and R. A. Peterson.Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press.

Bennett, Andrew and Richard A. Peterson, eds. 2004.Music Scenes: Local, Translocal and Virtual.Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press.

Bielby, William T. and Denise D. Bielby. 1994. "'AllHits are Flukes': Institutionalized DecisionMaking and the Rhetoric ofNetwork Prime-TimeProgram Development." American Journal ofSociology 99:1287-1313.

Binder, Amy. 1993. "Constructing Racial Rhetoric:Media Depictions ofHarm inHeavyMetal andRap Music." American Sociological Review58:753-67.

Bourdieu, Pierre. 1984. Distinction: A Social Critiqueof theJudgment fTaste.Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversity Press.. 1990. Photography: A Middle-Brow Art.Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.???. 1993. The Field of Cultural Production.New York: Columbia University Press.-. 1995. The Rules of Art: Genesis andStructure of the Literary Field. Translated by S.Emanuel. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.

Brewster, Bill and Frank Broughton. 2000. Last Nighta DJ Saved My Life. New York: Grove.Cantwell, Robert. 1984. Bluegrass Breakdown: The

Making of the Old Southern Sound. Urbana, IL:University of Illinois Press.

Caves, Richard. 2000. Creative Industries: Contactsbetween Art and Commerce. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.

Cerulo, Karen A. 1995. Identity Designs: The Sightsand Sounds of a Nation. New Brunswick, NJ:Rutgers University Press.Chang, Jeff. 2005. Can't Stop Won't Stop: A Historyof theHip-Hop Generation. New York: Picador.

Ching, Barbara. 2001. Wrongs What IDo Best: HardCountry Music and Contemporary Culture. NewYork: Oxford University Press.

Cocks, Jay. 1985. "Rock is a Four-Letter Word; ASenate Committee Asks: Have Lyrics Gone TooFar?" Time Magazine, September 30, pp. 70-72.Cohen, Sara. 1991. Rock Culture in Liverpool:

Popular Music in theMaking. Oxford, UK:Clarendon Press.Condry, Ian. 2006. Hip-Hop Japan: Rap and thePaths of Cultural Globalization. Durham, NC:Duke University Press.

Crane, Diana. 1972. Invisible Colleges: Diffusion ofKnowledge inScientific Communities. Chicago, IL:University of Chicago Press.

Crouch, Stanley. 2007. Considering Genius: Writingson Jazz. New York: Basic Civitas Books.


21/23

716 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWCurtis, James. 1987. Rock Eras. Bowling Green, OH:

Popular Press.Darden, Robert. 2004. People Get Ready!: A New

History of Black Gospel Music. New York:Continuum.DeVeaux, Scott. 1997. The Birth ofBeBop.A Socialand Musical History. Berkeley, CA: University ofCalifornia Press.

Devitt, Amy J. 2004. Writing Genres: RhetoricalPhilosophy and Theory. Carbondale, IL: SouthernIllinois Press.

DiMaggio, Paul. 1982. "Cultural Entrepreneurship inNineteenth-Century Boston: The Creation of anOrganizational Base forHigh Culture inAmerica."Media, Culture and Society 4:33-50.

-. 1987. "Classification in Art." AmericanSociological Review 52(4):440-55.-. 1992. "Cultural Boundaries and StructuralChange:The Extensionof theHighCultureModelto Theater, Opera, and Dance, 1900-1940." Pp.21-57 in Cultivating Differences, edited by M.Lamont and M. Fournier. Chicago, IL: Universityof Chicago Press.

Dowd, Timothy J. 1992. "The Musical Structure andSocial Context of Number-One Songs, 1955 to1988: An Exploratory Analysis." Pp. 130-57 inVocabularies ofPublic Life, edited by R. Wuthnow.London, UK: Routledge.-. 2004. "Concentration and DiversityRevisited: Production Logics and the U.S.Mainstream Recording Market, 1940-1990."Social Forces 82:1411-55.

Dudley, Shannon. 2004. Carnival Music in Trinidad:Experiencing Music, Expressing Culture. NewYork: Oxford University Press.

Ennis, Philip H. 1992. The Seventh Stream: TheEmergence of Rock-n-Roll in American PopularMusic. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan UniversityPress.

Eyerman, Ron and Andrew Jamison. 1998.Music andSocial Movements. Cambridge, UK: CambridgeUniversity Press.

Ferguson, Priscilla Parkhurst. 2004. Accounting forTaste: The Triumph ofFrench Cuisine. Chicago, IL:University of Chicago Press.

Florida, Richard. 2002. The Rise of the CreativeClass: And How it's Transforming Work, Leisure,Community and Everyday Life. New York: Basic.

