communicating friendships case study of women in an...

COMMUNICATING FRIENDSHIPS: A CASE

STUDY OF WOMEN IN AN AUSTRALIAN

„SEACHANGE‟ TOWN

A thesis in fulfilment of the requirement of the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

written and submitted by

Orit Rivka Ben Harush

Master of Arts, Tel Aviv University

Bachelor of Arts, The Hebrew University

Media and Communication

Creative Industries Faculty

Queensland University of Technology

Brisbane, Australia

2011

Principal Supervisor: Dr. Christina Spurgeon

Associate Supervisor: Dr. Lynda Andrews

Communicating friendships: A case study of women in an Australian ‗seachange‘ town

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Keywords

Friendworks; adult women; Australia; across-media communication; mobility;

population mobility; seachange communities; communication use; friends; friendships; face-to-

face; fixed-telephone; internet; mobile phone; Byron Shire; social network; social support; spatial

proximity; women‘s work


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Abstract

This thesis proposes ‗friendworks‘ as an important sub-group of social networks,

comprised of networks of friends. It investigates friendworks of a particular group of adult

Australian women as a way of understanding neglected aspects of social networking practices.

Friendworks are contextualised to highlight two main themes of interest: population mobility and

communication practices.

The impact of relocation on individuals, local communities and the wider society is

explored through a case study of female friendworks in a seachange community. Research

findings point to the importance of friendworks in building and cohering social and emotional

support, well-being, belonging and senses of place and community.

Different types of communication methods were used by research participants for

mediating different kinds of social ties within the friendworks considered here. Communication

patterns were influenced by geographical proximity to friends, and the type of social support

required of them (emotional, instrumental or companionship).

Most findings were consistent with broader social patterns of communication. For

example, face-to-face interactions were the dominant and most favoured communication method

between local friends, regardless of whether they were weak or strong ties. The fixed-telephone

and the internet were commonly in use to maintain old and geographically distant social ties,

while mobile phones were used the least among friends in comparison with other communication

methods.

The key finding of this thesis is that friendworks are an extremely important solid

network in contemporary society, providing mooring relations in a mobile world. Paradoxically,

however, for women in this study, the mobile phone, which is popularly perceived as a flexible,

multi-purpose communication technology for people on the move, was the least versatile of all

technologies for maintaining friendworks. The cost of services was the main inhibitor here. The

internet was found to be the most versatile communication technology and was used to support

various types of social ties: strong, weak, local and distant.

This thesis also highlights the value of the concept of friendworks as well as networks

for communication research and policy investigating individuals‘ motivations and practices.


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Table of Contents

Keywords .................................................................................................................................................i

Abstract ................................................................................................................................................. iii

Table of Contents .................................................................................................................................... v

List of Figures ........................................................................................................................................ix

List of Tables .........................................................................................................................................xi

Glossary of abbreviations and acronyms .............................................................................................. xii

Statement of original authorship ......................................................................................................... xiii

Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................................... xv

1 CHAPTER 1: FROM FIXED-PHONES AND SOCIAL NETWORKS TO MOBILITY AND

FRIENDWORKS ................................................................................................................................. 1

1.1 What is the research in this thesis about? ..................................................................................... 3

1.2 The conceptual framework........................................................................................................... 4

1.3 Women‘s work ............................................................................................................................. 5

1.4 The research questions ................................................................................................................. 6

1.5 Methodology ................................................................................................................................ 7

1.6 Thesis main findings .................................................................................................................... 8 1.6.1 Seachanging ...................................................................................................................... 8 1.6.2 Friendworks ...................................................................................................................... 9 1.6.3 Communication within friendworks ............................................................................... 10 1.6.4 Women and mobile phones............................................................................................. 11

1.7 The significance of the study ..................................................................................................... 12

1.8 Thesis outline ............................................................................................................................. 14

2 CHAPTER 2: FRIENDWORKS IN THE NETWORK SOCIETY ............................................ 17

2.1 The network society ................................................................................................................... 18 2.1.1 The space of flows .......................................................................................................... 21

2.2 Social networks .......................................................................................................................... 22 2.2.1 Social capital ................................................................................................................... 24 2.2.2 Affective labour .............................................................................................................. 25 2.2.3 Social and emotional support .......................................................................................... 26 2.2.4 Local communities.......................................................................................................... 28 2.2.5 Spatial proximity ............................................................................................................ 31 2.2.6 Social proximity: The impact of technology .................................................................. 31 2.2.7 Women and social networks ........................................................................................... 33

2.3 Why friendwork? ....................................................................................................................... 35 2.3.1 What is a friendwork? ..................................................................................................... 36 2.3.2 What do we mean by friend? .......................................................................................... 37 2.3.3 Virtual acquaintances ...................................................................................................... 39 2.3.4 Types of social networks ................................................................................................ 41

2.4 Implications ............................................................................................................................... 46

3 CHAPTER 3: MOBILITY IN THE NETWORK SOCIETY ..................................................... 47

3.1 Mobility ..................................................................................................................................... 47

3.2 The new mobilities paradigm ..................................................................................................... 49


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3.3 Mobility and affection ............................................................................................................... 51

3.4 Population mobility: Relocation in seachange communities ..................................................... 51 3.4.1 Self and social identity: A sense of belonging in relocation situations ........................... 53 3.4.2 Immigration .................................................................................................................... 56

3.5 Physical and communicative travel ........................................................................................... 57

3.6 Across-media communication ................................................................................................... 58 3.6.1 The role of communication in sustaining friendworks ................................................... 60 3.6.2 Communication and proximity ....................................................................................... 61 3.6.3 Choosing a communication method ............................................................................... 63 3.6.4 Mediated communication via interactive technologies ................................................... 64

3.7 The mobile phone ...................................................................................................................... 76 3.7.1 Why people love using mobiles ...................................................................................... 78 3.7.2 Uses of the mobile phone ............................................................................................... 79 3.7.3 Uses and gratifications of mobile phone use .................................................................. 82 3.7.4 Who do we contact over the mobile phone? ................................................................... 85 3.7.5 Women and mobile phones ............................................................................................ 87

3.8 Implications ............................................................................................................................... 89

4 CHAPTER 4: RESEARCHING OCEAN SHORES FRIENDWORKS ..................................... 91

4.1 The research methodology: The case study ............................................................................... 91

4.2 Ocean Shores as the context of the case study ........................................................................... 92

4.3 A marginal native ...................................................................................................................... 95

4.4 Recruiting adult women ............................................................................................................. 98

4.5 Demographic profile of the case study sample ........................................................................ 100

4.6 The research instruments ......................................................................................................... 102 4.6.1 Online surveys .............................................................................................................. 103 4.6.2 In-depth interviews ....................................................................................................... 103 4.6.3 Datasets of national surveys ......................................................................................... 111 4.6.4 Pilot focus group ........................................................................................................... 112

4.7 Methodological limitations and ethical considerations ............................................................ 112 4.7.1 Method limitations ........................................................................................................ 112 4.7.2 Ethical considerations ................................................................................................... 114

4.8 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 116

5 CHAPTER 5: POPULATION MOBILITY: RELOCATING IN A SEACHANGE

COMMUNITY .................................................................................................................................. 117

5.1 Moving to Ocean Shores .......................................................................................................... 117

5.2 Why relocate? .......................................................................................................................... 118

5.3 Making New friends in a new place of dwelling ..................................................................... 123

5.4 How did you get to know your friends? ................................................................................... 127

5.5 Befriending within sub-communities ....................................................................................... 128

5.6 Failing to befriend .................................................................................................................... 130

5.7 When newcomers become locals ............................................................................................. 132

5.8 Sense of belonging: Sense of community and sense of place .................................................. 133

5.9 From befriending to friendworks ............................................................................................. 137

6 CHAPTER 6: FRIENDWORKS .................................................................................................. 139

6.1 Friendworks‘ size: The more the merrier? ............................................................................... 139

6.2 Benefits of friendships ............................................................................................................. 143


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6.3 Supporting others ..................................................................................................................... 145

6.4 Types of friendships ................................................................................................................. 149 6.4.1 The best friend .............................................................................................................. 149 6.4.2 Family as friends .......................................................................................................... 151 6.4.3 Spouses as friends ......................................................................................................... 153 6.4.4 Neighbours as friends ................................................................................................... 154

6.5 Spatial proximity as a catalyst to social proximity................................................................... 155

6.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 158

7 CHAPTER 7: COMMUNICATION WITHIN FRIENDWORKS ........................................... 161

7.1 Dominant method of communication with friends .................................................................. 161

7.2 Frequency of communication with friends............................................................................... 164 7.2.1 Communication with best friends ................................................................................. 166

7.3 Choosing a communication method ......................................................................................... 169

7.4 Communicating emotional support .......................................................................................... 171

7.5 Modeling communication practices within friendworks .......................................................... 173 7.5.1 Local strong ties ............................................................................................................ 173 7.5.2 Distant strong ties ......................................................................................................... 174 7.5.3 Local weak ties ............................................................................................................. 174 7.5.4 Distant weak ties ........................................................................................................... 174

7.6 Is it enough? ............................................................................................................................. 175

7.7 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 176

8 CHAPTER 8: WOMEN AND MOBILE PHONES ................................................................... 179

8.1 Mobile phones adoption ........................................................................................................... 179

8.2 Used and ignored mobile phone applications .......................................................................... 181

8.3 Who do you contact via the mobile phone? ............................................................................. 184

8.4 We don't ring and say: "I love you darling", not anymore ....................................................... 186

8.5 Uses and gratifications of mobile phone use ............................................................................ 192

8.6 Emotional support over the mobile phone ............................................................................... 195

8.7 Why such a minimal use and why instrumental? ..................................................................... 197

8.8 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 202

9 CHAPTER 9: THE MOORING AFFECT OF FRIENDWORKS IN A MOBILE WORLD 205

9.1 Towards increased population mobility ................................................................................... 206 9.1.1 Relocating ..................................................................................................................... 207 9.1.2 Befriending ................................................................................................................... 207 9.1.3 Sub-communities: A case of bonding social capital ..................................................... 209 9.1.4 Facing social challenges in seachange communities .................................................... 210

9.2 The friendwork society ............................................................................................................ 212 9.2.1 Friendworks‘ composition ............................................................................................ 213 9.2.2 The role of friendworks ................................................................................................ 214 9.2.3 Affective labour and social capital ............................................................................... 215

9.3 Communicating friendships ..................................................................................................... 216 9.3.1 The fixed-telephone ...................................................................................................... 217 9.3.2 The internet ................................................................................................................... 218 9.3.3 The mobile phone ......................................................................................................... 220

9.4 Limitations ............................................................................................................................... 223

9.5 Further research directions ....................................................................................................... 224


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9.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................... 226

REFERENCES .................................................................................................................................. 227

APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................... 253

Appendix A: Contact details form (the online survey) ....................................................................... 253

Appendix B: The consent form ........................................................................................................... 258

Appendix C: In-depth interview schedule ........................................................................................... 261

Appendix D: Mobile Phone Log Form (within the in-depth Interview) ............................................. 268

Appendix E: My network of friends (within the in-depth Interview) ................................................. 269

Appendix F: Friendwork sociogram sheet (within the in-depth Interview) ........................................ 270


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List of Figures

Figure 1: Sources of support in time of crisis by sex (Source: Pink, 2007, p. 4, n=13,375) ................. 36

Figure 2: The relation between interpersonal social networks .............................................................. 45

Figure 3: Days of contact per year by communication methods (Source: Hampton, et al., 2009) ........ 62

Figure 4: Communication methods in use to contact family or friends living outside the household in

last 3 months (Source: Pink, 2007, females n=4341, males n=4156) ........................................... 65

Figure 5: Methods used to communicate with family or friends living outside the household in last 3

months (Source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375) ....................................................................................... 66

Figure 6: Percentage of Australians with fixed-telephone, by age (Source: ACMA, 2009b, n=1396) . 67

Figure 7: Voice service most often used by household consumers, by age (Source: ACMA, 2009b,

n=1396) ........................................................................................................................................ 67

Figure 8: Type of calls made from fixed-telephone based on telephone bill (Source: ACMA, 2009a,

based on Roy Morgan Single Source database) ........................................................................... 69

Figure 9: Types of calls made by Australian consumers using VoIP (Source: ACMA, 2009b) ........... 73

Figure 10: Australian household consumers - Mobile phone user profile, by age (Source: ACMA,

2009b, n=1396) ............................................................................................................................ 76

Figure 11: Mobile phone ownership rates by work status, May–June 2008 (Source: ACMA, 2009b,

n=1396) ........................................................................................................................................ 77

Figure 12: Mobile phone use (personal/work) by gender (Source: Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, n=3735)80

Figure 13: What percentage of the respondents‘ phone bill is spent on which uses (Source: Mackay &

Weidlich, 2008, p. 37) .................................................................................................................. 81

Figure 14: Reasons why respondents don‘t use their mobile phone beyond voice and SMS as a

percentage of those who said they only use their phones for voice and SMS (Source: Mackay &

Weidlich, 2008, p. 63) .................................................................................................................. 82

Figure 15: Mobile phone calls made by recipient (Source: Wajcman, et al., 2008, p. 18) .................... 86

Figure 16: Ocean Shores‘ location ........................................................................................................ 92

Figure 17: Ocean Shores‘ view from the local lookout (Photo by Scott MacLeod Liddle 2006) ......... 93

Figure 18: Friendship relations between the research participants (created by UCINET, a social

network analysis software, http://www.analytictech.com/ucinet). ............................................... 99

Figure 19: Percentage of close family members by distance of the overall indicated family members

(Source: case study, n=26) ......................................................................................................... 102

Figure 20: Network of friends – sample form ..................................................................................... 105

Figure 21: Mobile phone log sample ................................................................................................... 106

Figure 22: Network of friends‘ sociogram sample .............................................................................. 108

Figure 23: Place of residence prior to the move to Ocean Shores (Source: case study, n=26) ........... 118

Figure 24: How did participants get to know their friends (Source: case study, n=599 friendships) .. 128

Figure 25: Number of friends by work situation (Source: case study) ................................................ 141

Figure 26: Mean number of friends by level of education (Source: case study, n=26) ....................... 141

Figure 27: Assistance provided by age and by relation type (Source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375) ............ 147

Figure 28: Assistance provided – by sex (Source: Pink, 2007) ........................................................... 148

Figure 29: Type of assistance provided by males and females (source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375) ......... 148


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Figure 30: Mean number of friends by residence proximity (Source: case study, n=25).................... 156

Figure 31: Average distance from friends by number of years residing in Ocean Shores .................. 157

Figure 32: Percentage of friends segmented by distance - Australia vs. overseas born (Source: case

study) .......................................................................................................................................... 158

Figure 33: A comparison of mostly used and favoured communication method with friends (Source:

case study) .................................................................................................................................. 163

Figure 34: Frequency of communication with total number of friends (Source: case study, n=25) ... 165

Figure 35: Percentage of friends communicated by communication method and by frequency (Source:

case study, n=25) ........................................................................................................................ 166

Figure 36: Dominant communication method with frequently contacted (every day and a few times a

week) best-friends (Source: case study, n=16) ........................................................................... 167

Figure 37: Dominant communication method with best-friends (Source: case study, n=25) ............. 168

Figure 38: Communication methods used within the case study friendworks (filtered by tie strength,

spatial proximity and communication purpose) ......................................................................... 173

Figure 39: Mobile monthly expenditure – Compared data: 2007 AIMIA survey (only women over 35

years old), all 2008 AIMIA survey respondents and the case study participants ....................... 181

Figure 40: Frequency of use of mobile phone applications (Source: case study, n= 26) .................... 182

Figure 41: Twenty two of the 26 mobile devices of the research participants .................................... 183

Figure 42: Participants‘ primary person of communication over the mobile phone (Source: case study,

n=26) .......................................................................................................................................... 184

Figure 43: Percentage of overall mobile interactions by type of contact (Source: case study, n=26) . 185

Figure 44: Contacted people over the mobile phone, a comparison of the case study and the AMTA

survey (Wajcman, et al., 2008) mobile phone logs .................................................................... 186

Figure 45: Percentage of mobile phone interactions by motivation (Source: case study, n=25) ......... 188

Figure 46: Purposes of mobile phone interactions by types of contacts (Source: case study, n=25) .. 189

Figure 47: Sorting mobile activities by significance (Source: case study) .......................................... 191


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List of Tables

Table 1: Thesis outline .......................................................................................................................... 14

Table 2: Types and attributes of interpersonal social networks ............................................................ 43

Table 3: Reasons provided by Australian residential users for considering replacing/not replacing a

fixed-telephone service with a mobile phone (Source: ACMA, 2008, p. 11, n=1,426, all those

with a mobile phone in household, multiple choice question)...................................................... 68


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Glossary of abbreviations and acronyms

3G – Third generation; refers to mobile phone applications which involve internet data exchange

over the mobile phone

ABS – Australian Bureau of Statistics

ACMA – the Australian Communications and Media Authority

AIMIA – Australian Interactive Media Industry Association

AMTA – Australian Mobile Telecommunications Association

F2F – face-to-face

GSS – General Social Survey

IM – Instant Message over the internet (also known as chat)

LGA – Local Government Area

MMS – Multimedia Messaging Service

NSW – New South Wales, Australia‘s most populous state

SMS – Short Message Service (also known as text messages or texting)

SNS – Social Network Sites over the internet (most commonly facebook, myspace and linkedIn)

VoIP – Voice over Internet Protocol (in this thesis, mostly relate to the Skype application)


Page xiii

Statement of original authorship

The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet

requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my

knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another

person except where due reference is made.

Signature: _________________________

Name: _________________________

Date: _________________________


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Acknowledgements

In this thesis I propose the ‗friendwork‘ as a particular type of social network that plays

an important role in integrating increasingly mobile populations. As a woman over the age of 35,

a wife and a mother recently migrated to a coastal Australian town, much of my personal story is

reflected in the research objectives of this project. I found that interviewing women in my own

town reflected on and reaffirmed my own experience. It helped me to positively accept the

challenge of establishing a sense of belonging to a new place and a new community, and the

process of making local friends in my adult phase of life. Above all, I have realised that I am not

alone and I am not different, regardless of personal and cultural differences; similar stories of

challenge are evident throughout the interviews. This meant a lot to me. It made me ponder the

extent to which the befriending pattern of newcomers is common, regardless of obvious

differences of culture, age, social roles, gender, place of origin, residential location, education,

profession and personality.

Through my personal story, as well as the experiences of the study participants, I have

realised the power of friends, friendships and friendworks to adult women, to newcomers, to

locals: to all those interviewed. They all had friendworks and they all worked in sustaining them,

using various communication methods and technologies. I was surprised to discover that in

media and communications saturated environments, face-to-face interactions between friends still

play a crucial role, even if such interactions tend to be spontaneous and brief. It was also

heartening to see that the women in my study were highly resourceful in developing alternative

communication methods and strategies for the purpose of ‗friendworking‘ when face-to-face

encounters could not take place.

The task of facilitating friendworks via telecommunications is so obvious to most of us,

that it seems we rarely take a minute to imagine how our social world (and personal life) would

look in their absence. Would I be able to keep in touch with my family and friends overseas?

Could I have constant communication and support from my two best friends, each living in a

separate continent? And those nearby: how easily could we chat about last week‘s events or our

next get together, exchange impressions about the local school, inform about a sick child or

provide crucial information when needed?

In solving these problems, friendworks and communication methods are inseparable to

me. Together they compose a meaningful part of my life. However, if I had not changed my

place of dwelling, I might not have discovered the significance of what it feels like to start all


Page xvi

over again, establishing a local network of support to fulfil significant needs, and the positive

impact it has had on my life. I am also thankful for the opportunity to share this knowledge of the

significance of friendworks.

I would like to thank and acknowledge Dr. Christina Spurgeon, my principal supervisor,

for all of the support, guidance, dedication, inspiration, motivation, attention, empathy and

sympathy she provided along the way. I could not have asked for a better advisor. My thanks and

acknowledgment to Dr. Lynda Andrews, for stepping in as an associate supervisor supporting,

advising, enlightening and encouraging in such a graceful, constructive and professional way.

I would particularly like to thank Gami, my husband and friend, for his love, patience,

encouragement and never-ending belief in me. I could not have finished this thesis without him.

Special long hugs are sent to my beloved children Omri, Roni and Naomi, for putting my life in

proportion, surrounding me with love, light and laughter during these long hours of study

indoors. Hopefully when they grow up they will have a better idea of ‗what Mum did in that

room all that time‘.

I would like to thank my personal friendwork: my parents, my sister and my brother, my

lifelong best friends and my friends, near and afar, for all their support, comfort, encouragement,

belief and optimism. Special thanks are in order to the case study participants, the beautiful

women of Ocean Shores, for their warmth, attentiveness, cooperation and most of all for their

inspiration for a healthy, happy, social life.

I would like to thank Karyn Gonano and the International Student Services team, for

useful, constructive and fruitful assistance in improving my English language skills, to Alice

Steiner, for her willingness and helpful support and to Dr. Glen Murphy for introducing social

network analysis and for his willingness to share his experience and knowledge. I would like to

acknowledge the support of the Australian Interactive Media Industry Association (AIMIA) and

the Mobile Content Industry Development Group for conducting the Australian Mobile Phone

Lifestyle Index surveys and making the research datasets available for educational research

through the CCI Creative Industry Statistics Repository.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge and thank Queensland University of Technology,

the Creative Industries Faculty and the Research Students Centre, for their great and constructive

support, flowing communication and good spirit. Special thanks to Dr. Susan Carson and Jenny

Mayes for their positive, willing, ongoing assistance. You are doing a great job.

Chapter 1: From fixed-phones and social networks to mobility and friendworks

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1Chapter 1: From fixed-phones and social networks to mobility and

friendworks

In 1988, a seminal Australian study by communications historian, Ann Moyal (1989b) of

fixed-telephone use by women, found that untimed local calls were particularly important to

women‘s well-being and that of the larger social fabric. An affordable fixed-telephone service

was vital to developing and maintaining social networks. The study evaluated and recognised the

social importance of this hitherto undervalued form of women‘s work and further suggested that

the public and national interest in telecommunications would not be well served by a shift from

untimed to time-based tariffs for local telephone calls, because this would adversely constrain

this kind of activity. The findings lent support to a revival of popular resistance to time-based

local telephone tariffs in the Australian context and the subsequent prioritisation of social, over

economic, considerations in regulating residential fixed-telephone tariffs. To this day, local calls

in Australia made from fixed-telephone services are charged on an untimed basis.

Moyal‘s study and its impact provide an important point of departure for the research in

this thesis. Though undertaken over two decades ago, Moyal‘s study addresses social concerns

that are still significantly relevant today for researching telecommunications use, particularly of

the mobile phone. Themes of personal telephone use and wider social implications first raised in

Moyal‘s study of the fixed-telephone are revisited in a contemporary case study undertaken in

this thesis, of how women use a variety of communication methods within their social networks.

Although Moyal‘s study was undertaken at a time when social networks had yet to be

recognised as an area of research by communication scholars, her work reveals the dominant role

that family and friends play in many women‘s lives. She approached the telephone as a

facilitating tool, a communication method, which enabled women to sustain and maintain their

social support system. Moyal‘s study was an early account that highlighted the non-economic

productivity of social networks, not just for women‘s state of well-being, but for societies and

economies more generally. Moyal‘s study, and others undertaken at the same time, recognised

and appreciated the dominant social, political and economic influence of technologically-enabled

social networks in people‘s lives (Fischer, 1992; Martin, 1991; Rakow, 1992; Wellman &

Tindall, 1993), as well as their major role in community formation (Putnam, 1995). This thesis

contributes to this body of scholarship which focuses on the use of communication methods for

sustaining and maintaining social relationships by identifying and theorising the ‗friendwork‘, a

network of friends (Ben-Harush, 2009), as an important type of social network.


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Like Moyal‘s study, the focus of this thesis is on adult women. Moyal‘s (1989b) focus

on adult women was strategic as she saw that they and their broader social contribution could be

significantly harmed by a shift to a timed-calls charging policy. Her gender-related conclusions

were corroborated by Lana Rakow‘s (1992) ethnographic study of women residing in a small

American town, which found that fixed-telephone use by women is both gendered and gender

work. That is, women used the telephone to execute their feminine duties (gendered work) in a

feminine fashion (gender work, from the community‘s perspective). Including only female

participants in this case study enables findings from these two studies to be updated while

focusing on social needs and practices that dominate in contemporary adult women‘s lives.

In her work, Moyal made a distinction between instrumental and intrinsic calls based on

previous definitions of these terms by Keller (1977). Instrumental calls included ―calls of a

functional nature made in connection with shopping, making appointments or business

arrangements, seeking information and dealing with emergencies or household crises‖ (Moyal,

1992, p. 53). Intrinsic calls covered ―personal communication with relatives and friends,

volunteer work, counselling and all intimate discussion and exchange‖ (p. 53). In practice, all

intrinsic calls were activities motivated by socialising purposes, resulting in the development and

maintenance of participants‘ social networks and were the majority of the calls. They lasted much

longer than instrumental calls (average of 20 minutes versus 2 minutes) and were mostly local.