Fowler, Alastair. 1982. Kinds of Literature: AnIntroduction to the Theory of Genres and Modes.Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

Fricke, Jim and Charlie Ahearn. 2002. Yes, Yes Y'all:Oral History of Hip-Hop s First Decade. NewYork: Da Capo Press.

Frickel, Scott and Neil Gross. 2005. "A GeneralTheory of Scientific/Intellectual Movements."American Sociological Review 70(2):204-32.

Frith, Simon. 1996. Performing Rites: On the Value

of opularMusic. Oxford,UK: OxfordUniversityPress.Frow, John. 2006. Genre. New York: Routledge.Gaines, Donna. 1994. "The Local Economy of

Suburban Scenes." Pp. 47-65 inAdolescents andTheir usic: If t s Too Loud YouAreTooOld, edited by J. S. Epstein. New York: Garland.Garland, Phyl. 1970. The Sound of Soul. Chicago, IL:

Regenry.Garofalo, Reebee. 2002. Rockin 'Out: Popular Musicin theUSA. New York: Prentice Hall.Gendron, Bernard. 2002. Between Montmartre andtheMudd Club: Popular Music and the AvantGarde. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.Gillett, Charlie. 1974. Making Tracks: AtlanticRecords and the Growth of aMilti-Billion-DollarIndustry. New York: Dutton.Goff, James R., Jr. 2002. Close Harmony: A HistoryofSouthernGospel. Chapel Hill,NC: UniversityofNorth Carolina Press.Grazian, David. 2003. Blue Chicago: The Search for

Authenticity inUrban Blues Clubs. Chicago, IL:University of Chicago Press.-. 2004. "The Symbolic Economy of theChicago Blues Scene." Pp. 31-47 inMusic Scenes,edited byA. Bennett and R. A. Peterson. Nashville,TN: Vanderbilt University Press.

Griswold, Wendy. 1987. "The Fabrication ofMeaning: Literary Interpretationn theUnitedStates, Great Britain, and the West Indies."AmericanJournalof ociology 92(5): 1077-1117.

Guralnick, Peter. 1999. Sweet Soul Music. New York:Harper Collins.

Haenfler, Russ. 2006. Straight Edge: Clean-LivingYouth, Hardcore Punk, and Social Change.Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press.

Heilbut, Anthony. 1997. The Gospel Sound: GoodNews and Bad Times. 4th ed. New York: LimelightEditions.Hemphill, Paul. 1970. The Nashville Sound. NewYork: Simon and Schuster.

Hesmondhalgh, David. 1998. "Post-Punk's AttempttoDemocratise theMusic Industry: The Successand Failure of Rough Trade." Popular Music16:255-74.Hirsch, Paul M. 1972. "Processing Fads and Fashions:An Organization-Set Analysis of Cultural Industry

Systems." American Journal of Sociology77(4):639-59.Hoskyns, Barney. 2006. Hotel California. New York:

Wiley.Hsu, Greta. 2006. "Jacks ofAll Trades and Mastersof None: Audiences' Reactions to Spanning Genresin Feature Film Production." Administrative

Science Quarterly 51:420-50.Hsu, Greta and Michael Hannan. 2005. "Identities,

Genres, and Organizational Forms."Organizational Science 16:474-90.

Hyon, Sunny. 1996. "Genre in Three Traditions:


22/23

TYPES AND TRAJECTORIES OF MUSIC GENRES 717Implications for ESL." TESOL Quarterly30:693-722.

Jensen, Joli. 1998. Nashville Sound: Authenticity,Commercialization, and Country Music. Nashville,TN: VanderbiltUniversityPress.Kahn-Harris, Keith. 2007. Extreme Metal: Musicand Culture on the Edge. Oxford, UK: BergPublishers.

Kelley, Robin D. G. 2004. "Looking for the 'Real'Nigga: Social ScientistsConstruct theGhetto."Pp. 119-36 in That's theJoint!: TheHip-HopStudies Reader, edited by M. Forman and M. A.Neal. New York: Routledge.Kibby,Marjorie. 2000. "Home on thePage:AVirtualPlace of Music Community." Popular Music19:91-100.Krims, Adam. 2000. Rap Music and thePoetics of

Identity. New York: Cambridge University Press.Kruse,Holly. 2003. Sight ndSound:UnderstandingIndependent Music Scenes. New York: Peter Lang.

Laing, Dave. 1985. One Chord Wonders: Power andMeaning inPunk Rock. Milton Keynes: OpenUniversity Press.

Lamont, Michele and Virag Molnar. 2002. "TheStudy of Boundaries in the Social Sciences."Annual Review of Sociology 28:167-95.Lee, Steve S. 2007. "Musical Stratification:Explaining the estheticMobility amongMusicGenres." PhD Dissertation, Department ofSociology,Nashville, TN,VanderbiltUniversity.Lee, Steve S. and Richard A. Peterson. 2004.