Moyal argued that the social value of intrinsic telephone use was generally underestimated and

pejoratively viewed as low status, gossip and a costly waste of time. She suggested that these

assumptions needed to be re-evaluated, and concluded that the primary justification for the fixed-

telephone infrastructure could no longer be limited to business purposes. This thesis, too,

recognises the importance of exploring motivations of interactions while regarding

communication between friends as social support. This primarily includes instrumental aid,

emotional support (intrinsic) and companionship (intrinsic), but also relates to information

exchange (instrumental), work-related (paid) purposes (instrumental), and self and social identity

issues (intrinsic).

New values of intrinsic communication have, since, been theorised in association with an

increased understanding of the significance and centrality of non-economic communication to the

development and maintenance of social networks (Agneessens, Waege, & Lievens, 2006),

network societies (Castells, 2000b) and creative economies (Hartley, 2005). Some of them, such

as women‘s work (Staples, 2007), social capital (Putnam, 1995), and affective labour (Hardt,

1999), are addressed in this thesis.

Moyal‘s study provides the background to, and the motivation for, the research in this

thesis, which explores social relations via communication practices. The rest of this chapter


Page 3

briefly overviews the thesis by focusing on the conceptual framework and its context within the

world of ‗women‘s work‘, the research questions, the case study methodology, the main findings

and the significance of this thesis. Finally, this chapter concludes with a concise description of

the thesis outline.

1.1 WHAT IS THE RESEARCH IN THIS THESIS ABOUT?

The research in this thesis follows Moyal‘s approach by examining social relations among

adult women mediated by communication methods. However, it is not strategic, in the way

that Moyal responded directly to developments in Australian telecommunications policy.

The scope of this study also differs from Moyal‘s in a few important ways: this is a case

study focusing on adult women who reside in a small Australian town, and in this respect it

is methodologically closer to Rakow‘s study (1992). By mainly examining women‘s

friendships and the role of various communication methods in maintaining and sustaining

these relationships, it also differs from its forebears. This focus supports the key proposition

of the thesis: that friendworks constitute an important and distinct social network sub-group

that, as yet, is not well-understood in social network theory and communication studies

(Ben-Harush, 2009).

The 26 women who took part in this case study live in one specific location, a small

Australian coastal town. They all relocated to this town as adults, thus representing a growing

population mobility trend of seachanging1 (Burnley & Murphy, 2004), resulting in change in

relocators‘ lifestyle while highlighting issues of proximity, self identity through befriending

situations and social identity, such as developing a sense of belonging. All of these are dealt with

in Chapter 5.

While Moyal focused on the use of the fixed-telephone, this study examines across-

media (Baym, Zhang, & Lin, 2004) practices for four communication methods: face-to-face

interactions, the fixed-telephone, the internet and the mobile phone. Together they shape a

comprehensive overview of interpersonal interactions commonly practised in real-life situations

(Chapters 7- 8).

Therefore, friendworks (Chapter 6) are contextualised with aspects of location and

mobility: physical mobility of relocation to a seachange town and virtual mobility by using

1 Seachanging is an Australian term referring to people relocating in coastal small population centres: seachange communities. This phenomenon is dealt in further detail in Section 3.4.


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communication methods when interacting with existing and new friends. Consequently, this

thesis addresses three main themes: population mobility, friendworks and communication

methods. Population mobility is the setting of the case study, influencing friendworks and

practiced communication methods. Friendworks provide the motivation for communication,

which correspondingly contributes to understanding friendworks from a communication

perspective, while particularly focusing on mobile phone use. Though these topics are dealt with

in this thesis in separate chapters, they constantly interplay, intersect and intertwine throughout

the thesis, somewhat similarly to real life situations.

1.2 THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

Two connected concepts underpin this study: the network society (Castells, 2000b) and

its consecutive concept of the new mobilities paradigm (Sheller & Urry, 2006). Both are dealt

with in further detail in the following chapters (Chapters 2- 3), yet are briefly presented here.

The network society is the theoretical starting point of this study. It refers to a

contemporary organisational structure of society based on the morphology of the network.

Though network formations have been documented since early days of civilisation (Mann, 1986),

information technology has facilitated the pervasive expansion of networks ―throughout the

entire social structure‖ (Castells, 2000b, p. 500). Networked relations depend on a network

economy of flow and interaction. Under the modern economic system, communities and social

activities have been restructured, overcoming limits of time and space. Emerging from Castells‘

approach, in which the network society depends on media and information technology in general,

this thesis investigates the role of communication within society, and particularly the use of

communication within networks of friends.

Based on the theory of the network society (Castells, 2000b), the new mobilities

paradigm (Sheller & Urry, 2006) completes the conceptual framework of this thesis by providing

a socially-oriented approach to mobility that goes beyond the physical-geographical movement

perspective to multiple aspects of mobility, including imaginative, virtual and communicative

travel (Sheller & Urry, 2006). This thesis is mainly concerned with two sets of mobility practices:

a particular case of population mobility (physical travel): seachanging, and one aspect of

communicative travel (virtual mobility), the use of communication methods within friendworks.

Both concepts, the network society and the mobilities paradigm, heavily rely on

communication and telecommunications, which are a basic condition of the network society and

an important aspect of mobility. In both theories, communication functions as a mediator. The


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major role that communication plays in contemporary society led this thesis to embrace a

communication perspective when examining female friendworks in seachange situations.

1.3 WOMEN‟S WORK

This study examined women‘s behaviour, concepts and perceptions within their life

routines, contextualised by their social roles. It captured a snapshot of a particular group of

females: adult, seachangers, most of them mothers and, to a lesser extent, wives. As women,

mothers and wives much of their friendworking practices, that is to say, their socialising

interactions with friends, can be understood as women’s work, work that is associated with

traditional beliefs about female gender roles and which limits the participation of women to the

private, domestic sphere of the family and the household (Staples, 2007). Moreover, women‘s

work not only includes (and excludes) particular activities, it also shapes them; it influences the

context in which this work is practiced, primarily how, when, where and why daily actions are

performed. As a result, women‘s work is evident in most behaviour aspects, whether gendered or

not (Rakow, 1992).

Since the time of ‗second wave‘ feminism, there has been substantial theoretical

development of ideas of women’s work (J. Butler, 1999; Plumwood, 1993). New concepts have

been theorised, a number of which are used in this thesis as refinements, including: ‗affective

labour‘ (Hardt, 1999), ‗intrinsic communication‘ (Keller, 1977), ‗social and emotional support‘

(Wellman & Wortley, 1990), ‗social capital‘ (Woolcock, 1998), ‗sense of belonging‘ (Marsh,

Bradley, Love, Alexander, & Norham, 2007) and my own proposition, ‗friendwork‘. These terms

have been proposed and used in a variety of different ways, and are applied to understanding

women‘s work within the context of this thesis, as a way to frame the findings and comments

made by participants, and which are reported here. Affective labour is work intended to produce

or modify emotional experiences in people. In most cases, no tangible goods are produced in this

process of work. Intrinsic communication, is a term coined by Keller (1977) and used by Moyal

(1989b) to describe intimate discussions and exchange with relatives and friends. It is also

referred to as a gendered activity (Rakow, 1988). Emotional support is one type of social support

and is associated with comfort (Burleson, 1984, 1994 #525) and reassurance situations involving

intimacy, trust, openness and close relationships (Samter, et al., 1997). Social capital is generated

from the relations between individuals through exchange within and between social networks

(Coleman, 1988). This type of capital is defined as a resource for action since it impacts on the

productivity of individuals and groups (Putnam, 2000). In this work, social capital is examined in

the context of women‘s friendships and is translated through aspects of self and social identity,

particularly sense of belonging. The latter term relates to social bonding, loyalty, security and

acceptance of individuals within society (Marsh, et al., 2007) and is used in this thesis to explore


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a sense of community (McMillan & Chavis, 1986) and a sense of place (Kijas, 2003). Finally,

Friendworks, which are networks of friends (Ben-Harush, 2009), is the social structure within

which women‘s work and related concepts are examined in this thesis. These terms are described

in further detail in the following two chapters.

Together, these terms form the gendered social context of the study—friendworks,

which practice women‘s work, involve affective labour and emotional support via intrinsic

communication, and are crucial to the development of sense of belonging and social capital

which, consequently, positively impact upon women‘s well-being and their social identity.

Though these terms might apply to the wider population, they are used here to generate new

insights about the productivity of friendworks, understood as historically important elements of

women‘s work.

1.4 THE RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The main objective of this thesis is to explore friendships in particular mobile situations.

Therefore, the overarching research question is:

What is the contribution of friendworks to individuals in the mobile network society?

As this thesis is contextualised by two main themes of population mobility and

communication methods, it further explores this specific social setting of friendworks by

focusing on communication between women in a particular geographical location. More

specifically, it examines the ways adult women in a seachange town interact with their friends,

directly or via telecommunications, while paying particular attention to mobile phone use.

Consequently, four main sub-questions derive from the overarching research question, reflecting

the following areas of interest: seachanging, friendworks, communication methods and use of

mobile phones. These themes are informed by aspects of gender, age, location and community.

The first sub-question addresses the relocation process and the social changes individuals

undergo following seachanging, while focusing on relocation motivations, befriending situations,

disparity between locals and newcomers and a sense of community and place:

1. What is the social impact of seachanging on seachangers?

The second sub-question examines friendworks practicalities. It seeks to understand the

nature, role and significance of the friendwork by examining the composition of this social

group, particular types of friendships within friendworks and the impact of spatial proximity

on friendship relations. This question uses information about friendships to inform

friendworks as a particular type of social network. Nevertheless, dynamics of friendships:


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friendly or unfriendly behaviours, are outside of the scope of this thesis and cannot be

answered by the research questions explored in this study:

2. What is a friendwork of adult women in a seachange community and why is this social

network important?

The third sub-question addresses communication practices within friendworks. It

explores quantitative data, comparing and contrasting across-media communication use as well

as qualitative aspects of the role of communication and the motivations for using different

communication methods:

3. How are communication methods practiced within seachangers‘ friendworks?

The fourth sub-question explores mobile phone use among participants. Particular

attention is paid to general use patterns, such as adoption, expenditure, applications in use and

contacted people, compared with national datasets. Additionally, it qualitatively investigates

motivations and gratifications of mobile phone use:

4. How do adult seachange women use the mobile phone?

Based on these research questions, a postpositivist philosophical orientation has been

followed to employ a case study methodology incorporating qualitative and quantitative research

methods, as explained in the following section.

1.5 METHODOLOGY

The research in this thesis follows a postpositivist philosophy that reflects

understandings about the nature of reality and the conduct of social research in a modern era

(Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). This philosophy accepts that human knowledge is based on

human conjectures and, therefore, reality can never be known perfectly (Crotty, 1998; Lincoln &

Guba, 2000). This research represents reality, but only imperfectly and probabilistically

(Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). Accordingly, the researcher cannot totally separate herself from

what is being researched; therefore, complete objectivity is not possible (Lincoln & Guba, 2000).

Research findings are only likely to be true, since any findings can be falsified at any time, as is

suggested in Popper‘s falsification principle (Crotty, 1998; Lincoln & Guba, 2000). Nevertheless,

postpositivists acknowledge that there are lawful and reasonably stable relationships among

social phenomena that may be known, even if only in a partial and probable manner (Lincoln &

Guba, 2000; Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998).


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The postpositivist philosophy supports the use of a modified experimental methodology

to examine the research problems while acknowledging that the truth can never be fully

understood (Lincoln & Guba, 2000). Following this view and based on the defined research

questions, the overarching methodology chosen for this research was the case study, which

consisted of a combination of research methods, enabling examination of a phenomenon of

interest from different perspectives (Lincoln & Guba, 2000).

The empirical research focus was on one coastal community, Ocean Shores. The case

study included 26 local adult women who completed online surveys and who took part in an hour

and a half long in-depth interview. These interviews included closed and open ended questions,

as well as the completion of a mobile phone log, a network of friends form and a friendwork

sociogram. Additionally, a comparative analysis of some of the case study findings with national

survey datasets has been conducted. The case study methodology and the research methods are

described in detail in Chapter 4.

The research methods yielded a vast amount of information. Following transcription,

coding and analysis of data, findings relating to the four main research themes are presented and

discussed in Chapters 5- 8. The following section previews the main findings of each theme.

1.6 THESIS MAIN FINDINGS

The key proposition of this thesis is that friendworks are an increasingly important social

network in contemporary society, providing moorings for relations in a mobile world.

Friendworks are established, maintained and sustained by a variety of communication practices

that facilitate continuous relations regardless of spatial and temporal constraints. This reinforces

the fundamental and critical social role of communication in contemporary society.

1.6.1 Seachanging

Moving to a seachange community transforms individuals‘ lifestyles, restructures

friendworks and consequently changes communication patterns with friends. When moving to a

new place, people establish new local ties. The longer participants live in town, the more local

their friendwork is.

Participants detailed two main befriending situations as newcomers: with the mediation

of local friends and without it. When locals mediated befriending situations, participants often

reported a flowing and quick befriending process. When support of locals was absent,

participants reported a long and challenging befriending process, sometimes, resulting in the


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disappointment of failed befriending attempts associated with loneliness and self and social

identity implications.

Within this process of establishing a local friendwork, spatial aspects played a major

role. Spatial proximity fostered new local friendships, while spatial distance discouraged existing

friendships. Another spatial aspect: relaxed lifestyle in a small seachange community impacted

befriending situations. Availability (free time and a short distance from other community

members) and the intimacy of a small town facilitated spontaneous, frequent and amiable face-to-

face interactions, which strengthened social relations and fostered the establishment of

newcomers‘ sense of belonging to the local community.

The difference in the sense of belonging (especially in the sense of community, which is

one aspect of a sense of belonging) perceived by locals and newcomers was striking. Locals‘

testimonials depicted a strong sense of community enhanced by local friendworks. They

expressed emotional attachment and identification with the place and its community, by

volunteering and being politically active in local initiatives. In contrast, newcomers‘ local

knowledge was limited. They generally reported a feeling of isolation from the local community.

Their sense of belonging was mainly expressed by their sense of belonging to the physical

location, as they were all charmed by its natural beauty. This experience of social isolation was

even more extreme among international immigrants, where cultural differences were even more

apparent.

Sense of community was stronger when related to sub-communities within Ocean

Shores, whether geographically or culturally oriented. Smaller and older population centres

within the town exemplified social solidarity and shared environmental goals. Overseas born

participants tended to befriend others of the same ethnicity, at the expense of establishing local

ties with the wider population. Additionally, sharing a similar cultural background motivated

overseas born locals to take an active mediation role in welcoming newcomers. Both

geographically and culturally oriented sub-communities generated bonding social capital.

1.6.2 Friendworks

All participants maintained friendworks which varied in size (from 10 to 48 named

friends). Though three socio-demographic factors correlated with friendwork size, the

composition of friendworks was primarily influenced by personal preferences and personality

characteristics.

Subject to, and motivated by, their traditional affective social roles, participants reported

they practiced friendships and cherished their friends by providing or seeking social support,


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including instrumental aid, companionship and emotional support. Emotional support was the

most commonly practiced form of friendship among strong ties, mostly best friends, with whom

participants often maintained long term and distant relations.

Most participants reported having one or two best friends, who were named first within

friendworks and who were perceived as crucial support providers. Varied opinions were

expressed by participants regarding the inclusion of spouses and family members as friends.

Though all participants included life-partners within their friendworks, most commonly they

were regarded as a separate category because of the intimacy of the relationship. Most

participants also included some, but not all, close family members within their friendwork,

particularly siblings. Only a few participants named a life-partner or a family member as a best

friend.

Lastly, relationships with neighbours reinforced the dominant role of spatial proximity in

befriending situations, though some participants restricted their relations with their neighbours

due to privacy concerns. In most cases, friendships with neighbours were regarded as weak ties.

1.6.3 Communication within friendworks

Participants reported using different communication methods for maintaining different

social ties (strong or weak). Communication patterns were influenced by geographical proximity

(local or distant) and the type of social support required (emotional support, instrumental aid or

companionship).

Communication with local strong ties fulfilled all three main gratifications of social

support (emotional, instrumental and companionship). All communication methods (face-to-face,

the fixed-telephone, the internet and the mobile phone) were used more frequently than with

other types of ties. Interactions with strong distant ties (for example, distant best friends) were

held mainly via the internet and the fixed-telephone and fulfilled the three main gratifications.

Local weak ties were communicated mainly via face-to-face and less frequently via the fixed-

telephone and the internet for instrumental and companionship purposes. Distant weak ties were

the least communicated, mainly via the internet, for instrumental and companionship purposes.

Overall, participants constantly evaluated, prioritised and chose which communication method to

use based on set of characteristics adjusted to specific situations.

Overall, amongst the case study women, face-to-face interactions were the dominant and

most favoured communication method between local friends, weak or strong ties. The fixed-

telephone and the internet were commonly used to maintain old distant social ties, while the

mobile phone was used the least among friends in comparison with other communication


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methods. The internet was found to be the most versatile communication method practiced

among all types of ties: strong, weak, local and distant. The mobile phone was the least versatile

communication method, used mainly among local strong ties. Face-to-face was practiced more

than any other communications method among local ties, implying that spatial proximity

motivates physical encounters. This method was also most favoured of all methods. Face-to-face

interactions were the most dominant communication method for emotional support with local or

distant strong ties, while the fixed-telephone was the second most used method for emotional

support among distant strong ties.

Frequent communication with best-friends who mostly lived at a distance was primarily

practiced via email, followed by the mobile phone, especially among local best friends. The

fixed-telephone was the least used method for ongoing communication among best friends, with

the exception of using the fixed-telephone more often for emotional support interactions when

communicating with best friends.

Emails were particularly popular among older participants (60 to 76 years) to

communicate with friends, as this online communication service suited the needs and

gratifications of this age group (convenient, not intrusive, cheap and suitable for global

communication). Despite reports of greater technological challenges among older people

(Marquie, Jourdan-Boddaert, & Huet, 2002), the retired participants of Ocean Shores preferred to

use the internet when communicating with friends.

1.6.4 Women and mobile phones

Participants reported lighter mobile phone use than national statistics (Mackay &

Weidlich, 2007, 2008). They spent less on mobile phones, most of them were prepaid customers

and they almost exclusively used only basic mobile phone applications: voice calls and SMS.

These variations suggest a specific mobile phone use pattern among this population segment of

adult women in a seachange community.

The Ocean Shores women reported contacting their partner and kids, primarily, followed

by friends. These contacts were identified as local strong ties. Work-related contacts were the

least communicated. A comparison with the AMTA national survey (Wajcman, Bittman,

Johnstone, Brown, & Jones, 2008) shows that the case study participants contacted their friends

and children more often than those in the national survey, who contacted more family members

(excluding partner and children) and work-related contacts.

An analysis of participants‘ mobile phone log indicates that the most dominant

motivation to use the mobile phone was coordination (58%), followed by socialising purposes


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(33%) and work-related reasons (9%). Even when sorting interactions by types of contacts and

by motivation of interaction, coordination was the dominant reason for communication among all

type of contacts, excluding work-related contacts.

Emotional support interactions over the mobile phone were particularly scarce. As these

interactions were often regarded as long conversations, they were also costly activities that

participants tended to avoid. Additional considerations, including richness of cues, physical

contact, privacy, social mores, radiation and discomfort, led participants to prefer alternative

communication methods, primarily communicating face-to-face when seeking emotional

support.

Most women reported that the mobile phone had not dramatically changed their way of

life, though it made coordination easier. Among reported benefits were: mobility, immediate

access, instrumentality, reassurance and affection and sociability. The first four categories affirm

the main function of the mobile phone as a coordination tool.

1.7 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Moyal‘s research on women and the telephone had important implications for Australian

telecommunications policy. Its findings regarding the significant role that the fixed-telephone

played in facilitating women‘s well-being, sense of community and social support also

anticipated academic and policy recognition of the importance of technologically mediated social

networks to national prosperity in an increasingly globalising economic context. Sharing similar

research interests regarding use of communication technologies, while particularly focusing on

mobile phone use, this research acknowledges the importance of prioritising social issues and

users‘ needs when considering communication practices.

Moyal‘s work was ahead of its time, emphasising the national, as well as the personal,

significance of sustaining and maintaining social networks and the role that the fixed-telephone,

as a communication platform, played within this social structure. However, even nowadays,

when social networks are highly recognised and valued, there is still a lot to be discovered. This

thesis addresses this issue by exploring social networks using a distinctive approach. It

contextualises friendworks with two aspects of mobility: population mobility (physical mobility)

and use of communication methods (virtual mobility), which are increasingly practiced in

contemporary society.

As mobility increases, new social challenges arise. In this mobile world, friendworks

represent stability. They are a key social structure which mediates and addresses some of these

social challenges. By researching the interaction between these three themes, this thesis


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highlights theoretical as well as practical implications of real life scenarios. Together, these

interests highlight under-researched social aspects, especially among adult women.

To date, only a few studies have specifically addressed adult women‘s use of mobile

phones. Women over 35 years comprise over 30% of the Australian population (ABS, 2007a),

almost all are mobile phone users (AMTA, 2007), thus composing a meaningful, powerful and

dominant interest group. Nevertheless, they are underrepresented in mobile phones and social

network research, as Australian scholars either focus on the overall population (Mackay &

Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wajcman, et al., 2008) or on younger age groups (Donald & Spry,

2007).

This thesis is also significant because of its multi-method approach, which combines

online surveys, in-depth interviews, mobile phone logs, social network sociograms and

comparative analysis with national surveys. These different methods generate different types of

information, which, in turn, provide complementary views on the research themes. While the

national surveys provide broad insights to the demographics of current Australian mobile phone

users and social networks, in-depth interviews capture qualitative aspects of communication

methods used by a focused, local group. Combining various quantitative and qualitative methods

in this study illuminates the research themes from a unique perspective, providing fresh

observations.

In attending to the role of communication methods within networks of friends, this thesis

increases the visibility of the work undertaken in, and by, women‘s friendworks, and opens it up

for study and investigation. In refining our understanding of the friendworks, this thesis also

deepens and extends our understanding of the non-economic, as well as the economic,

significance of social networks in contemporary society.


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1.8 THESIS OUTLINE

The thesis structure follows the three themes discussed above: population mobility,

friendworks and communication methods, including mobile phone use. It consists of nine

chapters, as described below:

Table 1: Thesis outline


Chapter 2: Friendworks in the network society

Chapter 3: Mobility in the network society

Chapter 4: Researching Ocean Shores friendworks

Chapter 5: Population mobility: Relocating in a seachange community

Chapter 6: Friendworks

Chapter 7: Communication within friendworks

Chapter 8: Women and mobile phones

Chapter 9: The mooring affect of friendworks in a mobile world

Following this introductory chapter, which overviews the background of the study and

the focus of this thesis, the next two chapters highlight the conceptual framework of the study.

Chapter 2 discusses the network society as an umbrella concept for contemporary life,

emphasising the dynamics of the space of flows within which social networks are practiced. The

latter term is thoroughly introduced while addressing related topics, including: social capital,

affective labour, social and emotional support, local communities, spatial and social proximity

and women and social networks. This then sets the context to identify and theorise a sub-group of

social networks: the friendwork, which is the primary theme of this thesis. This new term is

defined and explained within a typology of social networks.

The third chapter presents a consequential concept of the network society: the new

mobilities paradigm. This concept, which consists of a few types of physical as well as virtual

mobilities, provides a theoretical ground for the two other researched themes: population mobility

and communication methods. Within the population mobility theme, which manifests an aspect

of physical travel, attention is paid to an increasing demographic trend: relocation in coastal

communities, also known as seachanging. This trend results in social implications of self identity

and belonging. It also concerns aspects of immigration, which are also explored. Within the

communication methods theme, four main communication methods are of interest: face-to-face


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interactions, the fixed-telephone, the internet and the mobile phone. The role of communication

in sustaining friendworks is reviewed, as well as proximity issues and the process of choosing a

communication method. The mobile phone is presented in further details as a specific

communication method of interest in this thesis.

The fourth chapter introduces the methodology of the research preceded by a description

of the research location and participants. The recruiting method is presented and explained,

followed by a demographic profile of the case study participants. The rest of the chapter

describes the methods used within this study, including online surveys, in-depth interviews,

comparative analysis with national surveys and a pilot focus group. A rationale for, and an

outline of, the design of each method are presented. This chapter concludes with a discussion

regarding ethical issues and limitations of the research.

Chapters 5-8 analyse the research data and include findings and discussions. A chapter is

dedicated to each of the researched themes. The fifth chapter focuses on findings related to

population mobility. This includes reasons for moving to Ocean Shores and the befriending

processes in the new place of dwelling, and how participants got to know their friends. Social

integration processes among immigrants within an ethnic sub-community are examined and the

use of communication in befriending situations is analysed. Failed befriending attempts are also

addressed. The process by which newcomers become locals is examined. The concluding section

of this chapter focuses on the role of friendship in developing a sense of community-and-place.