"Internet-Based Virtual Music Scenes: The Caseof P2 in Alt. Country." Pp. 187-204 inMusicScenes, edited by A. Bennett and R. A. Peterson.Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press.

Lena, Jennifer C. 2003. "From 'Flash' to 'Cash':Producing Rap Authenticity, 1979 to 1995." PhDdissertation, Department of Sociology, ColumbiaUniversity, New York City, New York.-. 2004. "Meaning and Membership:Samples in Rap Music, 1979 to 1995." Poetics32(3-4):297-310.-. 2006. "Social Context and MusicalContent: Rap Music, 1979-1995." Social Forces85(l):479-95.

Lena, Jennifer C. and Richard A. Peterson. 2006."Movement-Made Music." Paper presented at theThematic Session on Social Movements, the 101stannual meetings of the American SociologicalAssociation, Montreal, Canada.-. 2007. "Resources and Phases inMusicGenre Formation." Paper presented at the panel onNew Trends in the Sociology of theArts, CultureSection, American Sociological AssociationConference, New York City, New York.

Lewis, George E. 1996. "Improvised Music after1950: Afrological and Eurological Perspectives."Black Music Research Journal 16:91-122.Liberson, Stanley. 2000. A Matter of Taste: How

Names, Fashions, and Culture Change. NewHaven, CT: Yale University Press.

Light, Alan. 2004. "About a Salary or Reality??Rap's Recurrent Conflict." Pp. 137-46 inThat's theJoint!:TheHip-Hop StudiesReader, editedbyM.Forman and M. A. Neal. New York: Routledge.

Lizardo, Omar. 2006. "How Cultural Tastes ShapePersonal Networks." American SociologicalReview 71:778-807.Lloyd, Richard. 2006. Neo-Bohemia: Art andCommerce in the Postindustrial City. New York:

Routledge.Lomax, Alan. 1964. Folk Song Style and Culture.

Washington, DC: American Academy for theAdvancement of Science.Longhurst, Brian. 2007. Popular Music and Society.Cambridge,UK: Polity.Lopes, Paul. 1992. "Innovation and Diversity in the

Popular Music Industry, 1969 to 1990." AmericanSociological Review 57:56-71.-. 2002. The Rise of a Jazz Art World. NewYork: Cambridge University Press.Lott,Eric. 1995.Love & Theft: lackfaceMinstrelsyand the American Working Class. New York:Oxford University Press.Maffesoli,Michael. 1996.The Time ofTribes: TheDecline of Individualism inMass Society.Translated by D. Smith. London, UK: Sage.Magee, Jeffrey.005. The UncrownedKing of wing:Fletcher Henderson and Big Band Jazz. New York:Oxford University Press.Malone, William C. 2002. Don't Get Above YourRasin': Country Music and theSouthern WorkingClass. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.

Mark, Noah. 1998. "Birds of a Feather Sing Together."Social Forces 77(2)453-85.Mazor, Barry. 2003. "Little Miss Cornshucks." No

Depression 45:80-95.McLeod, Kembrew. 2001. "Genres, Subgenres, andMore: Musical and Social Differentiation within

Electronic/Dance Music Communities." Journal ofPopular Music Studies 13:59-76.

McNeil, Legs and Gillian McCain. 1996. Please KillMe: The Uncensored Oral History of Punk. NewYork: Penguin.Merwe, Peter van der. 1989. Origins of Popular Style:The Antecedents of Twentieth-Century PopularMusic. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press.Moore, Ryan. 2005. "Alternative to What?Subcultural Capital and theCommercialization ofaMusic Scene." Deviant Behavior 26:229-52.Murray, David B. 2005. Encyclopedia of Southern

Gospel Music. Bostic, NC: MusicScribePublishing.

Neale, Steve. 1980. Genre. London, UK: British FilmInstitute.Negus, Keith. 1999. Music Genres and CorporateCultures. New York: Routledge.Peterson, Richard A. 1972. "A Process Model of the


23/23

718 AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEWFolk,Pop and FineArtPhases ofJazz."Pp. 135-51inAmerican Music: From Storyville toWoodstock,edited by C. Nanry. New Brunswick, NJ:Transaction Books.

-. 1990."Why 1955?Explaining the dventofRock andRoll." PopularMusic 9:97-116.-. 1997. Creating Country Music:FabricatingAuthenticity.hicago, IL:Universityof Chicago Press.Peterson, Richard A. and David Berger. 1975. "Cyclesin Symbol Production

classification as culture,types and trajectories of music genres

Documents