The sixth chapter focuses on friendworks. It starts with a general overview of friendwork

size and proceeds with evidence of the significance of friendworks. Cases of people supporting

friends are discussed, based on a national survey (Pink, 2007). The next part of the chapter

focuses on a few unique social ties within friendworks, including: the best friend, family

members, spouses and neighbours. This chapter concludes with a discussion on the effect of

spatial proximity over social proximity in friendships.

The seventh chapter focuses on communication methods within friendworks. Across-

media practices are examined when communicating with friends. Among addressed topics are:

the dominant methods of communication and frequency of communication with friends; the

process of choosing a communication method; the use of communication methods for emotional

support; a model of communication patterns with strong, weak, local and distant friends for three

main purposes: emotional, instrumental and companionship; uses and gratifications theory

(Blumler & Katz, 1974); the role of communication in diaspora communities; and whether

participants reported they have enough interactions with their friends.


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The eighth chapter presents findings focusing on mobile phone use. This chapter starts

with an overview of the mobile phone use of the case study participants, including ownership,

payment methods, monthly expenditure, used and ignored mobile phone applications and who

users contacted over the mobile phone. The uses and gratifications of mobile phones and their

impact on the reasons for not using the mobile phone are discussed, including the lack of

emotional support over the mobile phone. The influence of cost considerations on the minimal

mobile phone use pattern of the case study participants is also discussed.

Finally, the ninth chapter concludes the research findings and suggests a framework

which supports future scenarios in which increased mobility, growing significance of

friendworks and the expanded use of communication methods can take place. This thesis

concludes by emphasising the limitations of this study while calling for further study in related

fields of research.


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2Chapter 2: Friendworks in the network society

The theoretical framework of this study is based on two connected ideas: the network

society (Castells, 2000b) followed by the new mobilities paradigm (Sheller & Urry, 2006).

Together they provide the theoretical point of departure for the three main themes of this thesis:

population mobility, friendworks and communication methods. These two theories are strongly

associated with the modern lifestyle while also being complementary to each other. Both are

socially oriented and emphasise the interdisciplinary nature of the study of society and its

components. The network society theory primarily defines the morphology of contemporary

society as a network, while the new mobilities paradigm brings forth practices of mobility

embedded within the network society. Hence, the network society represents a social construct,

within which mobility is practiced. Applying these theories to this thesis highlights friendworks

as a social construct within which two practices of mobility are explored, namely population

mobility (physical mobility) and use of communication methods (virtual mobility). Therefore, this

chapter reviews the network society theory and relevant critiques which support the theoretical

background of this thesis, while the following chapter examines the theory of the new mobility

paradigm and its implications to this thesis.

First, this chapter reviews the network society concept and its relation to information and

communication technology. Second, the social network structure is explored as an example of the

network society theory. This includes related concepts such as: social capital, affective labour,

social and emotional support, local communities, spatial and social proximity and women and

social networks. The last part of this chapter focuses on friendworks as a sub-network within

social networks. As this is the social structure of interest in this study, as well as being a new

term, it is defined, and the motivations to focus on this type of network are explained. Friends

and friendship, as the building blocks of friendworks, are defined, and their significant role in the

daily life of individuals is examined. This chapter concludes by locating friendworks within a

typology of social networks. Once the friendwork concept is clarified, the next chapter reviews

the second theoretical framework of interest in this thesis: mobility. The two main theories of the

thesis are then combined to inform the following chapters, which thematically present the

findings of this thesis.


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2.1 THE NETWORK SOCIETY

Manuel Castells uses the term network society2 (2000b) to describe the new social

structure of humanity in the information age. He defines the information age as:

A historical period in which human societies perform their activities in a technological

paradigm constituted around microelectronics-based information/communication

technologies, and genetic engineering. It replaces/subsumes the technological paradigm

of the Industrial Age, organized primarily around the production and distribution of

energy. (Castells, 2000a, p. 5)

The informationalisation of society is associated with a new technological and economic

framework that is global and networked, and, since the 1980s, has been based on the mass

diffusion of information and communication technologies. Every aspect of society, including

economy, politics, organisational structures, urban environments, culture, and social identity, has

been affected. While Castells (2000b) thoroughly explains and examines the network society

theory through a wide range of contexts, for the purpose of this thesis, only a few relevant issues

will be highlighted, primarily the network morphology and the concept of the space of flows.

For Castells, society in the information age functions as a web of social ties, as a

network. He defines a network as a set of interconnected nodes through which communication

flow occurs. Social networks are a longstanding form of social organisation for humanity,

supporting biological, evolutionary and survival mechanisms. Social networks are particularly

dynamic, open-ended, flexible and potentially able to expand without limits. Networks are

―adaptable forms of organisation, able to evolve with their environment and with the evolution of

the nodes that compose the network‖ (Castells, 2000a, p. 15).

Traditionally, social networks have been subordinated to centralised and hierarchical

forms of organisation to maximise control and to overcome coordination and management

challenges of goals, tasks and activities in large scale organisations. However, moving from the

industrial age to the information age, which is characterised by information and communication

technologies, has enabled management and coordination of organisations as networks, despite

2 The term network society was coined by Jan van Dijk in 1991 (2006). It was later on used by Castells and became a term globally known and used.


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their size. Nowadays, running organisations as networks based on information technologies

results in resilient, effective, adaptable and connected distributed entities. The network society is

not produced by information technology, but without the latter the network society could not

have become such a comprehensive, pervasive social structure, globally linking human activities.

The material structure that supports the global expansion of the networked society is

based on three components: 1. material infrastructure which enables the construct of networks of

communication, 2. hubs which coordinate the flow and 3. Actors—"dominant, managerial

elites"—who direct and dominate the interests behind the organisation of networks. These

components highlight similarities with the actor-network theory (Callon, 1986; Law & Hassard,

1999).

The network society theory primarily explores the wider impact of recent social changes

and suggests a global perspective on various fields of interest, including economy, technology,

work environments and politics. This is different to the perspective of this thesis, which primarily

focuses on a domestic, individual, locally-situated social context. Nevertheless, the morphology

of the network is applicable and fundamental in both cases, hence its use in this thesis as a critical

theoretical framework of friendworks, comparatively small, intimate social networks that

compose a significant and an integral part of contemporary life. To bridge the gap between the

global scope of the network society theory and the domestic, individual, social interest of this

thesis, the following section reviews those theories that are associated with personal (egocentric)

social networks.

The network society theory as presented by Castells (2000b) conveys an ambiguous

relation regarding the structure/agency debate (Berger & Luckmann, 1967; Anthony Giddens,

1984) which questions the role of technology in enabling or determining society. Castells shows

how technology is a product of social forces while also embracing a social view of

communication (Castells, 2000b, 2001). Based on this view, telecommunications are a resulting

effect rather than being generators of social change. Other scholars similarly show how

technological developments throughout history were born of a social need: economic, political or

military (MacKenzie & Wajcman, 1985; R. Williams & Edge, 1996). Technology is developed

with a specific purpose or objective in mind (Green, 2002). This social shaping of technology

contrasts with technological determinism, which emphasises the dominant role of technology in

creating social change (for example: Innis, 1950; Marshall McLuhan & Fiore, 1967).

Paradoxically, in line with this deterministic approach, Castells, too, seems to be elevating

technology to a privileged topic of analysis (Granham, 2004), hence highlighting the

deterministic nature of technology. This duality might be settled when embracing a less binary

distinction between technological and social determination, by examining how society and


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technology shape each other in an ongoing interaction and co-production processes (MacKenzie

& Wajcman, 1985; Wajcman, 2004) between actors and networks. Within the spectrum of these

approaches, the most appropriate for this thesis, is an approach based in the social shaping of

technology, since it emphasises the use of communication by the case study participants as a

means of achieving certain goals. For this purpose, the thesis also incorporates the uses and

gratifications theory (Blumler & Katz, 1974), which examines needs and motivations of

participants while using telecommunications (see Section 3.7.3).

Critical appraisals of Castells‘ work (1998; 2000b; 2009) have raised other concerns.

The most central issue relevant to this thesis is the general questioning of whether the information

age is indeed an entirely new stage of human development. Whereas Castells claims that the

cumulative impact of information and communication technologies is as significant as the

industrial revolution, other scholars (Granham, 2004; Van Dijk, 2006; Webster, 2004) challenge

this notion. They perceive the recent societal changes as evolutionary rather than revolutionary,

suggesting that the network society is not an altogether different type of society. The findings of

this thesis reinforce the evolutionary approach.

Castells also suggests that networks shape the prime mode of organisation. However,

other scholars emphasise the view that networks are not the whole substance of society. Society

still consists of individuals, pairs, groups and organisations (Van Dijk, 2006). This is also

apparent in this thesis. Additionally, Castells stresses the significant role of media networks and

mediated communication, suggesting they replace social networks and face-to-face

communication. Van Dijk (2006) clarifies this inference and argues that both direct and mediated

forms of communication become tied up with each other and that this benefits individuals. This

was a main finding in the thesis, too.

Finally, Castells strictly differentiates between ‗the Net‘ and ‗the self‘ (Castells, 2000b).

‗The Net‘ relates to network organisations and ‗the Self‘ denotes personal practices that reaffirm

social identity and meaning in contemporary society. As Flew observes, this seems to be ―too

strong an attempt to maintain a distinction between structure and agency ... when in practice

cultural technologies promote techno-cultural forms of identity and communication that do not

lose their distinctiveness as they utilise ICTs and global networks‖ (Flew, 2004, p. 75). Flew‘s

critique relates to the interrelation-between and the confluence-of ‗the Net‘ and ‗the Self‘, while

distinctions between both concepts are not that obvious or necessary.


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2.1.1 The space of flows

Castells emphasises the role of space of flows (1989) within the network society

mediated by information and communication technology, which creates a new social

morphology of time and space (see also Wajcman, 2008). This term combines two physical

factors: space and time, which are significantly and constantly challenged in the information age

(S. W. Campbell & Park, 2008; Carey, 1988b; Hassan, 2006). According To Castells, ―the space

of flows is the material organisation of time-sharing social practices that work through flows‖

(1999, p. 407). The space of flows is a space of technical, topological and social layers rather

than space in its physical sense. It is a new type of space, enabling synchronicity and real-time

interaction without physical proximity. The space of flows is the domain of networks: ―while

organizations are located in places ... the organizational logic is placeless, being fundamentally

dependent on the space of flows that characterizes information networks‖ (Castells in Nyíri,

2004, p. 23).

Nevertheless, physical proximity is dealt with in this study as an important factor in

contemporary friendships, despite the space of flows that technology facilitates. As reported also

in this thesis, people prefer to physically interact with friends (Mok, Wellman, & Basu, 2007),

though an increasing number of interactions are nowadays mediated by communication

technologies (ITU, 2009). This tension between direct and mediated communication methods is

expressed in a long lasting debate discussing whether technology replaces or complements face-

to-face encounters3.

A somewhat similar term to the space of flows is suggested in the new mobilities

paradigm (Sheller & Urry, 2006): communicative travel. I found the latter term more relevant to

the purpose of this thesis. While the space of flows term is rooted within a spatial frame and,

therefore, is a static concept, communicative travel derives from a mobile, dynamic view,

representing one of five different forms within a wider mobilities paradigm (see Chapter 3). Such

a mobile view fits well into the network structure which is characterised as dynamic and flexible.

The new mobilities paradigm also deals better with problems of scale, in that it relates both to

global as well as individual and local aspects of the network society. It is more accommodating

of the interest of this thesis about the role of communication in shaping individual and

interpersonal social structures that construct the network society: social networks.

3 This debate is presented in Section 3.5, supported by findings from the case study discussed in Section 6.5.


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2.2 SOCIAL NETWORKS

According to the sociologist Claude Fischer, who investigated social networks and the

social impact of the fixed-telephone in the United States (1975, 1982a, 1982b, 1992; 1983), a

social network is a social structure of:

Individual's relatives, friends and associates, the set of people with whom an individual is

directly involved.... [People] whom we know and whom we can depend on. [A social

network] influences our success in life, our security and sense of well-being, and even

our health. (1982a, p. 2-3)

Litwin (1996), a social gerontologist and social networks researcher, defines social network as:

The collection of interpersonal ties that individuals maintain and that provide them with

several possible benefits, such as the augmentation of self-concept, the fostering of

feelings of belonging, and the provision of both cognitive guidance and tangible

assistance in fulfilling the tasks of daily living. (p. 1)

These two definitions relate to social networks from the individual‘s perspective who actively

maintains relations with familiar people (i.e. egocentric network according to Wellman, 2007).

Both emphasise the meaningful benefits of social networks, including success, security, sense of

well-being, health, feelings of belonging, cognitive guidance and tangible assistance.

People choose their networks. Even if some of the relations are imposed it is up to

individuals to decide who to pursue, who to ignore or to leave as a casual acquaintance and who

to neglect (Fischer, 1982a). People usually network with family, friends, work colleagues and

neighbours (Wellman & Tindall, 1993). Friends tend to be intimate (Bryan, Fitzpatrick,

Crawford, & Fischer, 2001), while active neighbourhood and organisational ties tend to have

non-intimate relations. Among the factors that will increase the chance of networking with others

are similarity, proximity, reciprocity and beauty and competence. Similar people provide social

validation for a person‘s beliefs and characteristics, for example, similarity in age, sex, marital

status, social role, ethnicity, religion, personality, position, life-style and education (Byrne, 1971;

Kalmijn & Vermunt, 2007). People tend to like most people they see most often, that is, those

who live in proximity (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1950; Greenbaum & Greenbaum, 1985;

Zajonc, 1968). Symmetric relationships are an important factor in social interactions (Hinde,

1979) and, finally, beauty and competence—preferring contact with people we consider as

competent, affects social relations (Plickert, Cote, & Wellman, 2007).


Page 23

Social networks are ―our greatest motives for action: to protect relatives, impress friends,

gain the respect of colleagues, and simply enjoy companionship‖ (Fischer, 1982a, p. 3). Society

is composed of social networks. Similarly, social networks are influenced by society, which has

an active role in our choices of who to include in our social network, whether through social

norms, expectations, values, roles or physical location (Fischer, 1982a). Communication

(whether face-to-face or mediated via telecommunications) is a key factor in establishing and

maintaining social networks (Aronson, 1971; Bott, 1957).

Social science scholars have been exploring social networks for over a century in many

different ways. Durkheim, a French sociologist, coined the term social facts: ―ways of acting,

thinking, and feeling, external to the individual‖ (1964, p.3), to explain how societies could

maintain their integrity and coherence in the modern era. He argued that social facts have an

existence in and of themselves and are not bound to the actions of individuals. In contrast,

Tönnies (2002 [1887]), a German sociologist, stated that social groups can exist as either

personal and direct social ties that link individuals in traditional communities of family and

localities (gemeinschaft) or as impersonal, formal and instrumental social links identified with the

modern, industrial society(gesellschaft). Barnes (1954) was the first to systematically use the

term social network to denote patterns of social ties (formal organisations, unstable associations

and interpersonal links). Bott (1957) investigated the anthropology of familial and community

networks. In the 1970s the systematic study of networks evolved to what became known as

social network analysis, an analytic paradigm focused on the structure of ties while emphasising

structural constraints on people‘s actions (Scott, 1991; S. Wasserman & Faust, 1994). Of main

interest to this thesis is the work of Barry Wellman, who has made a considerable contribution to

the literature on the interaction between social networks and mediated communication,

emphasising the seamlessness of real-life as well as virtual networks (1996, 2007; 2002; 2001;

2002; 2005; 1979; 1993; 1990).

Studies from a variety of disciplinary perspectives show that social networks are

important because they provide social support (Wellman & Tindall, 1993). Moreover, social

networks are fundamental to emotional well-being (Agneessens, et al., 2006). Health related

studies emphasise the direct impact of social networks on individuals‘ physical and mental health

status. For example, social support correlates with emotional strength, physical well-being, good

health, lower stress and longevity of individuals (Cohen & Hoberman, 1983; Lin & Ensel, 1989;

Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 1997; Thoits, 1983; Umberson, Chen, House, Hopkins, &

Slaten, 1996). These health and well-being benefits of social networks are especially important

among the elderly (Crohan & Antonucci, 1989).


Page 24

The structure of social networks is also important. Relationships within the network

motivate flows of support, information and companionship. Social networks increase efficiency

of actions (Nahapiet & Ghoshal, 1998) and information is diffused more effectively with

minimum redundancy (Putnam, 1995). Being connected to others empowers individuals and their

networks and affects their productivity. Such attributes can be translated into economic value,

highlighting the significant role of social networks in generating different forms of capital

(Putnam, 1995). Of particular interest in this thesis is the non-economic value of social networks

that generates social capital.

2.2.1 Social capital

Social capital is created as a result of connections and interactions between individuals. It

is a resource that comes from relations between people, and impacts both individuals and

societies. It makes life more productive and easier (Ridings, 2005). Scholars define different

kinds of capital. The sociologist Bourdieu (2002, 2006) is known for distinguishing between

three forms of capital: economic capital, cultural capital and social capital. Economic capital is

durable goods available for use as a factor of production. Cultural capital is forms of knowledge,

skills or education, or any advantage that gives a person a higher status in society, including high

expectations. Social capital is the relations within and between social networks.

Coleman (1988) identifies two types of capital: physical capital (which is similar to

Bourdieu‘s economic capital) and human capital (similar to Bourdieu‘s cultural capital). He

considers social capital as a form of human capital. Since social capital is generated from the

relations between individuals through exchange, it is jointly owned. Social capital benefits

individuals as well as the group as a whole, while encouraging cooperative behaviour (Nahapiet

& Ghoshal, 1998). Coleman (1988) distinguishes between three forms of social capital:

obligations and expectations (which depend on the trustworthiness of the social environment),

information channels (selectively open within social networks) and social norms (which facilitate

certain actions while constraining others). These forms of social capital assist in highlighting

some of the characteristics of different social networks that are discussed further on (see Section

2.3.4).

Woolcock (1998) mentions three types of social capital: bonding, bridging, and linking.

Bonding social capital involves trust and reciprocity in closed networks and acts as a social

support safety net. Bridging social capital involves overlapping networks. It is crucial in one‘s

professional life. Linking social capital involves social relations with those in authority, which

might be used to accumulate resources or power. Each of the three forms of social capital is

arguably essential to a strong family and a strong community (Narayan, 1999). Social capital,


Page 25

especially of the bonding type, was apparent in participants‘ reports regarding their sense of

belonging to local sub-communities (see Sections 5.5 and 5.8).

2.2.2 Affective labour

Alongside social capital, the growing interest in social networks has yielded an

increasing scholarly attention in additional theories of value, such as affective labour. Affective

labour is work intended to produce or modify emotional experiences in people. Sometimes

affective labour is described as immaterial labour since, often, no tangible goods are produced in

this process of work. Though many activities involve affective labour, it is primarily associated

with practices of care and emotions. As women have been traditionally and directly involved in

such practices, it is not surprising that feminists have been the main promoters of recent discourse

on affective labour (Fortunati, 2007).

Until the resurgence of feminism, theories of value generally did not recognise, or tended

to undervalue, affective labour. It is an important part of women‘s work that has been invisible

for much of the industrial era, located in the home and within social networks. However, as social

networks become more important, better explanations of the importance of affective labour are

developing. One such example is Hardt‘s statement regarding affective labour: ―[it] is itself and

directly the constitution of communities and collective subjectivities‖ (1999, p. 89), hence

referring to affective labour as a binding element that plays a key role in the modern society:

―what affective labour produces are social networks, [and] forms of community‖ (Hardt, 1999, p.

96).

Though immaterial in nature, affective-labour frequently ―sets material labor in motion‖

(Fortunati, 2007, p. 140). For example, according to some critical appraisals of their social

relations, industries such as commercial media seek to commodify the affective capacity of

audiences (Smythe, 2001). The idea of affective labour is gaining broader attention from various

social fields, including new media studies (for example, Banks & Humphreys, 2008; Fuchs,

2009), and is acknowledged as the primary factor in constituting social networks, collective

subjectivities and society in general (Hardt, 1999). In the modern world, where society is viewed

as a factory, affective labour becomes a dominant consideration in the global capitalist economy.

It is regarded as ―one of the strongest links in the chain of capitalist postmodernisation‖ (Hardt,

1999, p. 90), as services and the manipulation of information becomes central to economic

production. Though Hardt (1999) criticises the way modernisation has shifted the process and

nature of being human into the very same process of economic production, this process results in

recognition and evaluation of the importance of affective labour within society. Therefore, from a

feminist point of view, it is a new constructive way to examine and appreciate women‘s work.


Page 26

Hardt (1999) distinguishes between immaterial labour and affective labour. While

immaterial work involves analytical and symbolic tasks, affective labour accounts for human

contact and interaction. Affective labour is the binding element between people. Nevertheless,

―its products are intangible: a feeling of ease, well-being, satisfaction, excitement, passion—even

a sense of connectedness or community‖ (Hardt, 1999, p. 96). Following this analysis, social

capital manifests the overarching outcome of immaterial and affective labour. Overall, these

concepts go one step further in clarifying the complicated, vague, yet significant benefits of

social networks and their outcomes.

To better explain the term, Hardt refers again to traditional women’s work: caring labour,

kin work, nurturing and maternal activities. What is new is ―the extent to which this affective

immaterial labor is now directly productive of capital and the extent to which it has become

generalised through wide sectors of the economy‖ (Hardt, 1999, p. 97). Projecting the

postmodern interpretation of affective labour as a dominant factor within the capitalist economy

re-ignites interest in women‘s work and its significance. Of particular interest to this thesis is the

case of female social networks residing in a seachange community as an example of social

capital and affective labour.

One important example of affective labour which has been examined within the case

study is social support, within which three main factors are of interest when exploring social

relations between friends: instrumental aid, information, companionship and emotional support.

While instrumental aid and information might be considered as immaterial labour,

companionship and emotional support relate directly to affective labour, as they involve human

interaction and emotional experience. These issues are presented in the next section.

2.2.3 Social and emotional support

Cobb (1976) was one of the first to define social support as ‗‗information leading the

subject to believe that he or she is cared for and loved, that he/she is esteemed and valued, and

he/she belongs to a network of communication and mutual obligation‘‘ (Cobb, 1976, p. 301).

This definition implies that social support involves positive interactions between individuals

within a defined social network. Later interpretations of this term refer somewhat similarly and

broadly to the provision of different kinds of personal aid, such as: ―socioemotional aid,

instrumental aid and informational aid‖ (Thoits, 1985, p. 53). Other scholars include affect,

affirmation, encouragement, and validation of feelings as a part of the social support concept

(Abbey, Abramis, & Caplan, 1985; Kahn & Antonucci, 1980). Social support, as a

comprehensive term of different types of assistance, is beneficial to individuals as it positively

affects physical and psychological aspects of individuals (for example: Cohen & Hoberman,


Page 27

1983; I. G. Sarason, Levine, Basham, & Sarason, 1983; Umberson, et al., 1996). Generally, it

correlates with quality of life (Abbey, et al., 1985).

Studies differentiate between a few types of social support, among which are

instrumental support, social companionship and emotional support (Agneessens, et al., 2006;

Wellman & Wortley, 1989, 1990). This thesis follows this distinction. Instrumental support

involves practical help when someone is sick, when kids need to be taken care of, when the car

breaks down, or when financial aid is needed. Social companionship relates to occasions in

which an individual is interested in spending time with particular others (going out for a day,

visiting at home, hanging out, but also when interacting over the phone or the internet for

companionship purposes). Lastly, emotional support is associated with comfort (Burleson, 1984,

1994) and reassurance; when a person needs to talk to someone, to confess, to reinforce self

confidence, or work through personal feelings. Emotional support is associated with intimacy,

trust, openness and close relationships (Samter, Whaley, Mortenson, & Burleson, 1997).

Though breaking down the social support term into different types of assistance, it is

important to note that, most commonly, in real-life situations, support involves a mixture of all

these types. Consider an interaction primarily made for emotional support: it involves

companionship (as both contacted people accompany each other throughout the interaction) and

instrumental support (if following the interaction the support receiver could practically function

better).

Social support depends on ―the existence or availability of people on whom we can rely,

people who let us know that they care about, value, and love us‖ (I. G. Sarason, et al., 1983, p.

127). However, not all people provide all kinds of support. Often, social support is provided by

people within one‘s social network (Agneessens, et al., 2006) and within this network, different

social relations provide different social support; work colleagues and neighbours commonly

provide instrumental support, whereas most individuals would rather communicate with friends

when in need for emotional support (Wellman & Wortley, 1990). Research found that immediate

kin are somewhat more important in providing instrumental support, while friends are generally

more significant for emotional support and companionship (Agneessens, et al., 2006; Wellman &

Wortley, 1989). Following this observation, special attention is given to emotional support within

friendworks (Chapter 6) via communication methods (Sections 7.4 and 8.6).

Following the general discussion on social networks as personal social structures, their

significance, practices and benefits, the next section focuses on another social structure: the

community. Local communities emerged as a theme within participants‘ reports especially when


Page 28

discussing sense of belonging following relocation scenarios. Therefore, communities are

discussed next, in order to clarify similarities with, and differences from, social networks.

2.2.4 Local communities

Wellman argues that communities are undergoing a change from groups associated with

neighbourhoods and villages, to ―sparsely-knit, spatially-dispersed social networks (Wellman, et

al., 2002, p. 151). Nevertheless, local communities still play major roles in people‘s lives; the

main difference is that in the information age, people use telecommunications to support their

local social relations (Hampton & Wellman, 2003).

Local communities are an example of social networks bounded by place. While an

individual is at the centre of a personal social network, it is the locality that unites people in the

case of the local community. Location is an inseparable part of human relations (Axhausen,

2007; Crang, 2002; Harvey, 1989; Tsatsou, 2009). In this thesis, location is a major contextual

factor and among the main investigated themes. Testimonials of the case study participants

reinforced the importance of the local community and a sense of community in their lives4. This

section clarifies the main similarities and differences between the concepts of community and

social network.

The literature offers many definitions of community. The traditional, widely held

definition generally refers to a group of people who maintain interpersonal ties that provide

sociability, support, solidarity and activities of members who reside in a common locality

(Hillery, 1955). The emphasis is primarily on the common locality and, to a lesser extent, on the

solidarity aspects (Wellman & Leighton, 1979). An interesting argument has been raised by

Anderson (1983) who claims that certain types of communities (for example, the ‗nation‘) are

imagined social constructions by the people who perceive themselves as part of that group.

People perceive themselves as a part of a community, though in practice they had contact only

with limited numbers of community members. Nevertheless, "in the minds of each [member]

lives the image of their communion" (Anderson, 1983, p. 6).

The imagined community concept also deploys some form of virtuality or co-presence

(Hjorth, 2009a), suggesting that a community involves face-to-face encounters and virtual

practices. The virtual aspect of communities is particularly evident in the information age. Since

4 Relevant findings are presented throughout Chapter 5.


Page 29

the wide adoption of the internet and the mobile phone, which facilitates practices of social and

communal activities, the term ‗community‘ has been extended beyond the traditional spatial

boundaries, to a conceptual definition that relates to a group of people with shared interests where

spatial boundaries are not a prerequisite, such as in the case of virtual communities (Rheingold,

1993). This shifts the common ground of communities from location to shared interests while

blurring the difference between the community and social network concepts, as the latter is also a

social structure organised around a shared interest: one individual. Following this view, the only

difference between the two concepts is whether the shared interest is an individual, in the case of

a social network, or an alternative interest, such as a place of dwelling, an idea, value or activity,

in the case of a community. Consequently, it could be argued that the two concepts function

similarly though originate from different perspectives: like looking through either end of a

telescope. So the social network perspective locates ‗interests‘ in the individual and asks how the

individual finds/develop a network with which she/he can share interests, while the community

perspective locates ‗interests‘ in the group and asks how individuals align with or develop them.

This similarity in functionality between the community and the social network concepts

sometimes makes it challenging to discern between virtual communities and online social

networks (social network sites). While a personal network of contacts within a social network site

might be regarded as a social network, the overall infrastructure, which hosts many personal

social networks, might be more accurately regarded as a ‗virtual community‘, where all are

sharing the interest of interacting online with their private social networks.

What are the similarities shared by social networks and communities? Both concern

people with whom individuals most likely maintain ongoing contact (though this is not a

mandatory criterion for local community members, for example). Following such interactions,

both of these social structures potentially provide social support to individuals: instrumental,

emotional or companionship (Agneessens, et al., 2006). Both are important in reinforcing a sense

of self identity and in creating a sense of belonging (Kijas, 2003; Marsh, et al., 2007). Both

involve affective labour and generate social capital.

From the individual‘s perspective, being a part of a community means that one firstly

and directly affiliates with certain concepts (such as an idea or an activity), which also attracts

others. Mutual activities with these others might later generate personal social relations that lead

to inclusion of certain people within one‘s social network. In contrast, social networks and

friendworks are primarily and mandatorily based on personal social interactions of an individual

with specific others, which might lead to mutual activities within certain communities. This way

or the other, both structures involve networked based personal interactions (either as a primary

condition in the case of social networks or as a resulting effect within communities); hence


Page 30

highlighting the important role communication plays in sustaining and maintaining social

structures.

Another difference between the two concepts is within the political arena. Communities

are often public entities recognised by authorities and, hence, can influence decision makers; they

have a political power (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003). This is especially relevant for location based

communities. As these communities represent defined and recognised population centres, they

can influence local policies and politicians in order to address their interests and to fulfil their

needs. Until the internet era, social networks lacked this recognition, influence and power that

communities have in the public arena. However, with the emergence of social media and social

networks, interpersonal social networks have become considerably more visible in online

platforms, with overwhelming numbers of participants. This draws attention to social structures.

Again, it is communication technology that has made these social networks manageable, as

claimed by Castells (2000b). As predicted by Rheingold (2002), technology based social

networks gain increasing power in the political arena.

Though virtual communities are nowadays common worldwide, this study solely centres

on location-based communities, particularly the community of Ocean Shores. This location-

based-focus follows participants‘ testimonials which exclusively refer to their local community

and ‗real-life‘ friends when reflecting on friendworks. Only one participant classified one virtual

acquaintance as a friend (see Section 2.3.3) while none of the participants mentioned friends

within virtual communities. The reasons for this pattern were not investigated within this study;

only location-based communities were explored. This makes the distinction between

communities and social networks more explicit. All those living in Ocean Shores are members of

the local community; even if their sense of belonging to this community varies (relevant findings

are discussed in Section 5.8).

Though there is a distinction between communities and social networks, they commonly

intertwine. There is a significant overlap between members of the local community and

individuals within one‘s social networks. This is valid also when considering other communities

of interest; a shared interest motivates interaction which in many cases results in the

establishment of social relations. These findings were evident in the case study. Often, people

who had got to know others within a shared community became friends. Ultimately, people‘s

social relations consist of a mixture of communities and networks (Wellman, 2002, p. 20).

This thesis follows the social network structure, rather than the community structure,

while focusing on one specific sub-network of social networks: the friendwork. The main reason

for this is the fact that this study focused on individuals‘ needs, motivations and practices, rather


Page 31

than on a communal perspective originating from a particular location or set of ideas. Following

this rationale, the friendworks is the focus of the research, while the study location, an Australian

coastal town and its community, is the context. Nevertheless, location played a major role in the

researched social networks and so did the local community. Therefore, aspects of location and

community are evident throughout the study.

2.2.5 Spatial proximity

The main shared concept between the local community and social networks is spatial

proximity. This concept plays an important role in social relations and is examined in this thesis

as a main factor in establishing and sustaining friendworks. Distance and spatial proximity affect

social networks, such as in how networks are developed, how they survive and provide social

support (Mok, et al., 2007; Wellman & Leighton, 1979). Throughout history, as a direct result of

physical restrictions, humans socially networked with nearby others within their spatial location

(Geser, 2004; Mok, et al., 2007). This was the case when living in a cave, in the village and,

nowadays, in urban neighbourhoods (Hillery, 1955; Mok, et al., 2007). Wide ranging academic

research and a long lasting debate has focused on spatial proximity in regard to urbanism and its

impact on social networks. Early urban studies show inconsistent approaches regarding the

impact of urban developments and their favourable or undesirable social consequences;

optimistic accounts supported large-scale communities which led to a variety of distinct and

intense social worlds (Fischer, 1982a), while counter approaches considered urban life to be

socially, mentally and morally unhealthy (Tilly, 1974; Wirth, 1938). Proximity is still a dominant

field of research in urban studies and social networks research (Foth & Hearn, 2007).

Spatial proximity influences relationship patterns at different stages of life (Fischer,

1982b); relocation results in changes in relationships (Licoppe & Smoreda, 2005). People who

live in the same household share common experiences, which facilitates strong interpersonal

connections (Wellman & Wortley, 1989). In contrast, keeping in touch with physically distant

people requires greater effort to produce common experiences, which breeds interdependence as

an indication of closeness (Berg & Clark, 1986). Work colleagues or neighbours who become

friends are yet another example of the influence of vicinity on one‘s social relations.

2.2.6 Social proximity: The impact of technology

Transportation and, especially, telecommunications such as the telephone, the internet

and the mobile phone, have notably changed the nature of social interactions. These technologies

have had a major impact on the theorisation of social structures (communities as well as social

networks) and on perceptions and practices of proximity (Mok, et al., 2007, p. 431). At first, it

was argued that industrialisation and urbanism would break up community groups while leaving


Page 32

only isolated individuals (Park, 1969; Simmel, 2005). Nevertheless, communities continued to

thrive, sometimes more as sparsely-knit, spatially dispersed social networks than as densely-knit,

village-like local groups (Cunningham & Sinclair, 1999; Wellman, et al., 2002). People have

been able to maintain and expand their relationships beyond the limit of space. Most common

nowadays is the perception that people increase the range and diversity of weaker connections in

addition to strengthening strong bonds: ―we have become more adept at filling some of the same

emotional and context-generating functions that have traditionally been associated with the

importance of community with a network of overlapping social ties that are limited in duration or

intensity‖ (Benkler, 2006, p. 15). It is no longer only within neighbourhoods that social networks

flourish, but also in the virtual space where the main common denominator of the network does

not necessarily depend on spatial proximity. Contemporary social networks are composed of

people actively in contact with each other while exchanging companionship and social support

over the space of flows, regardless of spatial proximity (Castells, 2000b).

Such social relations provide evidence for social proximity (Alba & Kadushin, 1976),

emotional closeness between individuals. Social proximity is an interpersonal concept within the

wider perception of social identity, which is addressed in Section 3.4.1. Social proximity

concerns solidarity, interdependence and a secure bond between individuals, which is one aspect

of social identity. Social proximity, regardless of spatial proximity, relies on telecommunications.

This has resulted in changes in many social spheres, including blurring the distinction between

public and private behaviours, reshaping traditional group identities, modifying socialisation

processes, the merging of gender identities, and, generally, demystification of the operation of

traditional social institutions (Meyrowitz, 1985).

Nevertheless, even though mediated communication is used ubiquitously and

extensively, it is evident that spatial proximity retains a dominant role in social relationships

(Foth & Hearn, 2007; Mok, et al., 2007). Distance still influences relations; for example,

interaction and exchange for physical, instrumental assistance (such as providing small

household items) can only happen between geographically close people (Mok, et al., 2007).

The debate around physical proximity (or its absence) and its dominance in shaping

relations within social networks is crucial to the understanding of this study. On the one hand, the

geographically centric approach in which proximity is still a major factor in structuring social

networks (Mok, et al., 2007; Wellman, 1996), seems to be valid in real-life situations within

modern neighbourhoods. On the other hand, the network approach, which centres on the capacity

of technology to overcome spatial limitations, results in reconstruction of our social network,

shifting its focus from location-based to content-based (Wellman, et al., 2002). This is the tension

between the spatial proximity and the social proximity approaches when constructing one‘s


Page 33

social network and to a greater degree when maintaining and sustaining one‘s friendworks. The

most relevant attitude for this thesis is a combination of both approaches when spatial proximity

leads to social proximity, which then might be freed from geographical constraints.

2.2.7 Women and social networks

There is no conclusive answer to whether women socialise differently from men. As

presented in this section, findings from different studies vary and are sometimes contradictory.

Though gender-based comparison of social networks requires further investigation, it is not the

focus of this thesis. As the explored case study consisted of only female participants, comparative

analysis between women and men cannot be drawn. Moreover, this study does not aim to suggest

gendered conclusions. It does not revolve primarily around gender related issues, but, rather,

explores overall social implications. Therefore, findings might also apply to men. Yet, it is

important to acknowledge gender-based research in order to better understand women and men‘s

motivations and practices within friendworks. Accordingly, this section reviews gender-based

characteristics of social networks.

Historically, till the 1960s, with the rise of the second wave of feminism (Carden, 1974),

traditional gender roles resulted in different gender behaviour which led to different composition

of social networks for men and women (Booth, 1972; K. E. Campbell & Lee, 1992; McPherson

& Smith-Lovin, 1982; Michelson, 1977; Wellman, 1985). According to Campbell (1990) the

gender role definition of women as bearers of emotional and social responsibilities resulted in

this behaviour difference. Based on gender roles in those days, husbands were at work, away

from the neighbourhood most day-time hours, while women were doing ‗women‘s work‘ at

home within neighbourhoods. For women, the combination of living in proximity and fulfilling

defined gender roles (responsibility for household matters) resulted in close gendered network

relationships. American women were more likely to report a female neighbour as the person with

whom they had most frequent contact, while men were more likely to report a non-neighbour

male friend as the person with whom they had most contact, in most cases a work colleague

(Michelson, 1977, Table 5.8). These female neighbourly networks also indicated a higher level of

a sense of belonging to the local community in women. Studies have found male groups to be

larger, job-related and ‗instrumental‘, while women‘s networks were more likely to be affiliated

with smaller, local, domestically related ‗expressive‘ groups (Booth, 1972; McPherson & Smith-

Lovin, 1982). These findings are partially contrasted with later research indicating that women

have larger and more complex social networks than men (Moore, 1990).

The literature indicates that men and women structure their social networks differently

and that social relations may serve them in different ways. Fischer and Oliker (1983) suggest that


Page 34

age and lifestyle account for network differences, with young married men having larger

networks than their wives, and the reverse being true for older married couples. Other studies

show that married men tend to name their wives as their primary confidants and sources of

support, whereas women tend to name friends and children as sources of support (Antonucci &

Akiyama, 1987). Generally, women are more likely than men to request assistance from network

members (T. Butler, Giordano, & Neren, 1985).

Women's networks tend to have larger proportions of kin compared to men; hence

networks of women may lack the heterogeneity of networks of men, which is especially effective

when looking for a job (Wellman & Wortley, 1990). Women who have large, diverse social

networks are more likely to be working for pay (Stoloff, Glanville, & Bienenstock, 1999). In

households where women were involved only in domestic work, social relations and support

from kin, friends and neighbours were most likely to be maintained by women rather than by

men. Households in which women were involved in domestic work as well as paid employment,

had far less dense networks of relations and, as a result, were able to obtain less support and

fewer services from their contacts (Wellman, 1985). Research also found that women are more

supportive than men in friendships (Wellman, 1985; Wellman & Frank, 2001; Wellman &

Wortley, 1990), though a recent study on a similar topic did not find gender specific behaviour

patterns (Plickert, et al., 2007).

A bio-behavioural study (Taylor, et al., 2000) found that women respond to stress

differently to men, due to a gendered behavioural mechanism. In such situations, men, influenced

by specific hormonal activity, activate a ‗fight-or-flight‘ mechanism. In contrast, women, under

the influence of a different hormone, liaise with other females, joining forces in a method titled

‗tend-and-befriend‘. The feminine response of befriending is the actual process of creating and

maintaining friendworks aimed at reducing distress. This bio-behavioural study concludes that

there is a biological gender difference expressed in stress situations that can explain differences in

the structure of social networks and the practice of social relations between men and women.

Other research shows no gender difference in psychological well-being and social

network characteristics (size, density, frequency of interaction, geographic dispersion, reciprocity

and type of support: affective or instrumental) within social networks of women and men (Israel

& Antonucci, 1987). Lack of gender difference in network size was also evident in a comparative

analysis of data from the American social survey from 1985 and 2004 (McPherson, Smith-Lovin,

& Brashears, 2006), which reported a quite uniform and significant decline in Americans‘ social

networks size, with no gender difference. A study of middle class Tehranis (Bastani, 2007) also

did not find distinctive gender differences in network size or composition.


Page 35

Conflicting findings regarding gender-based social networks as those presented here

highlight the significance of context (demographic, social, cultural) when researching social

networks and underlines the complexity of this topic. The presented studies contribute to

situating this thesis within a wider gendered context, with accenting gendered features within the

investigated social networks.

This chapter started by reviewing the global concept of the network society in the

information age. The second part of the chapter focused on personal social networks as an

example of an egocentric social structure within the network society. The final section further

focuses on one particular type of social network which is the focus of this thesis: the friendwork.

2.3 WHY FRIENDWORK?

‗Social network‘ is an important term. Nevertheless, it is not clearly and fully defined.

From a pilot focus group conducted early in this research which examined social networks and

mobile phone use, it was apparent that research participants failed to understand the term ‗social

network'. It is explicitly defined as the sum of the people one knows: ―a social network consists

of a finite set … of actors and the relation … defined on them‖ (S. Wasserman & Faust, 1994, p.

20). However, field-based application of the term reveals confusion, vagueness and wide

generalisation, especially when analysing the complexity of personal social networks. While

some types of relations (such as family, friends, neighbours and work colleagues) were easy to

define and were more likely to reflect people within one‘s social network, there was vagueness

regarding the inclusion of people with whom one might have more indirect and less clearly

defined types of relations, such as acquaintances (including the postman, the children‘s teacher,

the gardener, the bus driver, school children‘s parents), distant family members, virtual friends

and public figures. As a result, there was confusion around who to include within one‘s social

network. When participants were asked to name people within their social network, providing the

general definition of ‗social network‘ (―sum of the people one knows―) was not clear enough to

fulfil this task. I had to provide a description and examples for potential people that might be

included within a social network, hence intervening and directing participants‘ responses.

Moreover, in certain circumstances, when studying social behaviour, it could be useful to

break down the holistic social network concept. This would enable focusing on variations of

behaviour nuances, motives for actions and their outcomes (i.e., the different type of capital that

is produced) within individuals‘ social networks (Ben-Harush, 2009). This claim is especially

valid when considering the growing use of social network sites ("Facebook company timeline",

2010) which results in an expansion of social relations, an overwhelming increase in individuals‘


Page 36

social network size and, consequently, an establishment of new types of social ties (Boyd &

Ellison, 2007).

From the pilot focus group, it was evident that participants‘ most intensive everyday

communication was with family and friends. This communication pattern is reported in existing

everyday mobile phone studies (Sørensen, 2006; Wajcman, et al., 2008) as well as in fixed

telephone studies (Moyal, 1992; Rakow, 1992). The Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS] social

survey (Pink, 2007) provides somewhat similar findings in relation to support from different

social ties. It reinforces the crucial role of family and friends in times of crisis in comparison to

others within individuals‘ social networks. Ninety three per cent of the respondents reported they

could get support in times of crisis from persons living outside the household, primarily from

family members (80%) or friends (67%). Neighbours (33%) and work colleagues (22%) were

also mentioned as support groups, but not as substantially as family and friends, as presented in

Figure 1. No significant gender difference has been found.

Figure 1: Sources of support in time of crisis by sex (Source: Pink, 2007, p. 4, n=13,375)

Family and friends were found to be the most relevant type of relations within social

networks for the purpose of this study, which follows a communication perspective.

Consequently, the research focused on one particular social relation type: a friend, rather than on

an overall social network, when questioning how communication methods were used within

friendship networks rather than social networks in general. Friendwork (Ben-Harush, 2009) was

the succinct term that I developed in the context of my earlier fieldwork to describe the particular

sub-network of interest to me and which I theorise in further detail here.

2.3.1 What is a friendwork?

A friendwork is the set of people with whom an individual maintains a friendship. A

friendwork is one specific type of social sub-network; however, different types of sub-networks


Page 37

intersect and overlap. In order to understand the composition of friendworks within other

networks, a typology of social networks is useful and is discussed in Section 2.3.4. Hereafter, I

relate to a friendwork when addressing one network of friends of a particular individual and use

friendworks when discussing a few of these networks in general. When referring to more general

social relations, I use the term social network.

Building a network of friends takes time and requires some stability in a person‘s life

(Trimberger, 2005, p. 247). A friendwork incorporates friendship relations from one‘s family,

childhood, studies, work, neighbourhood, church, politics, shared recreation and other daily life

situations. Within a network, a variety of social ties can be found: intimate friends, ones to

socialise with, others to share a particular interest, or casual recent friends. A friendship network

is flexible and ―open to friends leaving and new ones entering‖ (Trimberger, 2005, p. 229). Not

everyone knows everyone else within a friendwork, but most people know of each other.

When defining networks of friends, one must be familiar with the meaning of a friend.

Though basic and meaningful terms in human nature, friend and friendship are ambiguous

concepts subject to many definitions and related to various practices (Fischer, 1982b). While

most scholars (and people in general) take these concepts for granted, both will be defined here,

as they are crucial to the understanding of the context, the orientation and the motivation of this

research.

2.3.2 What do we mean by friend?5

Fischer (1982b), who studies the meaning of friend among Californian adults, found that

although the term was very commonly used, there was no consensus about its meaning. Friend

was found to be ―a residual label, a description applied to almost all associates for whom no more

specific title is available‖ (p. 305). Relatives were typically not referred to as friends. People also

tended to label as friend others they were in contact with (a neighbour, a colleague and a partner).

Similarity in age and long acquaintance with associates were common features of friendship.

Friendship ties also tended to be primarily voluntary relations of sociability that involved visiting,

going out, discussing shared pastimes and participating together in an organisation. Friendships

did not appear to involve extensive material exchanges. Close friends primarily described

intimate relationships (discussing personal matters, seeking advice), as well as sociability and

material aid (especially ‗being available for a sizeable financial loan‘). Adams and Allan (1998)

5 This is the title of one of Fischer‘s publications (1982b).


Page 38

suggest that friendship is culturally dependent and people use the term differently in different

cultural communities. Following Fischer‘s (1982a, 1982b) findings and for the purposes of this

thesis, a friend is referred to as a familiar person with whom one holds a personal relation of

affection through voluntary interactions. Friendship is a personal and voluntary relationship of

affection with a familiar person.

According to this definition, four main conditions apply when defining a person as a

friend: familiarity, personal relation, affection and voluntary interaction. The first criterion,

familiarity has been constantly challenged and updated following the progress of

telecommunication technology, particularly the internet. A familiar person in the pre-internet era

was someone an individual knew following face-to-face interaction. Knowing a person suggests

that one would be able to recognise the other‘s face, look and voice, as well as know some details

about the other person‘s personality and background. A face-to-face interaction implies that

friends are geographically proximate people, or people who shared physical proximity in the past.

I regard this type of closeness as spatial proximity. Recent studies still prove that spatial

proximity is a significant factor in social relations (Mok, et al., 2007), particularly in friendships

(Baym, et al., 2004). However, today, when online communication in many societies is

ubiquitous, the meaning of a familiar person might be extended to include virtual relationships

and virtual friends, thus redefining proximity as a social rather than as a spatial parameter. I refer

to closeness which is established only via the agency of telecommunications as social proximity.

I choose to differentiate between direct and virtual familiarity. Direct familiarity is established in

face-to-face encounters (in spatial proximity situations) even if they lead to mainly social

proximity situations later on. Virtual familiarity exclusively involves social proximity.

Subsequently, when referring to types of social networks, this differentiation results in two

separate sub-networks; the friendwork and the virtual acquaintances network, as discussed in

further detail in Section 2.3.4.

The second condition of the definition of a friend is a personal relation that involves

one-on-one interaction. Therefore, celebrities, public figures, and non-physical entities (such as

deceased, fiction heroes or religious figures) are excluded from being friends in this thesis. In

general, people who individuals get to know via mass media cannot be regarded as their friends.

Additionally, reciprocity is an associated factor of personal relations, though not mandatory.

Most personal relations involve reciprocal interaction. The personal relations criterion is also

challenged by modern communications technology, when online communication (emails,

forums, social network sites) allows one-to-many relations. This thesis focuses on one-to-one

relations only.


Page 39

Affection is another mandatory criterion in defining a friend (Boyd, 2006; Fischer,

1982b). It refers to a supportive behaviour that involves a feeling of fondness, liking, esteem and

trust. This is a personal feeling and is not necessarily mutual (Rubin, 1985, p. 7). Often people

regard those they have affective relations with as friends. Consequently, if social relations lack

supportive behaviour, they cannot be considered friendships. The affective aspect of friendships

is referred to in this thesis in relation to social and emotional support, which is a form of affective

labour resulting in sense of belonging and social capital as well as improving individuals‘ well-

being.

Finally, voluntary interaction emphasises that a certain activity concerning the other is

done by one‘s own free will (Plickert, et al., 2007), which means a self motivated decision not

influenced primarily by financial or political incentives. Social norms (such as the moral

expectation to support family members) might also influence people to act against their own will.

In contrast with such forced relations, friends are regarded as ―the chosen family‖ (Goodman &

O'Brien, 2001, p. 248). Any case of involuntary relation cannot be considered as a friendship.

Voluntary interaction is a crucial parameter when defining distinct sub-networks, as described in

Section 2.3.4.

Each person can be regarded as a friend even though s/he might have additional social

relations with the other. This is particularly notable when considering the social relation of

immediate kin to individuals, who can be simultaneously regarded as family and friends. Social

science scholars often distinguish between close friends (or core/strong ties) and other friends

(significant/weak ties), within one‘s social network (for example: Boase, Horrigan, Wellman, &

Rainie, 2006; Granovetter, 1973; Hampton, Sessions, Her, & Rainie, 2009; Haythornthwaite,

2002; Wellman & Wortley, 1990). This distinction, though vague and subject to personal

interpretations, correlates with particular communication practices, as was also observed in this

study (for example, see Section 7.2.1). Among strong ties, this thesis focuses on communication

practices with best friends, spouses, and family members (Section 6.4). Among weak ties

communication with neighbours is examined (Section 6.4.4). One particular type of a weak tie

that was not found in this case study is the virtual acquaintance. However, as this type of relation

attracts recent attention, the next section briefly addresses this social tie.

2.3.3 Virtual acquaintances

Earlier in this chapter, the dominant role of spatial proximity in establishing and

maintaining social relations was considered (Section 2.2.5). Additionally, familiarity which is

suggested as a mandatory condition in establishing a friendship (Section 2.3.2), requires present

or past geographical proximity between people. Yet, once friendship is established, spatial


Page 40

proximity is optional; communication technology enables maintenance of friendships regardless

of their location (Section 2.2.6).

However, social opportunities expanded with the information age. Not only are people

now able to maintain and sustain relationships via the fixed-telephone, the internet and the

mobile phone, but they are able to have new purely online relationships. This social phenomenon

was originally observed over the internet within online forums (Kendall, 2002) and with various

virtual communities (Rheingold, 1993). Nowadays it is particularly apparent via online social

network sites such as MySpace, Facebook and LinkedIn.

The term used in social network sites for these social relations is ‗friends‘. Though it is

similar terminology, I find crucial differences between friend, as discussed so far, and the social

network sites‘ version of it. Friendships, according to social network sites, relate to social

interaction resulting in a sense of social proximity regardless of any spatial proximity. I regard

this type of social proximity as virtual acquaintances. Technically, these social relations are

easily established. Often, they are based on one method of communication, the internet, and in

most cases are not tested in real-life situations. As a result, virtual acquaintances lack important

(mainly sensual) aspects of real-life social interactions (Baym, et al., 2004; Deresiewicz, 2009).

Consequently, the strength of these virtual ties is limited (Boyd, 2006), though they can have

social significance as change agents, for example in anti-globalisation movements (Castells,

2009). Online friendships have been found to be less developed than off-line relationships (Parks

& Roberts, 1998). The net benefit of online relations depends on ―whether they supplement or

substitute for offline social relationships‖ (Cummings, Butler, & Kraut, 2002, p. 103).

Nevertheless, some online relationships might tighten and expand via additional communication

technologies (telephone, mobile phone), and might lead to face-to-face or real-life committed

relationships. In line with the perspective presented in this thesis, once they reach a stage of face-

to-face interaction, virtual acquaintances become friends.

From the point of view of this thesis, friends and virtual acquaintances are different

social relations. I have chosen to focus my study on the former, while excluding purely online

relations. This decision was taken after an initial analysis of the case study data. Of the 26

participants and 599 named friends, only one person (39 years old, Israel-born) included a virtual

acquaintance within her friendwork; a female friend she hasn‘t met face-to-face but frequently

(few times a week) communicated with over the internet (via social networks site, emails, VoIP

calls and instant messaging). This highlights the fact that virtual friendships are still a marginal

phenomenon among the researched population, namely, seachange women over 35 years old and

possibly among wider groups, though this requires further investigation and was not addressed in

this study.


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2.3.4 Types of social networks

Social networks literature does not consist of a widely agreed typology of this term.

However, several related social studies use unique criteria for network typologies. The following

mentioned typologies share three characteristics: they are comprised of humans only (and not

mixed humans-systems networks, for example), they represent social networks from the

individual‘s point of view (ego-centric) and they focus on nature of relationships.

Tönnies (2002 [1887]) was the first to identify two types of social groups:

gemeinschaft and gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft is a group of people who are primarily

obligated to the group‘s collectivity and then to their own self interest. In this group, the

individuals‘ behaviour is governed by well known norms. This category explains well

traditional, pre-modern societies and families. In contrast, Gesellschaft refers to modern

organisations in which the individual‘s self interest precedes the importance of the larger

association. Additionally, these organisations lack the level of shared norms. Gesellschaft is

maintained through individuals acting in their own self interest and better describes modern

societies and friendworks. Tönnies‘ paradigm classifies two basic types of social networks

that are too general for this thesis. Another early typology of social networks by Barnes

(1954) suggests three categories of social relations: formal organisations, unstable

associations and interpersonal links. This research concerns the latter.

Litwin (2001), who researched interpersonal environments among an elderly population,

distinguished between five network types, indicating the dominant relations within one‘s social

network:

1. The family-dependent network, a small grouping that relies primarily on close family

members.

2. The locally integrated network, a large grouping that includes relationships with family,

neighbours, and friends.

3. The local self-contained network, a small and mostly neighbour-based network.

4. The wider-community-focused network, a large and primarily friendship-centred group.

5. The private-restricted network, a group characterised by an absence of local kin, and

only minimal ties with neighbours.

Though Litwin‘s typology presents important aspects of social networks, it assigns

only one type of network to a person while excluding more complex descriptions of social

networks which involve a mixture of relation types. Additionally, as this typology focuses on the


Page 42

elderly population, it primarily focuses on instrumental support available within spatial

proximity, while social support aspects of emotional support and companionship potentially

available from distant contacts are of secondary importance.

Fischer (1982a) mentions three types of relations within social networks: formal,

sentimental and interaction-and-exchange. The first, formal relations are socially recognised

roles with reciprocal rights and duties, such as mother and daughter, employer and employee,

neighbour and neighbour. The second, sentimental relations, encompasses those that one cares

about and feels close to. The third, interaction and exchange, includes involvement with people

with whom one mutually shares activities, providing and receiving material and emotional

assistance. Usually people are involved with others in more than one of these ways. These types

of relationships share similarities with the types of support suggested by Agneessens, Waege and

Lievens (2006): emotional support, instrumental aid and companionship, which, together,

comprise social support (Section 2.2.3). For the purpose of this research, I use the terminology of

Agneessens, et al. (2006) when presenting a typology of social networks.

This thesis draws upon these definitions to offer an alternative and more detailed

typology of social networks. Characteristics of social networks used in this typology include

members’ type (family, friends, locals, colleagues, online acquaintances); network size (small—1

to 10 people; medium—10 to 306; large— over 30); type of support (motivation), as suggested by

Agneessens, et al. (2006), including emotional support, instrumental support and companionship;

spatial proximity (whether it is required for maintaining the relation: mandatory, optional, not

relevant); and voluntary interaction (yes or no).

Table 2 presents this typology of social networks and their key attributes. It includes the

friendwork, the particular type of social network proposed in this thesis. Each of these network

types is discussed in further detail below. This structure fills an important gap in social networks

typologies proposed so far.

6 Based on data collected in the case study reflecting friendworks‘ size.


Page 43

Table 2: Types and attributes of interpersonal social networks

Attributes

Members Size Type of support Spatial

proximity

Voluntary

interaction Network type

Family dependent family small

emotional

companionship

instrumental optional no

Friendwork friends medium

emotional

companionship

instrumental

optional yes

Work related colleagues flexible instrumental optional no

Location based familiar locals large companionship

instrumental mandatory yes

Virtual

acquaintances

online

acquaintances large

emotional

companionship not relevant yes

Global all acquaintances large

emotional

companionship

instrumental

not relevant (mostly)

yes

The most intimate group is the family dependant network mostly comprised of

immediate kin (parents, siblings, children) and life partners. This is a closed group consisting of

only a few members. They might not be spatially proximate, though often they live nearby. This

network potentially ensures all types of support, primarily instrumental assistance, in everyday

activities or financial support in times of need, mental and emotional assistance, companionship,

intimacy and help with crucial decisions. The aspect of voluntary interaction is ambiguous; some

people feel an obligation to support their family, others might feel differently. Support and

obligation to family members are encouraged by social and cultural norms and are reflected in

government policy (Cochran & Gunnarsson, 1990), yet to some extent they are subject to

personal interpretation. Though many scholars express concern regarding the declining

importance of the family, others show how it remains one of the most important ways in which

people think about belonging (Marsh, et al., 2007). The dominant attribute of this network is the

intense support that originates from genetic relatedness.

The second network is the friendwork comprising of all the people considered friends

from an individual‘s point of view. Therefore, different people, including kin, peers, colleagues

and neighbours can be found in this network. Friendworks grant all kinds of support, though

different people might provide different social support. Close friends are most likely to supply all

three types of support (emotional, instrumental and companionship), while less significant

relations might ensure only instrumental support or companionship. Spatial proximity is crucial

in establishing most friendships, but once set, even when members are distant, relations can be

maintained via telecommunication technologies. Based on the definition of a friend, voluntary


Page 44

interaction is mandatory. The dominant attribute of this network is the voluntary nature of

interactions and the overall significant support that individuals‘ benefit.

The next type is the work-related network. Most adults take part in the labour force and

are surrounded by people in a similar situation, motivated by financial incentives, the dominant

attribute of this network. Network members are work colleagues, clients and service providers,

usually working in spatial proximity, though not always. Accordingly, the network size is

flexible and might include a few, dozens or hundreds of people. The common support provided

by this network is instrumental, aimed at promoting shared financial targets. Sometimes relations

might evolve into friendships. Principally providing one type of support (instrumental), this

network is less beneficial for individuals from a social support perspective. It is managed by

business decision makers, hence in most cases is not subject to the individual‘s free will.

The fourth type is the location based network, which consists of all the familiar people

one meets, hangs out with and knows in the local area of residence. Kin, friends, neighbours and

also service providers and acquaintances might be part of this network. They comprise a

potentially large network. People in this group are also members of the local community, though

not all community members are a part of one‘s location based network, as this group consists of

only people one knows. The main difference between this network and a friendwork is the type

of support given. It is often characterised by instrumental support and companionship, lacking the

aspect of emotional support sought-after in friendworks. Spatial proximity is the dominant

attribute of this network. Participation in a local network is usually voluntary.

The fifth type of network, the virtual acquaintances, emerged as a result of the

massive diffusion, adoption and everyday use of the internet (Haddon, 2004). It consists of

online users a person is in mediated contact with, principally via the internet (without ever

meeting face-to-face). Virtual acquaintances are familiar to the person to some extent. Their

attributes might not correlate with the attributes of the real-life individuals they represent.

Based on the internet characteristics, infrastructure and applications, this network can consist

of dozens, hundreds or thousands of people. Exclusively internet-based familiarity usually

involves virtual companionship, non-physical instrumental assistance (mainly exchange of

information) or/and some emotional support. Support is limited, in comparison to real-life

relations (Boyd, 2006), as a result of internet characteristics such as lack of a physical dimension

and unsubstantiated credibility (Baym, et al., 2004). Spatial proximity is not relevant. Interactions

are purely voluntary and commitment is usually lower than in real-life situations (Boyd, 2006).

These relations are often ‗weak‘ social ties (Marsden & Campbell, 1984) because they are easily

established (or forsaken). However, though virtual acquaintances are regarded as a distinct social

relation to friendworks, they could evolve into friendships subject to the four friendship


Page 45

conditions (familiarity, personal, affectionate and voluntary). Due to such cases, there might be

overlap between these two sub-networks. The dominant attribute of this network is the online

communication mode, which notably impacts the nature of the social relations.

The last group is the global network which consists of all the people an individual is

familiar with in person. A global network is one‘s social network. It is the sum of all the people

mentioned within the sub-networks. Dunbar (1992) suggests that, on average, the number of

individuals within one‘s social networks is 150. This represents the cognitive limit of the number

of people with whom any person can maintain stable social relationships, the kind of

relationships that go with knowing who each person is and how each person relates socially to

every other person. However, inclusion of virtual acquaintances within one‘s social network

considerably expands the potential number of contacts within an individual social network.

Figure 2: The relation between interpersonal social networks

Global (social) network

Location based

Work-related

Family

Friendwork

Virtual

acquaintance


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The relationship between the different sub-networks within one‘s social network is

displayed in Figure 2. As mentioned, some of them overlap, hence some people are included

within more than one sub-network. This sociogram suggests that friendwork sub-networks

interact with all the other groups within an individual‘s social network. As this is a general

description, variations of sub-network size, overlapping degree and proximity between the

groups should be taken into consideration when customising it at the individual level.

2.4 IMPLICATIONS

This chapter reviews literature related to the network society as a basic concept of social

networks and friendworks. The latter directly addresses a distinct and meaningful sub-network

within personal social networks. A discussion regarding the significance of social networks,

their contribution to social support, their performance of affective labour and social and

emotional support and their role in creating social capital sets the rationale for focusing on

this social structure in this thesis. Comparing social networks and communities directs this

thesis towards an examination of social networks that are influenced and contextualised by

location-based communities. The impact of location on social relations is questioned when

spatial and social proximities are discussed. The general overview of social networks closes

with gendered practices within these networks.

While drilling down from social networks to the friendworks sub-network, two

fundamental friendworks-related concepts, friends and friendships, are explored. Though

these terms are somewhat vague and subject to various definitions, their importance is

evident, hence reinforcing the role of friendworks in the modern society. This vagueness

around friendships might also explain why the contribution of friendships as affective labour

in contemporary capitalism is not well understood and appreciated. This study aims to address

this issue and clarify the significance of friendworks in this context.

This chapter also presents the spatial and non-spatial concepts that are significant to this

study. Presenting the space of flows, local communities, spatial proximity, social proximity and

virtual acquaintances sets the foundation to discuss mobility, which is another basic theory of this

study that originates from the network society approach. The next chapter reviews in detail the

mobility concept while specifically focusing on two mobility aspects: population mobility as an

example of physical mobility and communication use as an example of virtual mobility.


Page 47

3Chapter 3: Mobility in the network society

This chapter reviews literature associated with the concept of mobility in its wider social

context, and the new mobilities paradigm. This builds on the literature review of the previous

chapter, which examines the concept of the network society and its particular manifestation in

friendworks. Both concepts of mobility and friendworks complement each other and provide a

broad understanding of the setting of this interdisciplinary study and its significance as a part of

the modern life experience. This chapter also begins to build the empirical context of the case

study reported in this thesis.

Two of the main themes of this study, population mobility and use of communication

methods, are addressed by what is described here as the new mobilities paradigm. This in turn

addresses the physical travel of people and communicative travel, and seeks to explain the

important role of mobility in contemporary society. Within such context, the significance of

friendworks is highlighted as a source of stability and affection, reassuring and reinforcing the

sense of belonging, support and companionship.

3.1 MOBILITY

Mobility is a spatial concept. It is the displacement of something across, over and

through space. The concept of mobility includes large-scale movements of people, objects,

capital and information across the world, as well as the more local processes of daily

transportation, movement through public space and the travel of material things within everyday

life (Hannam, Sheller, & Urry, 2006). Mobility is a fundamental human process ―which make[s]

our world work the way it does, however big and small and however imperfectly, from tourism

to migration, from transport to communications, at multiple scales and hierarchies, all depend

upon mobility‖ (Adey, 2010, p. 11). Mobility requires effort. It demands work and it costs.

There is much more to mobility than its connotation to movement. It is movement with

social significance, with meaning (Cresswell, 2001). Mobility in recent research is interpreted

within a wider context of societal norms, codes of conduct, belief systems and ideologies (Adey,

2010). Context makes a vital difference to the ways mobilities are given meaning and

understood. Moreover, mobility is positioned in relation to something or somebody; it often

occurs with others, as a social activity. It is an outcome or an achievement of social relations.

Mobility is ―a lived relation‖ (Adey, 2010, p. xvii).


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In recent years, scholars have expanded the idea of mobility from its initial physical

meaning to a wider, more socially-oriented approach. As a result, contemporary mobility

research refers to multiple aspects of mobility. Larsen, Urry and Axhausen (2006) define five

interdependent mobilities: physical travel of people, physical movement of objects, imaginative

travel (such as memories, text, images, TV and films), virtual travel (often in real time over the

internet) and communicative travel through person to person messages via telecommunications

(such as fixed and mobile telephone calls, emails and instant messages). Sheller and Urry (2006)

regard this expanded outlook as the new mobilities paradigm. The next section further examines

this concept. Of the five mentioned mobility aspects, this thesis is mainly concerned with two: a

particular case of physical travel of humans, population mobility, and one aspect of

communicative travel, the use of interactive communication methods between friends. Both are

addressed in further detail in this chapter.

Some scholars associate mobility with globalisation (Robins, 2000), suggesting that

mobility, as with globalisation, is an inseparable part of modern life. Even the relative stabilities

of communities, associations of friendship, work and leisure, that may at first appear to contradict

any notion of fluidity are ―everywhere shot through with the woof of human motion, as more

persons and groups deal with the realities of having to move, or the fantasies of wanting to

move‖ (Appadurai, 1990, p. 297).

There are two different viewpoints to mobility: sedentarism and nomadic (Cresswell,

1993; Kaplan, 1996; Urry, 2000). The sedentary approach sees the world in fixed and bounded

ways: nodes, networks, places and lines connecting between them. The node is regarded as

immobile, while the line is a means to get from one node to another. This approach associates

mobility with movement. The early, sedentary approach to mobility is that it goes with "meagre

environments" (Sauer, 1952, p. 22). Mobility is an exception. It is perceived as a threat to

stability, a hazard to normal life. Mobility is also contrasted with economic rationality; it is

"neither with reason nor experience that a people should exist without roots, that is, without a

domain in which to carry on its life activities, one which will ensure and provide for its

existence" (Vidal de la Blache, Martonne, & Bingham, 1965, p. 52). In a way, human

communities draw away from mobility, which is a natural way of living for animals, by insisting

on stability and fixity. Sedentarism is somewhat reflected in Heidegger‘s perception, for whom

dwelling means to reside or to stay in a place (Heidegger, 1971). Such places of dwelling are

regarded as the fundamental basis of human identity and experience and are used as the basic

units of social research (Cresswell, 2002, p. 12-15).

The nomadic, more recent approach to mobility, takes movement as its starting point. It

emphasises the power of movement, marking mobility with meaning, linking it to freedom and


Page 49

liberty (Bachelard, 1988). However, emotional anchoring is an important aspect for people, even

for nomadic people, as a part of the quest for a sense of belonging: "everybody wants to be part

of something.... People want to know that they are part of something larger like that they also

want to know where it is they fit in‖ (Hetherington, 2000, p. 83). When people are wandering,

they use emotional anchoring by objects they travel with, such as books, photo albums and

souvenirs, or by travelling with family and friends, who share similar culture and memories. This

nourishes feelings of place while on the move (Adey, 2010).

Following the nomadic perspective, places could also be seen as always moving on

(Massey, 1993). Places manifest temporal networks of relations: "what is special about place is

not some romance or pre-given collective identity or the eternity of the hills. Rather what is

special about place is … the unavoidable challenge of negotiating a here and now‖ (Massey,

2005, p. 140), a throwntogetherness (Massey, 2005, p. 149) of space. Places are constituted by

ephemeral practices within wider networks of flows and mobilities (Massey, 2005). Places are

more than an immobile fixing. They might be associated with ―transient, mobile and momentary

senses and experiences‖ (Merriman, 2004, p. 146).

3.2 THE NEW MOBILITIES PARADIGM

In the last decade, scholars from different disciplines have re-examined mobility,

developing its physical meaning into a wider extended approach of the new mobilities paradigm

(Sheller & Urry, 2006). This paradigm goes beyond geographical boundaries and extends into

interdisciplinary arenas, while observing mobility primarily from a social perspective: ―putting

social relations into travel and connecting different forms of transport with complex patterns of

social experience conducted through communications at-a-distance‖ (Sheller & Urry, 2006, p.

208).

Research of migration, diasporas and transnational citizenship were among the first

studies to criticise the bounded and static categories of nation, ethnicity, community, place and

state (Ahmed, Castaneda, Fortier, & Sheller, 2003; Basch, Schiller, & Blanc, 1994; Brah, 1996;

Gilroy, 1999; Ong, 1999). Feminist transnational studies reinforced this critical view while

examining how migrants reconstruct belonging and mobilise place-based identities across

geopolitical borders (Fortier, 2000; Joseph, 1999; Tolia-Kelly, 2006). This extended and more

flexible perception was later evident also in a social network theory study when Musolesi, Hailes

and Mascolo presented a new mobility model founded on social network theory (2004).

Drawing on social network studies, the mobilities paradigm emphasises that networks

connect between places so that ―nowhere can be an island‖ (Sheller & Urry, 2006, p. 209), hence


Page 50

going beyond spatial terms into social processes. This also challenges definitions of nations,

states and societies, which now tend to comply with contemporary theories such as the liquid

modernity (Bauman, 2000), redirecting attention from static, solid, spatially-oriented structures to

social entities of people, machines, and information in light and liquid systems of movement.

Thus mobilities in this paradigm relates to broad-ranging generic perception that consists

of physical movement (walking, running), movement enhanced by technologies (transportation)

and movement of images and information (media and, generally, information communication

technologies). Paradoxically, mobilities depend on highly embedded and immobile

infrastructures (Graham & Marvin, 2001; Sassen, 2002) such as transmitters, roads, stations,

airports, as well as cities and geographically based communities, which are also a part of the

mobilities research. Places, technologies and other hubs that facilitate mobilities become

obligatory for those who wish to fully participate in a networked society while reinforcing

immobility on others (Sheller & Urry, 2006).

The new mobilities paradigm argues against separating places and people. Rather, ―there

is a complex relationality of places and persons connected through performances....Thus

activities are not separate from the places that happen contingently to be visited‖ (Sheller & Urry,

2006, p. 214). Mobility, as well as places, revolves around relationships: ―about the placing of

peoples, materials, images, and the systems of difference that they perform‖ (Sheller & Urry,

2006, p. 214). Therefore places are dynamic, but they also involve special proximities: ―the

bodily copresence of people who happen to be in that place at that time, doing activities together‖

(Sheller & Urry, 2006, p. 214). Proximities result in social relations which might last through

long distance. Hence both proximity and distance are inseparable aspects of social relations:

Indeed all forms of social life involve striking combinations of proximity and distance,

combinations that necessitate examination of the intersecting forms of physical, object,

imaginative and virtual mobility that contingently and complexly link people in patterns

of obligation, desire and commitment, increasingly over geographical distances of great

length. (Urry, 2002, p. 256)

The new mobilities paradigm rearranges social and spatial terms. Spaces and places are

no longer considered fixed, while social relations represent emotional mooring. Especially,

relationships with family and friends are no longer regarded as fluid and in states of constant

change, but are rather perceived as a ‗dynamic stability‘ (Benkler, 2006, p. 366).


Page 51

3.3 MOBILITY AND AFFECTION

As mobilities are primarily viewed from a social perspective, they are also strongly

connected with emotions, with affective labour. Mobility is felt in an emotional and affective

sense: ―motion and emotion are kinaesthetically intertwined and produced together through a

conjunction of bodies, technologies and cultural practices‖ (Sheller, 2004, p. 227). For example,

immigration scenarios involve the establishment of emotions towards the new place of dwelling

and the social and cultural setting as well as sustaining emotions towards people, culture,

experiences and places that were left behind. Telecommunications play a major role in

maintaining the long distance connections as they facilitate shared moments while apart.

Mediated by communication, feelings are diffused in a process similar to physical contagion

(Brennan, 2004).

It is important to understand feelings associated with mobility situations, as they are

often projected into wider economies and industries, selling sensations, feelings and experiences

(Thrift, 2000). They also play a major role in setting political activities, including radicalism,

protests and crime (Barbalet, 2001). This thesis explores emotions and affective labour within

friendworks associated with two mobility situations: relocating in a seachange community, as a

case of population mobility and use of communication between friends. Both are addressed in the

next sections.

3.4 POPULATION MOBILITY: RELOCATION IN SEACHANGE

COMMUNITIES

Population mobility is a dominant aspect of the modern world that crucially influences

nations as well as individuals (Larsen, Axhausen, & Urry, 2006; Larsen, Urry, et al., 2006;

Sheller & Urry, 2006; Urry, 2007). Information about population mobility in Australia is

provided in the recent census which indicates that 43% of the population reported changing their

place of residence in the five years between 2001 to 2006 (Pink, 2006, p. 4). Historically,

population mobility in Australia has been characterised by several demographic trends during the

twentieth century, gradually moving from inland rural areas to cities. In 1911, Australia's

settlement was strongly rural, with 42% of the population living in inland rural areas and

following agricultural patterns and the mining industries (Pink, 2006 , p. 16). However, by 2006,

only 12% of Australians were located in inland rural areas, while 77% of the population resided

in towns and cities of over 1,000 people within 50 km of the coast (Pink, 2006 , p. 16).


Page 52

Simultaneous with a general population growth in Australian capital cities (Pink, 2006),

counterurbanisation, the movement of people outside metropolitan areas to rural places, has also

been identified in recent decades7. Specifically, relocation to rural settlements along the coast has

been succinctly described as seachange (Burnley & Murphy, 2004; Hamilton & Mail, 2003;

Murphy, 2002). As an example, Burnley and Murphy (2004) report that more people moved out

of Sydney to non-metropolitan New South Wales in the intercensal period, 1991 to 1996, than

had moved in any other five-year period from 1971 to 1986. This demographic movement is

expected to continue into the future (New South Wales statistical local area population

projections, 2006-2036, 2010; Salt, 2003). Today, over 20% of the Australian population resides

in seachange centres and communities, excluding capital cities (Stokes, 2004). The growth in

these coastal areas is consistently higher than the national average (Trewin, 2004).

These figures highlight the important impact of population mobility on seachange

communities taking in newcomers in great numbers. A similar scenario is occurring in the United

States with population growth increasing in coastal areas adjacent to, or one county beyond the

major metropolitan cities (Crossett, Culliton, Wiley, & Goodspeed, 2004). The American case

suggests that the seachange phenomenon goes beyond Australia and is of interest to wide

expanse countries with an extensive coastline. The Australian government identified this coastal

growth as a national phenomenon. In 2004 it established the National Seachange Taskforce, a

national body that addresses the impact of the seachange phenomenon and provides support and

guidance to coastal councils attempting to manage the impact of rapid growth.

Of all of New South Wales coastal regions, the Richmond-Tweed region (where the case

study was conducted) has the fastest recent growth rates (ABS, 2009b). This population increase

has been consistent throughout the last twenty years (Salt, 2003). According to the 2001 Census

(ABS, 2001), the three shires8 of Tweed, Byron and Ballina recorded some of the highest average

annual growth of all New South Wales coastal regions. Ocean Shores, the seachange community

in which the study took place, is a town within the Byron shire.

7 Counterurbanisation was originally observed during the 1970s in the United States (Champion, 1989) as well as

in Europe (Boyle & Halfacree, 1998).

8 A shire is a Local Government Area (LGA - a third level of government under the federal and the state levels in

Australia). Within the Richmond-Tweed region (which is a part of the Northern Rivers area of NSW), there are six local government areas; three of them are mentioned here in relation to the highest average annual growth.


Page 53

Australian demographer Bernard Salt (2003) suggests that throughout Australian history,

demographic changes correlate with different cultures: first, the move from the bush to cities is

identified with the emergence of urbanism. Then, growth of suburbia has been motivated by

familial values. Finally, the current demographic change has been defined as seachange. A shift

to provincial coastal communities is characterised by lifestyle-seekers, mostly baby boomers,

those born in the expansion years between 1946 and 1961 after World War Two, who are

looking for a certain lifestyle in the latter years of their working life and in retirement. However,

this recent demographic shift is also common among younger people and families moving to

coastal areas and is motivated by the desire for alternative lifestyle, though some are forced to

relocate due to financial restrictions (Marshall, Murphy, Burnley, & Hugo, 2003). Unlike

urbanism and the growth of suburbia, which were population mobility trends led by financial

considerations (where people could find work), seachanging is motivated mostly by leisure

opportunities. The trend suggests that a higher percentage of the population nowadays are leisure

oriented.

This demographic change triggers major challenges for local, state and federal

representatives. However, while implications for communities are apparent in infrastructure,

employment, education and health, as a social support concern, it receives little attention9. To fill

this gap and to highlight the importance and the impact of social support in seachange situations,

this study examines friendworks as a social infrastructure contextualised by population mobility

in the seachange town of Ocean Shores10

. Findings generated from this study provide a grounded

analysis that might generate insights that lead to, or inform, policy development.

3.4.1 Self and social identity: A sense of belonging in relocation situations

Once people move to new places, conceptions of place and belonging become central

(Kijas, 2003). The concept of belonging is a central aspect in people‘s self identity, to how they

define who they are and how they give meaning to their lives. It is also an important part of

shaping their social identity, their perceptions and behaviour as part of social groups (Tajfel &

Turner, 1979). Though in contemporary society people are primarily considered as individuals, it

is ―membership of particular groups that is most important in constructing a sense of identity.

Social identity is a fundamental aspect of what it is to be human‖ (Marsh, et al., 2007, p. 4).

9 See for example the agenda of the last Australian Coastal Councils conference ("Australian coastal councils conference‖, 2010).

10 More about Ocean Shores in Section 4.2.


Page 54

Sense of identity is most commonly founded on social interactions that reinforce belonging

to specific social groups through shared beliefs, values, or practices. Choices that people

make position them as part of the groups, networks and communities that make up human

society.

In most cases people develop different ways of belonging, among which are

geographical senses (sense of place), and political, cultural, social and even commercial senses

(consider brands and lifestyle markers). Together they construct the social identity of individuals.

Nowadays, sense of belonging is far more flexible than it used to be in traditional societies and

people can choose some of the categories they wish to belong to. Nevertheless, people still seek

the same gratifications: social bonding, loyalty, security and acceptance (Marsh, et al., 2007),

which are all associated with sense of belonging. Though belonging in contemporary society

involves both global and local means of social interaction, most of people‘s social interactions are

still local (Larsen, Urry, et al., 2006, p. 6). Not only do people develop a sense of social

belonging associated with their locality, they also develop a sense of place. The need to belong

and be a part of a place is well expressed in the following quote:

In settler colonies it is not enough just to occupy the new landscape, you must inscribe it

culturally. The new country must begin to reflect your presence. To cease being

foreigners and start being citizens, to start being of a place instead of merely being in a

place, the landscape needs to begin tell your story. (Byrne, Brayshaw, & Ireland, 2001,

p.49)

While this citation refers to the notion of place among Australian early settlers, it describes a

relationship of people to the actual landscape, their place of dwelling. When moving to a new

place, this sense of belonging is revamped and adjusted to the new environment. People seek

attachments to new and old in an ongoing fluid process of place making. (Kijas, 2003). A sense

of place is often used to describe mixed natural and cultural features in the landscape and usually

includes the community that resides in that particular place. Together, these spatial and social

aspects compose what makes the place special or unique, from the individual‘s perspective,

resulting in fostering of a sense of belonging. Though this feeling is individual, it depends on

social engagement for its existence.

Sense of belonging is also regarded as one of the attributes that form a sense of

community (McMillan & Chavis, 1986). A sense of community focuses on the experience of

community rather than its structure and formation. It is the individual's perception,

understanding, attitudes and feelings about community and their relationship to it. Sense of


Page 55

community is considered ―one of the major bases for self-definition‖ (S. B. Sarason, 1974, p.

157). Sarason defines sense of community as:

the perception of similarity to others, an acknowledged interdependence with others, a

willingness to maintain this interdependence by giving to or doing for others what one

expects from them, and the feeling that one is part of a larger dependable and stable

structure. (1974, p. 157)

Doolittle and MacDonald (1978) use five factors to evaluate the level of a sense of community:

informal interaction (with neighbours), safety (having a good place to live), pro-urbanism

(privacy, anonymity), neighbouring preferences (preference for frequent neighbour interaction),

and localism (opinions and a desire to participate in neighbourhood affairs).

Two additional terms to sense of belonging refer somewhat similarly to individuals‘

perception of their established bonds in a given society: social integration (Blau, 1960) and social

cohesion (Forrest & Kearns, 2001). They also indicate the level of connectedness of an individual

to a specific society and in many cases they involve local communities and neighbourhoods (K.

E. Campbell & Lee, 1992). However, most commonly these social terms are explored from a

deficient position reflecting social exclusion associated with ethnic minorities and poverty which

originate from wider contemporary phenomena of globalisation and marginality. Social exclusion

results in crime and insecurity and declining social welfare and social capital (Putnam, 2000).

Therefore, in this thesis, which primarily focuses on friendships of internal migration populations

rather than marginalised groups, the preference is for the concept of a sense of belonging, which

is more positively oriented than is social integration or social cohesion.

The literature on identity and place points toward a strong affiliation between the

discussed terms; a sense of place is commonly incorporated into a sense of community. Both

concepts are influential when forming a sense of belonging as a part of an individual‘s social

identity. These factors intertwine while shaping one‘s self identity. This thesis focuses on a sense

of belonging, mainly from the viewpoint of newcomers, those relocating to seachange

communities and who are establishing their sense of belonging to the place and its community.

Contextualised by the particular location of the study, sense of belonging and the role of

communication are addressed and examined. Among the study sample, one specific example of

relocation is further investigated: immigration. One third of the case study participants (eight


Page 56

women) were born overseas and emigrated to Australia as adults11

. Five of them emigrated from

Israel12

. This group was a part of the Israel-born sub-community, uniquely characterised among

the case study sample13

.

3.4.2 Immigration

International migration is a case of population mobility. In Australia, due to consistent

supportive immigration policies, immigrants compose a notable portion of the overall population;

over one quarter of residents of Australia were born overseas, migrating from over 200 countries

(Australian citizenship: Our common bond, 2009, p. 51). According to data released by the

Australian Bureau of Statistics, net overseas migration contributed 66% of the population growth

in Australia between September 2008 and September 2009 (2010a).

Social and cultural challenges are associated with the process of immigration. The

sudden cutting-off of past and familiar social and cultural environments motivates immigrants to

establish new local ties to people with whom they share cultural experiences, to others with a

shared ethnicity. According to Werbner (1990; 1999), diasporas constitute place-like attachments

along extended social networks, also described as pathways. For immigrants, being mobile

together in time is ―critical in both establishing and enhancing a sense of collective purpose and a

common understanding‖ (Brennan, 2004, p. 70). This leads to developing feelings of solidarity

and belonging, hence contributing to immigrants‘ sense of well-being. Immigrants tend to

socialise with similar others, hence composing an ethnic segregated community, as was evident

from the case study findings (Section 5.5). In an attempt to overcome social detachment,

immigrants also form material and mobile cultures of national identity (Tolia-Kelly, 2008), e.g.

celebrating homeland holidays and exchanging culturally significant gifts. This, too, intensifies

their social cohesion with similar others. Simultaneously with the process of establishing local,

ethnically related social ties, immigrants also sustain social connections with family and friends

in their homeland (Brah, 1996). Interactive communication technologies play a major role in this

process (Miller & Slater, 2001, p. 56), which was also reported by the Israel-born participants

within this study. Borrowing a term originally used in mass media and diaspora studies

(Cunningham & Sinclair, 1999), telecommunications act as social agents cultivating existing

11 With an exception of one participant arriving to Australia as a teenager.

12 To learn more about the recruiting method please refer to Section 4.3.

13 Data analysis of findings relating to this group of participants is presented in Section 5.5.


Page 57

social relations, rather than promoting the establishment of new local ties. When people are

physically travelling, telecommunications facilitates affordable interaction that sustains and

maintains social relations. Though originating from different areas of study, physical mobility

and communication have much in common when investigated in social contexts. The next

section discusses similarities between these two forms of mobility.

3.5 PHYSICAL AND COMMUNICATIVE TRAVEL

Marshall McLuhan was one of the first to observe that the term communication has

gradually became divided from transportation (1964). Thrift (1990) regarded this notion quite a

few years later when claiming: "transport and communication cannot be split apart" (p. 453).

McLuhan (1964) asserted that the division between communication and transportation originated

from the separation of informational mobility (words, ideas, imagery) from their physical objects

and commodities (stones, coins, papyrus) leading to roads and wagons separated from their

fluidity (Adey, 2010, p. 176). Nevertheless, both, communication and mobility technologies

(such as railways and aeroplanes), which resulted in a time-space compression (Harvey, 1989),

enabled the expansion of human beings‘ abilities to sense, and to receive-and-transmit

information, constructing an extended and prosthetic nervous system (M. McLuhan, 1964) within

the space of flows (Castells, 1989).

From a social point of view telecommunication and transportation facilitate human

interactions, as both mobility concepts directly involve social relations. Kakihara and Sorensen

(2002) explain this idea when arguing that being mobile is not only a matter of humans

travelling, rather it is a much broader concept which involves human interactions. Not only do

these technologies bring social relations together, they also enable the stretching of social

relations across increasing distances. Giddens (2007 [1990]) named this ability time-space

distanciation: the ability for social obligations, ties and networks to occur over a considerable

amount of space.

Meyrowitz (1985) explains how the nomadic approach of mobility extends beyond

physical travel to virtual mobility. He argues that the information age returns society to ―the most

primitive of social and political forms: the hunting and gathering society. Nomadic people ...

[with] little ―sense of place; [whose] specific activities and behaviors are not tightly fixed to

specific physical settings‖ (1985, p. 315).

Use of communication technology has generated scholarly debate regarding the

substitution of physical travel by telecommunications, mainly via the internet and the fixed-

telephone (Plaut, 2004, p. 163). Nowadays scholars tend to agree that mediation of physical


Page 58

mobility by communication technologies stimulate and augment real-world travel, rather than

substitute for it (for example: Baym, et al., 2004; Boase, et al., 2006; Chen, Boase, & Wellman,

2002; Wellman, et al., 2002). Communication technologies complement physical travel by

virtual mobility and by increasing efficiency and productivity of systems, allowing more

movements to be performed in smaller amounts of time (Plaut, 1997). Larsen, Urry and

Axhausen (2006) follow this line of thought by suggesting that ―rather than replacing physical

transport of people and objects, communication technologies make the planning and coordination

of travel more efficient and smoother. So rather than substituting for physical travel, it will

enhance its volume‖ (p. 54).

This study provides additional evidence to support the complementary interaction

between physical travel and communication (relevant findings are presented throughout Chapter

7) when practiced within friendworks. Following the first part of this chapter, which focuses on

physical travel and, specifically, population mobility, the following part reviews the second form

of mobility explored in this study: communicative travel, namely: practiced communication

methods within friendworks.

3.6 ACROSS-MEDIA COMMUNICATION

Communication is a concept used in many ways. In this thesis, communication primarily

involves person-to-person interactions in which content of communication may vary.

Communication relates to the process of exchanging information (Cherry, 1966), or evoking

social or cultural experiences; emotions which result in the production, maintenance, correction

and transformation of reality (Carey, 1988a). As communication plays a fundamental role in the

network society, one way to learn more about social networks, sub-networks and, in particular,

friendworks is to examine their communication use patterns. Derived from the notion that

friendworks are a distinct sub-network, specific communication patterns apply. Additionally,

based on the crucial role of friendworks in people‘s lives, communication with friends comprises

a significant segment within one‘s everyday communication (Moyal, 1992; Wajcman, et al.,

2008). These perceptions suggest an interesting field of research: communication patterns within

friendworks, which are of main interest to this thesis.

Interpersonal communication is practiced directly or via mediated communications.

Direct communication involves face-to-face interaction and requires physical proximity.

Mediated communication relates to different communication methods facilitated by

communication technologies. The use of technology facilitates communication regardless of

spatial proximity. Among these communication technologies are the fixed-telephone, the internet

and the mobile phone. In modern society, mediated communication technologies enable the


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extension of existing relationships as well as the creation of new, mainly virtual, social ties

(Boase, et al., 2006). The growing accessibility and variety of communication methods gives rise

to new, diverse and more complex communication practices that highlight new forms of social

relations.

People frequently use a combination of communication methods when communicating

with others (Baym, et al., 2004; Foth & Hearn, 2007; Geser, 2007; Hearn & Foth, 2007 ; Tacchi,

Slater, & Hearn, 2003), while outfitting a communication method for each situation.

Consequently, this study, which examines real-life scenarios, focuses simultaneously on a few

communication methods. This approach is in line with the communication ecology theory

(Tacchi, et al., 2003), in which communication is understood ―as processes that involve a mix of

media, organised in specific ways, through which people connect with their social networks‖

(Tacchi, et al., 2003, p. 17). However, instead of including every medium of communication

(including roads, transportation, mass media, public and private places) within the researched

communication ecology, as originally suggested by Tacchi, Slater and Hearn (2003), this study

focuses only on four interpersonal communication methods, namely: face-to-face, the fixed-

telephone, the internet and the mobile phone. Therefore, a more suitable term for the

communication focus of this study is across-media communication (Baym, et al., 2004), which is

a specific case of communication ecology, referring to some, but not all, communication media

in use. This approach to communication is primarily individual and centres on individuals‘

motives, practices and impact.

Considerations such as technological capabilities of communication methods, attitudes

towards the social relation and cost provide a wider context and a better understanding of

communication practices. Nevertheless, such characteristics are often studied separately and,

hence, distance themselves from concrete social interactions (Dijst, 2009). This study addresses

this gap by analysing a combination of variables in real-life scenarios.

The literature reviewed in this segment relates to research that examines the role of

communication in sustaining friendworks, the effect of spatial proximity on communication and

the process of choosing a communication method. Subsequently, each communication method is

discussed. Specific attention is given to women‘s studies of each of these communication

methods as a point of reference to this case study. As the mobile phone is of particular interest in

this thesis, the mobile phone literature is examined in greater detail in Section 3.7.


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3.6.1 The role of communication in sustaining friendworks

Communication addresses deep and basic social needs (Carey, 1988a). It affects

individuals‘ level of social support, their probability of having fulfilling personal relationships,

their sense of meaning in life, their commitment to social norms and to their communities, and

their psychological and physical well-being (Cohen & Hoberman, 1983; Cohen & Wills, 1985;

Deiner, Suh, Oishi, Lucas, & Smith, 1999; Gove & Geerken, 1977; Thoits, 1983; Wellman &

Wortley, 1990). The act of communication is an expression of interest in relationships. By

communicating, people reinforce their closeness. Both direct and mediated communications

connect people around shared experiences, thus strengthening their social bond.

Examination of social relations and, particularly, friendworks predominantly involves

the exploration of communication patterns between friends, as communication is a fundamental

facilitator in creating and sustaining friendworks. Consequently, friendworks and communication

are deeply interrelated. Communication patterns within friendworks derive from the nature of the

social relations with friends. Concepts of friendships include specific beliefs about the role of

communication in friendship, the functions it serves and how communication may be used to

express liking and intimacy to friends (Argyle & Henderson, 1984). These concepts are only a

part of the overall context of communication. Context is a key term in analysing the role and the

meaning of communication. Context of communication consists of any information that might

interpret communication interactions including circumstances, reasons, conditions, background,

setting and effects of situations. In this respect, when focusing on communication patterns,

friendworks and seachanging function as context.

While inspecting purposes of communication, it is evident that people communicate with

each other not only to request and share information and coordinate activities, but also to

establish and maintain social relationships (Bonvillain, 1993). Somewhat similarly to social

support among social relations (Section 2.2.3), Patrick and Metcalf (2001) suggest three main

purposes for communicating. 1. Exchange of purposive information that is unambiguous and

goal-oriented (such as seeking driving instructions, or asking for certain information). This falls

under the instrumental aid category of social support. 2. Exchange of intimate personal

information or casual conversation that builds and maintains social relationships. This responds

to the emotional support and companionship categories of social support. 3. Transfer of

behavioural directives that serve as social sanctions, that is, reassurance and reinforcement of

social norms and expectations. These communication purposes nourish social relations

instrumentally and emotionally. A similar notion has been acknowledged by Moyal when

exploring the role of the fixed-telephone in sustaining social relationships among Australian

women (1989b). Moyal differentiated between instrumental and intrinsic calls. Instrumental calls


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concerned the ongoing arrangements needed to be done as a part of women‘s responsibility of

running the household, while intrinsic calls revolved around social affairs, emotional support and

kin keeping. These observations of instrumental and intrinsic communication as well as social

and emotional support were used in this study. Related findings are discussed in Chapters 7- 8.

Recent research based on an analysis of empirical studies of communication practices

within social networks (Dijst, 2009) found that prolonged social interactions are facilitated by

fixed devices (the fixed-telephone and the internet) at home, at work or elsewhere, while short

interaction were held on the mobile phone. Commonly, close friendships involve two types of

communication: high and low intensity. High intensity communication refers to interactions that

take time and require thought and concentration, often emotionally related. Low intensity

communication refers to interactions that take little time, thought, or concentration (Patrick &

Metcalf, 2001). In contrast, weak ties are more often characterised only by low intensity

communication. This is evident also the other way around; frequent social contact implies

relation with a strong tie (Haythornthwaite & Wellman, 1998; Wellman & Tindall, 1993).

Frequency of communication is subject to a wider context within which accessibility (whether

communication with others could be held directly or via telecommunication) plays a major role.

This factor is strongly related to aspects of spatial proximity, as presented in the following

section.

3.6.2 Communication and proximity

Even nowadays, when mediated communication is used ubiquitously and extensively

facilitating the space of flows (Castells, 1989), it is evident that face-to-face interactions are the

dominant mode of social relationships (Baym, et al., 2004; Hampton & Wellman, 2003; Mok, et

al., 2007). As a result, despite ‗anytime anywhere‘ techniques, physical proximity is still a crucial

factor of real-life social networks (Foth & Hearn, 2007; Mok, et al., 2007; Tillema, Dijst, &

Schwanen, 2010), enabling face-to-face encounters to take place. A Canadian study (Mok, et al.,

2007) found a decline in frequency of face-to-face contact between people who lived over 8

kilometres apart. The frequency of contact continued to decline steadily. A significant decline

was apparent after 80 kilometres (roughly an hour‘s drive) and 160 kilometres (about the limit of

a day trip when driving). This study also found that distance influences types of relations; for

example, connection based on exchange of tangible minor support (such as exchange of small

household items) could only occur in physically proximate relations (Mok, et al., 2007). A recent

Dutch study found that the importance of face-to-face interactions increases with increasing

proximity (Tillema, et al., 2010).


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Not only does distance matter for direct communication via face-to-face encounters, but

it also influences the use of mediated communication methods. People telecommunicate more

with proximate friends even when distance is not a barrier for frequent social interaction (Baym,

et al., 2004; Mok, et al., 2007; Tillema, et al., 2010). Similar findings have been reported by the

Pew Internet & American Life Project (Hampton, et al., 2009), while interviewing a nationally

representative sample of American adults, as presented in Figure 3. Distance influenced the

choice of communication method; some communication methods, including in-person, mobile

phone (voice calls and SMS) and the fixed-telephone, were used most frequently for

communication with local ties and much less regularly with those who live at a distance.

However, distance did not affect frequency of communication via the internet (email, social

network sites [SNS] or instant messaging) or by letters, as presented in Figure 3. The use of

emails increases over distance because of the relatively low costs (Dijst, 2009). The Ocean

Shores case study, which examined the influence of distance on communication practices with

friends, found similar patterns. Relevant findings are discussed in Chapter 7.

Figure 3: Days of contact per year by communication methods (Source: Hampton, et al., 2009)

Overall, communication technology reduces the constraints of distance. This

consequently opens new communication opportunities, including better sustainability,

maintenance and expansion of relations. However, as concluded in the Canadian study, ―people

still have bodies that require physical contact. Proximity continues to promote contact, and few

ties thrive as internet-only relationships. Screen-to-screen and face-to-face, the communication

tango continues. Distance mattered in 1978, and it still matters today‖ (Mok, et al., 2007, p. 454).


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3.6.3 Choosing a communication method

The main motivation for communicating with friends is social support, including

instrumental aid, emotional support and companionship, as discussed in Section 2.3.4. these can

be practiced via various communication methods, among which are: face-to-face encounters,

fixed, mobile or Voice over IP calls, text exchange via SMS, emails, social network sites ‗walls‘

or chat systems, and video calls. When choosing a communication method, motivations as well

as attributes of communication methods are considered. Each method is characterised somewhat

differently, hence influencing the media choice process. Clark and Brennan (1991) identify eight

communication factors that constrain media choice: co-presence (sharing the same physical

environment), visibility (being visible to each other), audibility (communication by voice), co-

temporality (receiving and producing signals roughly the same time, for example, face-to-face

conversation in contrast with letters exchange), simultaneity (communication can be sent and

received at once and simultaneously), sequentiality (communication turns cannot get out of

sequence, this is not the case in face-to-face situations when conversation cannot be separated

from its surrounding), reviewability (messages can be reviewed. This is not the case in speech

conversations, since speech fades quickly), and revisability (communicators can revise the

others‘ messages).

Based on this categorisation, physical gatherings are characterised by the highest degree

of social presence, of visibility, audibility and simultaneity. Computer-mediated communication

is particularly low in co-presence (Rice & Love, 1987). It is often dominated by either text or

voice and is, therefore, lean in media richness in comparison to face-to-face encounters (Dunbar,

1999; Walther, 1992). Nevertheless, communication technology might enable reviewability and

revisability. Reid (1977) found that fixed-telephone calls were high in richness. Connell,

Mendelsohn, Robins and Canny (2001) concluded that the telephone is the favoured mediated

communication method, providing optimum blend of richness and presence for natural and

satisfying interactions. The internet is considered effective and engaging (Bordia, 1997; Connell,

et al., 2001). In some situations, the limited richness is considered as a benefit; in cases of

intimate telephone calls (Moyal, 1992), or when sending SMS for quick efficient messages

(Goggin, 2006a; Ling, 2004; The mobile life report 2006: How mobile phones change the way

we live, 2006).

A fundamental factor when choosing a communication method for social interaction

concerns the particular social relationship with the contacted person; the status of the relationship,

appropriateness of the communicated content, expected behaviour during the communication

process (etiquette), people‘s perception of the effort of the other person in sustaining the

relationship (Berg & Clark, 1986), self presentation (Goffman, 1971) and self identity.


Page 64

Additional factors of concern when choosing a communication channel relate to practicalities

such as cost, accessibility, timing, availability, security, privacy and mobility.

Interaction with friends involves many considerations to bear in mind prior to the actual

act of communication. Nevertheless, people seem to make these decisions easily, spontaneously

and somewhat unconsciously. However, it is challenging to pin down the actual communication

selection mechanism to clarify why people choose to use different media in different contexts

(Patrick & Metcalf, 2001) as these might indicate deeper social motivations and considerations.

This issue requires further scholarly attention.

3.6.4 Mediated communication via interactive technologies

As humanity is intensively swept into the information age, communication technologies

play an increasing role as mediators of human interactions. Without overruling the importance of

direct communications, mediated communication play a dominant role within social networks

while complementing face-to-face encounters and overcoming physical as well as mental

challenges (Haythornthwaite & Wellman, 1998; Mokhtarian, 1990; Salomon, 1986; Wellman &

Tindall, 1993).

Studies on the use of technology identify three main approaches: diffusion, adoption and

domestication. Diffusion research focuses on distribution processes of a new technology through

cultures (Rogers, 1995). Adoption research (Ajzen, 1985; Davis, 1989; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975)

relates to decisions by end users (Pedersen & Ling, 2002; Rice & Katz, 2003; Smoreda &

Thomas, 2001), while domestication research explores adoption and use of technology in

everyday life (Haddon, 2001; Livingstone, 1992; Silverstone & Haddon, 1996; Silverstone &

Hirsch, 1992). The latter approach is the focus of this study, which examines practices and

impact of use of communication methods within daily routines.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics social survey (Pink, 2007) examined domestic

practice of communication across-media. Ninety six per cent of informants reported having

contact in the previous week (in person, via telephone, mobile, mail or e-mail) with family or

friends with whom they did not live in the same household. Of those, 79% had contact in person

while 93% had weekly contact via telecommunications, including fixed-telephone, mail or e-

mail. This survey shows that most people frequently meet friends (and family) in person, while

simultaneously interacting with them via mediated communication methods.


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Figure 4: Communication methods in use to contact family or friends living outside the household in last 3

months (Source: Pink, 2007, females n=4341, males n=4156)

The same survey (Pink, 2007) also found that fixed-telephone is the most popular

mediated communication method used when interacting with family and friends14

. On average,

95% of females aged 35-7415

years reported using the fixed-telephone to communicate with

family and friends, slightly more than men aged 35-74 (91%), as presented in Figure 4. The

mobile phone (especially voice calls) was more commonly used than the internet. Women aged

35-74 communicated less via the mobile phone (calls 65%, SMS 41%) in comparison with the

wider population (calls 77%, SMS 50%). This finding is consistent with the thesis, which also

found low mobile phone use among the case study participants (see Section 8.1).

14 Interestingly, the American study reported earlier in Figure 3 (Hampton, et al., 2009) found that respondents used the mobile phone more frequently than the fixed-telephone to maintain contact with core network members.

15 Based on available datasets of this survey, similar age groups to the Ocean Shores case study were investigated.

Fixed telephone Mobile calls SMS Internet Mail or fax

All persons 91 77 50 47 31

Females 93 77 53 49 37

Female over 35 95 65 41 41 39

Males 88 74 47 44 26

Male over 35 91 68 36 40 27

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

80

90

100


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Figure 5: Methods used to communicate with family or friends living outside the household in last 3

months (Source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375)

This tendency to use the fixed telephone when interacting with family and friends

increases with age. A higher percentage of older people reported using the fixed-telephone to

communicate with family and friends than did younger respondents, as presented in Figure 5. On

average, the internet was reported to be used by fewer people (41%) than those reported using

mobile phone voice calls (68%) for the same purpose, but slightly more than were using SMS

(38%).

The fixed-telephone

Using the fixed-telephone for domestic purposes is common (Fischer, 1992; Keller,

1977; Lohan, 1997; Martin, 1991; Mok, et al., 2007; Moyal, 1992; Rakow, 1992). It is

considered a very effective way of communication (A. A. L. Reid, 1977), used for intimate,

multiplex, strong ties (Wellman & Tindall, 1993). Gradually, since its invention over 100 years

ago and throughout the twentieth century, the fixed-telephone has changed its status from an

instrument for emergency situations and strictly business calls, to diverse practices and, most

notably, for social interactions made by practically everyone for everyday purposes (Aronson,

1971; Fischer, 1992; Martin, 1991).

Examination of current use of the fixed-telephone by adult Australians shows that in

June 2008, 88% of the Australian population were connected to a home fixed-line phone service

and the number of fixed-line call minutes was marginally higher than the number of mobile call

minutes, at 60 billion and 56 billion respectively (ACMA, 2009b, based on Roy Morgan Single

Source Australia database). The same report (ACMA, 2009b) of 1396 interviewees over 18 years

found a strong correlation between age and fixed-telephone subscription, as presented in Figure

18–19

20–24

25–29

30–34

35–39

40–44

45–49

50–54

55–59

60–64

65–69

70–74

75–79

80–84

85+

Telephone 0.76 0.786 0.84 0.88 0.895 0.935 0.918 0.932 0.938 0.94 0.956 0.959 0.944 0.968 0.955

Mobile calls 0.92 0.929 0.919 0.871 0.83 0.795 0.785 0.739 0.731 0.634 0.549 0.409 0.318 0.203 0.099

SMS 0.873 0.858 0.812 0.747 0.631 0.566 0.506 0.433 0.373 0.258 0.179 0.099 0.064 0.014 0.015

Internet 0.62 0.586 0.64 0.619 0.555 0.528 0.488 0.469 0.446 0.345 0.28 0.195 0.126 0.07 0.025

0

0.2

0.4

0.6

0.8

1

1.2


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6. Older Australians, particularly those over 35 years, similarly to the case study age group, were

more likely to have a fixed-telephone service. Ninety six per cent of older married couples

without dependants were fixed-telephone subscribers and 92% of Australian households with

both parents and school-aged children maintained a fixed-telephone service, 96% of these

households were also connected to the internet while using their fixed-telephone to do so.

Figure 6: Percentage of Australians with fixed-telephone, by age (Source: ACMA, 2009b, n=1396)

Australians reported using the fixed-telephone and the mobile phone as complementary

services (ACMA, 2009b). Those aged between 35 and 54 showed no obvious preference for

using either mobile or fixed-telephone communication. However, younger users exhibited a clear

preference for mobile use, while over 55 years showed a clear preference for the fixed-telephone.

See Figure 7.

Figure 7: Voice service most often used by household consumers, by age (Source: ACMA, 2009b, n=1396)

75

80

90

9496

94

88

50

60

70

80

90

100

18–24 25–34 35–49 50–64 65–69 70 and over Average

Age

% w

ith

fix

ed

-lin

e p

ho

ne

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

18–24 25–34 35–44 45–54 55–64 65–69 70+ Average

Age category

% m

os

t c

om

mo

n c

om

mu

nic

ati

on

s c

ho

ice

Equally

Mobile

Fixed line


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Cost was the primary concern influencing the consideration (or not) of replacing a fixed-

telephone service with the mobile phone. A decreasing number of users than was reported in a

previous survey conducted in 2007 stated that the fixed-telephone offered cheaper calls (49% of

users marked this reason in 2007 and 36% in 2008). Over half the users stated that if mobile

phones were cheaper, they would consider replacing their fixed-telephone service. Other reasons

for replacing (or not) a communication method were comparatively marginal, as presented in

Table 3. Cost was a major concern in the Ocean Shores case study, too. Relevant findings are

analysed in Section 8.7.

Table 3: Reasons provided by Australian residential users for considering replacing/not replacing a

fixed-telephone service with a mobile phone (Source: ACMA, 2008, p. 11, n=1,426, all those with a

mobile phone in household, multiple choice question)

Reasons for considering replacing a fixed-

telephone service

2007 2008 Reasons for not considering replacing a

fixed-telephone service

2007 2008

To save costs/If mobile calls were cheaper 58% 54% Fixed lines offer cheaper calls 49% 36%

If happier with mobile service 17% 4% Fixed lines more reliable/better quality 19% 15%

Both not necessary; like one phone/one bill 9% 6% Problems with mobile use and coverage 17% 7%

Do not use fixed line much anymore 9% 17% Need fixed line for internet/fax connection 15% 8%

If did not need fixed line for internet 8% 7% Fixed lines are always there—suit my

needs

10% 19%

Technology is moving that way 7% 5% Legacy service—what I am used to 7% 8%

If mobile coverage was better 3% 2% Need it to access emergency call service N/A 4%

Need a landline for business use 2% 2%

Other 7% 20% Other 8% 24%

In line with Moyal‘s findings over two decades ago (1989b) most calls made from a

fixed telephone are local16

. An analysis of all Australian fixed-telephone bills by ACMA (2009,

Figure 8) shows that 81% of fixed-telephone calls made were to local fixed-telephone numbers.

Seventy three per cent of calls were made to mobile phones, followed by 65% long distance calls.

International calls were the least practiced over the fixed-telephone (25%). The pattern of there

being more interactions to spatially proximate contacts, which has been mentioned in Figure 3, is

16 Accordingly, calls‘ cost over the fixed-telephone to local fixed-telephones is most commonly the cheapest compared to other mentioned types of calls (though cost might vary depending on particular plans).


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reinforced by the ACMA survey (2009b), even more so when considering calls to mobile

phones, which are mostly held within spatial proximity (Hampton, et al., 2009).

Figure 8: Type of calls made from fixed-telephone based on telephone bill (Source: ACMA, 2009a, based

on Roy Morgan Single Source database)

Not only is it that almost all Australians use fixed-telephone services (ACMA, 2009b),

they also consider this communication method as the most important in maintaining contact with

extended family (Wajcman, et al., 2008). This survey reports that 87% of respondents stated that

the fixed telephone was the most important method, followed by face-to-face visits (77%), the

mobile phone (68%), emails (53%), texting (48%), letter writing (21%) and VOIP services

(12%). Respondents used the landline in the evening for longer conversations with relatives or

friends while using the mobile phone for shorter calls (Wajcman, et al., 2008, p. 36).

Women and the fixed-telephone

Research acknowledges the contribution of women to the shift to the use of the fixed-

telephone, from business to social practices (Frissen, 1995; Martin, 1991; Moyal, 1992; Rakow,

1992). Martin (1991) explains this change when noting that the fixed-telephone was adapted to

male use and was not necessarily suitable to female activities. Consequently, women used the

telephone ―in ways unexpected by men‖ (p. 141). Women primarily used the fixed-telephone to

facilitate their social-gendered roles as mothers and wives, or their work-related-activities as

housewives and wage labour (Cockburn & Ormrod, 1993). This finding is supported by a recent

Australian survey (Wajcman, et al., 2008) that notes that even nowadays women are more likely

than men to state that contact with family was ‗very important‘, regardless of the communication

method (this was consistent for fixed-telephone, mobile phone and emails). Using the fixed-


Page 70

telephone for domestic and social practices was not originally predicted or planned, as, generally,

women have been excluded from using technologies (Wajcman, 2004). Nevertheless, the fixed-

telephone was widely adopted across the population. Years later, Rakow commented on the

female use of the telephone stating that:

The telephone is a site at which the meanings of gender are expressed and practiced. Use

of the telephone by women is both gendered work - work delegated to women - and

gender work - work that confirms the community‘s beliefs about what are women‘s

natural tendencies and abilities. (1992, p. 33)

For many years, these uses were denounced, depreciated and socially undervalued as low status

uses, e.g. gossip. It was not until the end of the 1980s and in correlation with the increasing

awareness of social capital and social networks and their significance, that social use of the

telephone was re-evaluated and re-positioned as critically contributing to women‘s well-being.

Rakow (1992) found that women executed important work over the telephone, maintaining

relationships, fulfilling the functions of the community and giving-and-receiving care. Fischer

(1992) similarly concluded that the telephone supported a wide-ranging network of social

relations and played a crucial role in community life, especially for women. Moyal (1992)

emphasised the positive influence of using the fixed-telephone for the well-being, security,

stability, and self-esteem of women. She defined the telephone neighbourhood (Aronson, 1971)

as a key environment for women (Moyal, 1989a).

As mentioned, Moyal differentiated between instrumental and intrinsic calls (Moyal,

1989b). Research found that men and women practiced both types of calls. However, Moyal‘s

study (1992) showed that most women‘s calls were intrinsic, while other research found that men

tended to predominantly make instrumental use of the phone, because they perceived it as a

business tool (Lohan, 1997; Martin, 1991; Pool, 1977). Additional findings from Moyal‘s study

(1989a) were that women talked more freely and intimately on the telephone with close friends

than they did face-to-face. Participants reported that the telephone highlighted warmth and

sympathy in the voice. These findings were reinforced in later studies of women and the internet

and the mobile phone, and are discussed in the following sections. It suggests that women

practice their gender role across communication methods.

The telephone was the earliest interpersonal telecommunication technology that was

widely adopted for social interaction purposes. This domestication process of the fixed-telephone

stretched over a century. Nowadays, the fixed-telephone still plays an important role in


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maintaining social relations, even when alternative new media such as the internet and the mobile

phone are widely used.

The internet

One of the most popular uses for the internet is in socialising (Cole, 2000; Jones, 2002;

Kraut, Mukhopadhyay, Szczypula, Kiesler, & Scherlis, 1998). This practice is continuously

increasing as a result of the growing popularity of the World Wide Web and broadband internet

access. Sixteen per cent of Australian households had home internet access in 1998 (ABS,

2009a), 64% in 2006 (2007b) and 72% in 2009 (ABS, 2009a). Since 2004, broadband access to

the internet has increased from 17% to 62% in 2009 (ABS, 2009a). Online social activities

flourish due to the growth of recent online social platforms such as the social network sites

(Boyd, 2006).

Internet users do not only socialise more online. Studies report that internet users have

larger real-life social networks than non-users (Boase, et al., 2006). Internet users were also

found to communicate more with people who are geographically distant without decreasing the

number of local connections. Benkler argues that the internet improves the ability of individuals

to ―add to ... existing proximate relationships new and better-connected relationships with people

who are geographically distant‖ (2006, p. 364). Internet users also claim that the number of

people they stay in touch with has increased, while there is no effect on the time they spend with

their family (Benkler, 2006). This is in line with the common latest approach among scholars that

indicates that new media complements rather than substitutes for face-to-face interactions (see

Section 3.5). Nevertheless, research has not yet led to consensus on either the nature of social

interaction online or its effects on social involvement and personal well-being.

Cummings et al. (2002) argue that computer mediated communication is less adequate

than telephone or face-to-face conversations for building and sustaining close social

relationships. This is due to the fact that nonverbal, physiological cues like facial expressions and

gestures that are essential for listeners to be able to make sense of the intention behind a

speaker‘s words are not transmitted via text based communication (Dunbar, 1999). There is also

a growing debate around the quality of online social interactions. Wellman and Boase (2002)

emphasise the large numbers of contacts users establish over the internet; larger than users can

regularly communicate with. The tendency of having large numbers of online contacts is growing

in parallel to the increased popularity of social network sites (Boyd, 2006). Wellman and Boase

(2002) argue that virtual relations tend to be weak and are sparsely-knit. Moreover, internet

characteristics enable anonymity, physical distance, partial or lack of physical appearance and

materialisation of time; hence contributing to lower quality of interactions (McKenna & Bargh,


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2000). Nevertheless, as rapid changes take place in the internet arena, especially with the

increased attention on social media, social relationships will be redefined, reinvented and re-

practiced in creative and unexpected ways.

Many internet use studies focus on this medium as a single entity (Baym, et al., 2004).

However, it is evident that different online activities (email, chat, forums, web sites, social

networks) are used differently based on distinctive social, economic, educational, cultural and

political motivations. Therefore, there is a growing need to differentiate online activities (Baym,

et al., 2004; Matei & Ball-Rokeach, 2002). This study follows this notion while focusing on four

different internet formats: email, instant messaging, voice/video calls and social network sites.

This distinction is a bit confusing as most platforms offer a combination of these formats. For

example, online email systems such as Gmail include a chat option, Buzz (similar to writing on a

wall at social network sites) and even a voice and video calls plug-in (‗google talk‘). VoIP

platforms such as Skype enable instant messaging, voice and video calls as well as an option of

transferring files. I briefly consider each of these internet formats.

Email (electronic mail) is primarily a textual medium. It lacks audio and visual signals

(Bordia, 1997). Nevertheless, it is a main internet medium for social interaction (Jones, 2002), as

well as for business purposes (Madden, 2003). This could be partially credited to the

application‘s seniority (since 1961), but also due to it allowing versatile communication: short or

detailed, formal or informal, addressed to one person, a group, or large numbers of people. Most

importantly, emails are a form of written documentation that can be forwarded, replied, revised,

saved, stored, ignored, deleted and, to a certain extent, verified. Though email messages are sent

and received very quickly, email is not a real-time application but rather an asynchronous service.

Therefore, usually it does not resemble real-life situations when a flowing dialogue is in place.

Email is used more frequently than the fixed-telephone when keeping in touch with people who

live far away and in different time zones (Baym, et al., 2004), yet it also connects those who live

nearby (Boase, et al., 2006). Email is used more with friends than with relatives (Chen, et al.,

2002). It is more capable than face-to-face or the telephone to facilitate regular contact with large

networks (Boase, et al., 2006). People tend to use emails to put their social networks into motion

when they need help with important issues in their lives (Boase, et al., 2006).

Instant messaging is a quick and efficient way for brief near-synchronous interactions

(Connell, et al., 2001). Originally text-based, it imitates real-life face-to-face oral conversations

over an internet application. It allows a quick, spontaneous, brief and informal way to stay in

touch, usually with friends, less with family members or work colleagues who are not categorised

also as friends (Nardi, Whittaker, & Bradner, 2000). Nevertheless, applications facilitating

communication with colleagues have been widely developed and adopted by organisations in


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recent years as an effective working tool (Michael, 2003), not only within enterprises, but also as

a client service platform that replaces or complements the use of the fixed-telephone. However,

its main function (even within organisations) is social (Nardi, et al., 2000). Instant messaging

requires use of the same platform by both communicators. It usually enables use of emoticons

and hypertext, allowing insertion of attachments and, recently, voice and video calls. The latter

ability blurs the distinction between instant messaging and voice/video calls applications.

Voice/video calls technically became available in 1995 (Varshney, Snow, McGivern, &

Howard, 2002) but have only been widely used more recently. These calls are based on Voice

over Internet Protocol (VoIP) technology that enables internet users who share the same

application to communicate free of charge. It emulates the dynamics of the fixed-telephone call.

Though originally developed as a working tool for business purposes, once implemented in the

domestic arena, VoIP has been widely adopted worldwide, mainly as a means of communication

between distant, international friends and family members, due to its cost-saving benefits

(ACMA, 2009b) in comparison to fixed-telephone calls.

Figure 9: Types of calls made by Australian consumers using VoIP (Source: ACMA, 2009b)

In Australia, 69% of VoIP subscribers used this service for international calls, 45% for

long distance calls and 38% for local calls. The smallest portion of users (25%) conducted VoIP

calls to mobile phones, as presented in Figure 9. The Australian Communications and Media

Authority [ACMA] survey (2009b) found that the highest rates of VoIP adoption in Australia are

among 25 to 34-year-olds and 45 to 54-year-olds. In the Ocean Shores case study, use of Skype,

a VoIP application, was reported mainly by those born overseas who regularly communicated

with family and friends overseas.

38

45

25

69

2

0

20

40

60

80

Local calls Long distance

calls within

Australia

Calls to mobiles International calls Other

Type of calls

% V

oIP

us

ers


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Social network sites provide an online environment for individuals and groups who share

interests and activities. These websites offer interactive applications and formats, such as instant

messaging, messages, ‗walls‘ (which are actually a updated version of bulletin boards), events

invitations, photos and files sharing, personal records publishing (blogs), group discussions and

much more. New social applications are available on an ongoing flow, motivating users to

domesticate new online practices. This ‗supermarket‘ approach is the main difference between

the dedicated applications that have been discussed earlier and the social network sites. The latter

is based on users logging into the social network site, mainly in order to interact with new or

familiar users or to send and receive personal updates. People who use social networks to

communicate, first choose the platform (the specific social network site), login to their online

profile, and then communicate with accessible others in the various available techniques. This

approach represents an original and different socialising pattern to the other communication

methods which involve predetermined decisions by users regarding who they wish to

communicate with, followed by a selection of the most appropriate platform to do so (either

online or offline).

Most commonly internet users pay a monthly fixed rate for a defined internet service. At

December 2009, there were 9.1 million active internet subscribers in Australia, nearly 90% non

dial-up (ABS, 2010b), who pay a fixed monthly fee. This charging model which is different to

the fixed-telephone and the mobile phone motivates users to prefer the internet over other

telecommunications when communicating for personal reasons out of cost considerations.

Women and the internet

Worldwide, and throughout the twentieth century, there have been major shifts in the

social status of women. One very rapid, crucial factor reflecting this social change is the

decreasing gender gap in internet accessibility. In the early history of the internet, men had

greater access than women to the internet. Nowadays, this gap is narrowing rapidly, and in some

countries (especially developed countries), it no longer exists (Fallows, 2005; ITU, 2002; Rice &

Katz, 2003; I. M. Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). Nevertheless, such structural barriers

prevent women in other parts of the world from participating in the benefits of the information

society (Sciadas, 2005).

Research in the 1980s identified explicit gender-based discrimination in education

systems that encouraged boys to develop technological skills while teaching girls domestic

oriented activities (Dryburg, 2000). This policy reinforced the gender gap among young

generations in using computers and, years later, in using the internet. Recent studies show that

women are catching up to men in most measures of online life (Fallows, 2005). Nevertheless,


Page 75

internet research tends to indicate a gender inequality in use patterns (Bimber, 2000; Cushing,

1996; Sussman & Tyson, 2000), as indicated by Herring:

The internet reproduces the larger societal gender status quo ... the idealistic notions that

the internet would create a gender-blind environment and level gender-based power

asymmetries receive little support from the evidence about gender and the internet over

the past twenty years. (2003, pp. 217-219)

Herring (2003) claims that gender differences are visible through discourse style and patterns of

disparity and harassment. A study by Pew Internet (Fallows, 2005) reinforces gender differences

while indicating that men like the internet for the experiences it offers, while women like it for

the human connections it promotes. More recent studies still verify gender differences in internet

use patterns (Li & Kirkup, 2007; Witte & Mannon, 2010). While internet access statistics show

growing gender equality worldwide, use patterns suggest that gender roles, as practiced in daily

life, are evident in internet use. Rakow‘s diagnosis of the gendered use of the telephone (1992, p.

33) is also evident in contemporary internet use and to some extent in mobile phone use, as is

discussed in Section 3.7.5.

In conclusion, this section, focusing on across-media communication, emphasises the

importance of interpersonal communication in facilitating social relations. It highlights the

connection between spatial proximity and use of communication methods. In the next chapter,

this is used to justify the methodological decision to focus on a specific research location, aiming

to capture social relations within a defined and restricted spatial proximity. This section also

reviewed research regarding communication patterns, especially when choosing a

communication method. This sets the background needed in order to analyse and explain

communication patterns of the case study participants when interacting with friends (see Chapter

7). A focus on the internet and the fixed-telephone, including a gender-based view on use

patterns of these technologies, provides a broader understanding of the main orientation, practices

and applications of these methods, which set the ground for a comparison with the case study

findings (Chapter 7).

Following the general review of across-media communication, as well as a discussion of

research regarding the fixed-telephone and the internet, the next section discusses in greater detail

the use of the mobile phone. Among the three researched mediated communication methods,

most attention was given to this method during the interviews and the surveys (see Section 4.6)

and consequently in analysing the collected data (see Chapter 8).


Page 76

3.7 THE MOBILE PHONE

Mobile phones were commercially launched in the mid 1980s and in Australia in 1987

(Goggin, 2006b) and became globally ubiquitous during the late 1990s (Agar, 2003; Goggin,

2006a; Guislain, Zhen-Wei, Lanvin, Minges, & Swanson, 2006). By 2002, the number of

mobiles worldwide exceeded the global number of telephone fixed lines ("Key global telecom

indicators for the world telecommunication service sector‖, 2003). In Australia, by 2008, 83% of

the adult population and 78% of Australians aged 14 to 17 owned a mobile phone (ACMA,

2009b). On average Australian families with children use three mobile phones (ACMA, 2007). A

national telephone survey undertaken by Roy Morgan Research for the Australian

Communications and Media Authority [ACMA] in 2008 (2009b), which consisted of 1396

interviewees over 18 years, found a strong correlation between age and mobile phone ownership

(Figure 10). The case study age group of over 35 years is characterised by a continuous decline in

ownership percentage in accordance with age. Nevertheless, among the case study sample of 26

participants, only one (66 years of age) did not own a mobile phone.

Key: 18–24 WP= respondents aged 18-24 living With Parents [WP]

Figure 10: Australian household consumers - Mobile phone user profile, by age (Source: ACMA, 2009b,

n=1396)

ACMA‘s report (2009b) indicates that lifestyle and the proportion of time spent at home

are reflected in the percentage of mobile phone subscribers. The lowest ownership figures were

for retirees, followed by people engaged in home duties, students and part time work (Figure 11).

89 92

95

89

81

71

52

83

50

60

70

80

90

100

18–24 WP 18–24 25–34 35–49 50–64 65–69 70+ Average

Age

% use mobile phone


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Two thirds of the case study participants belong to these segments (more details on participants‘

demographic profile are presented in Section 4.5).

Figure 11: Mobile phone ownership rates by work status, May–June 2008 (Source: ACMA, 2009b,

n=1396)

Following the unprecedented diffusion of mobile phones, there is a growing interest in

mobile phone uses, their meaning and their impact on society and culture (for example: Castells,

Fernandez-Ardevol, Linchuan-Qiu, & Sey, 2007; Goggin, 2006a; Haddon & Green, 2009; Katz

& Aakhus, 2002; Ling, 2004). Ongoing surveys provide further information on use patterns

worldwide (such as ITU, 2008; Lenhart, Ling, Campbell, & Purcell, 2010; Sørensen, 2006; Wei

& Lo, 2006) and within Australia (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wajcman, et al.,

2008). This thesis, too, focuses on mobile phone use, addressing a gap in knowledge of how adult

women routinely use the mobile phone in daily life.

Drawing on the new mobilities paradigm as a dominant theoretic framework within this

study, the mobile phone demonstrates an intersecting point of all types of mobilities. It primarily

involves physical movement of the actual device carried when people physically travel, while

facilitating communicative travel by enabling interpersonal communication. Additionally and as

a result of convergence of the mobile phone with the internet platform, it also allows imaginative

travel of text, images and videos as well as virtual travel when using online applications over the

mobile device (Larsen, Urry, et al., 2006, p. 49). This convergence results in new ways of

interacting while on the move (Büscher, 2006; J. Jain, 2006).

The pervasiveness of mobile phones and the many dimensions of mobility they facilitate

led this research to examine in what ways populations in one situation of mobility (relocating to a

seachange community) use mobile phones and whether mobile devices support their personal

9286

8379

63

84

0

20

40

60

80

100

Full-time Part-time Home duties Don't work Retired Students

Work status

% m

ob

ile u

se

rs


Page 78

population mobility scenario. Therefore, this review primarily questions reasons for using the

mobile phones.

3.7.1 Why people love using mobiles

Mobile phones challenge two main limitations of human communication – physical

proximity, and stable dwelling places, which Geser (2004) characterises as spatial immobility. A

quite similar notion is developed by Castells et al (2007) and Hassan (2006) who argue that time

and space are the fundamental, material dimensions and borders of human existence. Mobile

phones interact and reshape boundaries that humanity, up until now, could not readily cross. By

doing so, mobile phones respond to deep universal social needs (Geser, 2004).

These social needs originate from an ancient and important human craving for a sense of

belonging (see Section 3.4.1). Srivastava (2005) argues that out of four classic facets to the sense

of belonging (place, family, country and race) ―mobile phones have certainly had an impact on

the first two‖ (2005, p. 112). She predicts that once the restriction of distance is totally challenged

by wireless technologies, it can be expected that sense of belonging to a communication network

will be the next evolutionary social step. A similar idea has been earlier expressed by Fortunati

(2002b), which explains how the mobile phone has shifted humanity‘s sense of belonging to a

place towards a sense of belonging within social relations: ―Those affective elements that are lost

in the relation with space are transferred to a social level, that is loyalty, the sense of

identification, familiarity, stability, security, and so on‖ (pp. 519-520). Developing this idea

further, Adey suggests that in the network society, space becomes fluid while social connections

are considered as solid: ―mooring of space is lost, but not the mooring of social relations‖ (Adey,

2010, p. 221). Social connections are regarded as a point of stability in an increasingly moving

world: "connections are rocks among the quicksand. On them you can count‖ (Bauman, 2003, p.

59). An example of the mobility of places versus the stability of social relations is evident in the

Ocean Shores case study and in other population mobility reports where people move from one

place to another but stay in social relations with distant family and friends. This is discussed in

Chapter 5. Therefore, according to this view, social relations are a solid core at the heart of

society, contextualised by space and mediated by communication as constantly changing

peripheral characteristics and practices.

Based on this social need to belong, Lasen (2004) states that mobile phones have

become an affective technology. They ―mediate the expression, display, experience and

communication of feelings and emotions.... Users enjoy an affective relationship with their

phones and feel attached to them‖ (Lasen, 2004, p. 1). This tendency to relate to mobile phones

as affective technology is enhanced because mobile phones are carried physically close to the


Page 79

body and therefore function as an extension of the human body and its abilities (M. McLuhan,

1964). Additionally, mobile phones ―allow the virtual presence of those linked to us by phone

communication. Thus, they become an important element in the building and maintaining of

groups and communities‖ (Lasen, 2004, p. 1). As a result, Lasen infers that ―people have a more

emotional relationship with their mobile phone than they do with other forms of computational

devices‖ (Lasen, 2004, p. 2).

Challenging physical limitations combined with social reassurance and affection is

among the major incentives for using mobile phones. Overall, people are very satisfied with

using mobile phones. The common perception of the mobile phone is positive. Surveys show that

most users agree that the mobile phone has improved their quality of life (On the move: The role

of cellular communications in American life, 2006; Sørensen, 2006; Wajcman, Bittman, Jones,

Johnstone, & Brown, 2007; Women want UMTS 2003) and that they became an indispensable

part of their everyday routine (Wajcman, et al., 2007). Similar findings were already apparent in

the fixed-telephone research (Aronson, 1971; Fischer, 1992; Keller, 1977; Moyal, 1992; Pool,

1977; Rakow, 1988).

3.7.2 Uses of the mobile phone

The longer people use mobile phones, the more these devices become a major social

artefact in every aspect of their life (Castells, et al., 2007; Goggin, 2006a; Katz & Aakhus, 2002).

The primary motivation for mobile adoption is its instrumental functions: getting reassuring

information about the well-being of loved-ones (Rakow & Navarro, 1993), the chance to call for

help in emergency cases (Ling, 2004; Ling & Yttri, 2002), the ability to execute errands on the

run (Sørensen, 2006), and work-related obligations (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007). Many new

users imagine they will use the phone only in special non-routine situations, not as a ubiquitous

personal extension in their daily life (Geser, 2004). However, in time, most individuals develop

fascinating relationships with their mobile phones, while significantly expanding their mobile

uses beyond their original intent (Srivastava, 2005). This pattern has historical parallels with the

motivations underpinning business and residential uses of the fixed-telephone and the internet.

National Australian surveys (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wajcman, et al.,

2008) indicate that mobile phones are mostly used for personal reasons such as social or leisure

purposes (34%) and managing home and family (28%). Only 22% of calls are related to work or

study. SMS are even more socially oriented (86% by men, 96% by women). Similarly, Mackay

and Weidlich (2007, 2008) found that most Australians use their phone exclusively or mainly for

personal use (73% in 2008 Survey; 71% in 2007 Survey). The 2007 AIMIA survey data (Figure

12) mentioned particular gender use patterns. Twice as many women (38%) use the mobile


Page 80

exclusively for personal reasons than men (19%). Men use the mobile exclusively or mainly for

work over three times more than women (14%). This implies that within overall national usage,

distinct use patterns are evident. Women tend to use the mobile phone more for personal use.

Figure 12: Mobile phone use (personal/work) by gender (Source: Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, n=3735)

While these studies (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wajcman, et al., 2008)

provide valuable findings regarding the use of mobile phones, only basic information is collected

to describe general perceived use patterns (for example, when respondents indicate their use

pattern on a scale from exclusively for work to exclusively for personal, as presented in Figure

12). An actual examination of motivations for mobile phone use (for example: work-related,

socialising, coordination) is lacking. Hence, within personal use, communication motivations are

unknown. This kind of examination is of primary interest in the Ocean Shores case study.

Some of this uncertainty regarding motivations for using mobile phones is addressed in

Wajcman, Bittman, Johnstone, Brown and Jones‘ (2008) study which found that in multi-person

households, the greatest importance of mobile phone use is attached to information about the

timing of the arrival at home (79%) and arranging to meet with other family members (80%).

Among parents, ‗arranging to deliver goods or children‘ and ‗finding out where children are‘ is

rated as important by 48% and 47% respectively. These practices fall under the micro-

coordination/instrumental category. A recent analysis of communication practices within social

networks based on empirical studies (Dijst, 2009) shows that the use of the mobile phone fulfils

the need for instantaneous social contacts, which are short in duration. Additionally, the mobile

phone enhances communication among couples and provides short signs of affection.

1%2%3%

12%18%

28%

40%

40%

38%

19%

FemalesMales

Exclusively for personal

Mainly for personal

About 50-50

Mainly for work

Exclusively for work


Page 81

Mobile phones converge many and different applications into one device, turning it into

a very meaningful and effective tool for its users for business as well as everyday purposes. The

most popular mobile application is voice calls (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008; Wajcman, et

al., 2008) followed by SMS, as presented in Figure 13. A gradual decline is noticeable for both

applications with time while use of other services increases, generally implying a change towards

more advanced use pattern by mobile phone users.

Figure 13: What percentage of the respondents‘ phone bill is spent on which uses

(Source: Mackay & Weidlich, 2008, p. 37)

SMS (Short Message Service) is an asynchronous data application that transmits short

text messages to one or more individuals. This service is very handy for adults and extremely

popular among adolescents, who use this service because of cost issues and its features, for

example, text messages can be planned, reviewed and revised prior to submission, and they are

very personal and less intrusive than a voice call and involve special language that embodies

much of their phatic purpose (Ling, 2003). SMSs are used for various purposes, such as

coordination, information and social support.

When asked the reasons for not using the mobile phone for applications other than voice

calls and SMS (Figure 14), one quarter of respondents reported that they lacked the knowledge of

what other applications do, how to set them up or how to access content on the internet.

However, the other three quarters knowingly chose not to use more advanced applications. Most

participants were aware of new features and ways to use their mobile phones, but did not think

they could benefit from such use.

Numbers

represent % of

respondents


Page 82

Figure 14: Reasons why respondents don‘t use their mobile phone beyond voice and SMS as a percentage

of those who said they only use their phones for voice and SMS (Source: Mackay & Weidlich, 2008, p. 63)

Other applications available on mobile phones are multimedia messaging service

(MMS), internet browsing, photo shooting, email, video calls, music and games. These

applications are by far less popular than voice calls and SMS (Wajcman, et al., 2007). They are

usually practiced by a fairly small number of users who use them relatively intensely, though

their proportion within the mobile phone users increases with time and in correlation to

technological developments (Mackay & Weidlich, 2009). Accordingly, they are of secondary

concern to this thesis.

3.7.3 Uses and gratifications of mobile phone use

An interesting way to analyse mobile phone use is by examining users‘ motivations

based on the uses and gratifications theory (Blumler & Katz, 1974). This theory is a way to

examine mobile phone use in the light of social and psychological needs of individuals. Though

this theory was originally developed to explain the use of mass communications, its principles are

relevant to this study. Relevant findings are discussed in Sections 7.3 and 8.4- 8.5. According to

uses and gratification theory, media users play an active role in choosing and using

communication technologies, thus taking an active part in the communication process while

being goal-oriented in their use. Consequently, this theory is in line with the approach of the

social shaping of technology (Green, 2002; MacKenzie & Wajcman, 1985).

Leung and Wei (2000) draw on uses and gratifications theory when examining mobile

phone use. They group motives and gratifications sought when using the mobile phone into seven


Page 83

categories, originally outlined in research of uses and gratifications of the fixed-telephone

(Dimmick, Sikand, & Patterson, 1994; LaRose & Herbert, 1993; O'Keefe & Sulanowski, 1995).

These categories are: mobility, immediate access, instrumentality, affection and sociability,

reassurance, fashion and status, and relaxation.

Mobility allows communication during physical travel, which consequently saves users‘

time (Ishii, 2006) and results in better efficiency (Ling & Yttri, 2002). The ability to

communicate while on the move is highly valued among users (S. Jain, 2002; Leung & Wei,

2000; On the move: The role of cellular communications in American life, 2006; M. Perry,

O'Hara, Sellen, Brown, & Harper, 2001; Wei & Lo, 2006) and is regarded as a maximisation of

freedom (Leung & Wei, 2000). Fortunati (2002a) observes mobility in mobile phone use creates

a special space without address and precise location, which activates the replacement of the

immobile home in a way that ―the mobile phone in itself becomes a true mobile home‖ (p. 520).

This correlates with Castells‘ space of flows (Castells, 2000b). From a social perspective, the

mobile phone facilitates the maintenance and sustainability of social relations in new ways while

on the move. Friends can be contacted on the way to or from work, while waiting in the medical

centre for an appointment, or passing the time until the kids are picked up from their after school

activities. Commonly in such scenarios, casual calls can be made, motivated by the desire to

express or receive affection and sociability (Wajcman, et al., 2007, 15).

Immediate access enables users to instantly communicate with others, overcoming time

and space limitations. This gratification is especially important in emergency situations. It is also

significant to business people (Leung & Wei, 2000).

Instrumentality refers to use of the mobile phone for practical purposes including

coordination, errands and transformation of information. In addition to business oriented calls,

instrumentality also includes social coordination activities, which are defined by Ling and Yttry

(2002) as micro coordination, including: coordinating basic logistics (who, when, where to pick

up a family member from, what to buy at the store, updates regarding ones‘ whereabouts…),

redirecting trips that are already under way, rescheduling meetings and locations (delays, change

of meeting details), or making plans with others entirely ‗on the fly‘. Instrumentality as a term

has been originally used in fixed-telephone studies (Keller, 1977) to describe one of two

motivations (instrumental and intrinsic) for making phone calls. The definition of this term in

fixed-telephone studies is broader and includes functional calls made for shopping, setting

appointments or business arrangements, seeking information and dealing with emergencies.

Leung and Wei (2000) define instrumentality as a business driven motivation resulting in gender

difference; male users tend to use mobiles more as a business instrument than women. They

conclude that such gender differences are still evident in mobile phone use. In the Ocean Shores


Page 84

case study, instrumentality was examined within domestic rather than business practices. It

included a wider range of motivations than work-related ones only. Leung and Wei (2000) find

that mobility, immediacy, and instrumentality are the strong predictors of mobile phone use.

Users who highly appreciate gratifications of mobility, immediacy, and instrumentality are

intense mobile phone users. This notion overlooks a dominant segment of mobile phone users,

i.e., teenagers, who are identified as intense users, but who use the mobile phone mainly to

gratify motivations of affection and sociability (Lenhart, et al., 2010).

Affection and sociability reflects the motivation of using the mobile phone as a means of

expressing emotional affinity in order to feel closer to family and friends, of improving

family/friends relationships and care for others. Leung and Wei (2000) note that older and less

educated users are those who are mainly motivated by social reasons. In contrast, other mobile

phone scholars (S. W. Campbell & Park, 2008; Geser, 2006; Ling, 2001, 2004; Ling, 2008; Ling

& Yttri, 2002; Oksman & Turtiainen, 2004; S. Williams & Williams, 2005) suggest that affection

and sociability is particularly practiced among teens and young adults. The affection and

sociability category is similar to the intrinsic calls term used in fixed-telephone studies to

describe personal communication with family and friends, volunteer work, counselling and

intimate discussions (Keller, 1977). In this case study, affection and sociability relates to social

support practices of companionship and emotional support (see Section 2.3.4).

Affection and sociability are expressed via mobile phones in new ways. One example is

phatic communication, which is popular among mobile phone users (Sørensen, 2006). Phatic

communication highlights the gesture of getting in touch rather than delivering a defined message

(Haddon, 2000a; Srivastava, 2005). It relates to the emotional and social communication that

mobiles enable: chatting, checking in with friends via text messaging, exchanging fun images.

The aim of these activities is to express feelings of empathy, contact, affection and care which

reinforce existing social relations. Phatic communication is evident to some degree also when

using the fixed-telephone (for example, when checking up on older parents or having a chat with

a friend) and the internet (especially when interacting with friends via instant messaging or social

network sites). One study found that mobile phones succeeded in transmitting emotions such as

loyalty, the sense of identification, familiarity, stability and security (Fortunati, 2002a).

Moreover, research in Japan reports that mobile phones evoke intimacy and are used as a

personal accessory for social connection purposes (Ito, Okabe, & Matsuda, 2005).

Reassurance reflects the sense of security and safety in having a mobile phone in case of

emergency. Though findings presented by Leung and Wei (2000) regarding this factor are

relatively low in reliability, other scholars report the significance of the reassurance gratification

among mobile users, especially women (Sørensen, 2006). Safety and security are also reported as


Page 85

primary motivations in purchasing the first mobile phone for oneself or for one‘s close family

members. This is particularly true for women; without the safety factor, the mobile phone would

not have been adopted as readily in the first place. The mobile phone symbolises security. People

feel secure when they have this device in their pocket17

(Ling, 2004).

The fashion and status category relates to the use of the mobile phone for appearance

purposes: looking stylish, fashionable, and using the mobile phone as a status symbol. Since

much intimacy is created between users and their mobile devices, mobiles function as the user‘s

companion in many aspects (Fortunati, 2002a). As such, identity issues are reflected on to the

communication device, which becomes an identity indicator for, and of, its owner (Srivastava,

2005). This was originally argued by Goffman (1971) over 35 years ago in relation to the concept

of presentation of self. Self representation can be reflected by the actual mobile phone device and

its uses, for example, by the device model and accessories in use, the way it is being carried or

held while in use, and where or when it is used (or turned off). Self representation aspects are

particularly evident in adolescent practices of mobile phone use, as part of their emancipation

process from their parents (Ling & Yttri, 2002). The commercial aspect of females when using

the mobile phone for fashion reasons involves designers and marketers targeting women and

offering gendered features (thermometers or calorie counters) and feminine accessories

(ringtones, wallpapers, faceplates), or through branded phones designed to reflect a distinctive

feminisation, to look like jewellery and less like a toy (Ling, 2004; Shade, 2007). Culturally

based, and highly commercially motivated, fashion aspects are among the most feminine-

oriented gratifications.

Relaxation reflects the pleasure of using the mobile phone to talk, to gossip, to relieve

boredom, to relax, and to help pass the time. The mobile phone is also perceived as a pleasure

device. In addition to the enjoyment feeling embedded within the mere act of communication

(Carey, 1988a), specific peripheral features address the gratification of relaxation. Games are the

most obvious example.

3.7.4 Who do we contact over the mobile phone?

As already mentioned, one of the most important characteristics of mobile phones is the

ability to contact others regardless of space limitations. Theoretically, each mobile phone user

can call anyone at anytime anywhere across the globe. Yet, in practice, mobile users mainly

17 For a more detailed discussion regarding women and safety issues when using mobile phone, see Section 3.7.5.


Page 86

contact family and friends (Wajcman, et al., 2008, Lasen, 2004 #880), who are, in most cases,

local or within a reasonable distance (Hampton, et al., 2009; Yates & Lockley, 2007). Moreover,

research in Japan found that most mobile calls were executed from home (Ishii, 2004). As the

mobile phone fulfils not only an instrumental role, but is also a carrier of our affective needs,

especially among teens, mobile phone users reported contacting ―people who are physically close

but out of sight‖ (Yates & Lockley, 2007, p. 75), e.g., in the next room, across the road or on the

other part of the shopping centre. Based on this pattern, mobile phones are understood as

managing remote moments, rather than the remote distance of users from people in their

friendwork (Yates & Lockley, 2007). In such scenarios, mobile phones are used as a

complementary medium to face-to-face encounters, exercising in-person interactions while apart.

Based on mobile phone log data of 13,978 calls made by Australians aged 15 years and

older in 2007, Wajcman et al. (2008) found that only 12% of calls were made to work colleagues.

Almost half of the calls (49%) were made to family members and one quarter of calls (26%) to

friends. Gender differences were apparent, as women communicated more frequently with family

than men. In contrast, men made more calls to work colleagues than women, as presented in

Figure 15. No gender difference was apparent when communicating with friends.

Figure 15: Mobile phone calls made by recipient (Source: Wajcman, et al., 2008, p. 18)

Over all, the mobile phone is a very common, favoured and effective technology

facilitating basic needs and gratifications of individuals in contemporary society. Although

adoption rates are very high in Australia, they are expressed differently among particular groups

within the population. Adoption rates correlate with age (Figure 10) and to a lesser extent with

work status (Figure 11). More precisely, ownership of the mobile phone corresponds with factors


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of lifestyle and the proportion of time spent at home (ACMA, 2009b). Additionally,

domestication of the mobile phone is practiced differently by men and women (Figure 12 and

Figure 15). These differences highlight different needs, uses and gratifications of particular

segments of the population. This is also the purpose of the Ocean Shores case study: to highlight

practices of adult seachange women. In line with this focus, the next section reviews the literature

on women‘s use of the mobile phone.

3.7.5 Women and mobile phones

Research often expresses differences in mobile phone use attributable to gender in

quantitative or qualitative terms. Quantitative measures include access, adoption rate and volume

of use. In this respect, there is global evidence for a constant decrease in the gender gap (Castells,

et al., 2007; Mackay & Weidlich, 2007; Sørensen, 2006). Gender quantitative equality is

particularly evident in teens‘ adoption studies (Ling, 2004, p. 84). Other studies show that

women use the mobiles more heavily than men for voice calls and SMS in several countries

(ITU, 2004) and that girls are heavier mobile phone users than boys (Geser, 2006). Qualitative

studies of mobile phone use consider interests, attitudes, roles and practices. Gender differences

evident in qualitative aspects of mobile phone use are generally regarded as being shaped by

wider cultural norms (Hjorth, 2006; Rakow & Navarro, 1993) and reinforce affective, intrinsic

use of the mobile phone by women (Fortunati, 2009). Gendered practices motivate certain mobile

phone uses, but are also influenced by the mobile phone applications that support and stimulate

new forms of gender differences (Yates & Lockley, 2007). Van Oost comments on this

reciprocal influence by stating that ―the process of shaping gender and technology are closely

intertwined. One can even speak of a 'co-construction of gender and technology'― (2004, p. 7).

Generally, scholars argue that gendered personalisation in communication technology

use is often overlooked (Fortunati, 2009; Hjorth, 2009b) and that mobile phone use studies tend

to focus on youth and young adults (Geser, 2006), while generational gendered use has rarely

been examined (Fortunati, 2009; Hjorth, 2009b). Studies connect mobile phone use with intrinsic

and affective attributes of this technology (Lasen, 2004), which are influenced by gendered roles

of intimacy that reflect a sense of belonging and home. Research indicates that women

communicate over the mobile phone for social purposes (Fox, 2001; Ling, 1998; Ling, 2001;

Lohan, 1997; Rakow & Navarro, 1993), while men use the mobile phone more frequently for

instrumental and business purposes (Wajcman, et al., 2008). As mentioned earlier, this

socialising pattern is in line with findings of the fixed-telephone and the internet research.

Rakow and Navarro (1993) were among the first scholars to address the gendered use of

mobile phones. They argued that as long as gender differences existed in one‘s culture, they


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would be reflected in mobile phone use patterns, even if behaviour was a matter of choice

(Hjorth, 2006). Women‘s mobile phone use patterns replicate pre-existing gender patterns that

are consistent with their real life practices (Rakow & Navarro, 1993; Yates & Lockley, 2007).

Other research confirms a gender difference when using the mobile phone (Geser, 2006; Igarashi,

Takai, & Yoshida, 2005; Ling, 1998; Wei & Lo, 2006). A different view is presented by Lemish

and Cohen (2005, as well as DeBaillon, 2005 #195) who found that the use of mobile phones,

more than other technologies and specifically the internet, did not follow this gendered pattern

and might be playing a role in blurring gender differences, rather than reinforcing existing social

roles.

Among the apparent gender differences in mobile phone use are safety and security

concerns. Several studies found that women, considerably more than men, tended to perceive the

mobile phone as symbolising security. In a UK survey (Sørensen, 2006), 82% of female

participants reported that mobile phones made them feel safer when out and about, compared

with 49% of men. There was no variation by age. This study also reported that 54% of women

felt safer with a mobile phone when driving alone, in comparison to 25% of men (Sørensen,

2006). Users also reported feeling secure when carrying a mobile phone; knowing that they were

able to respond quickly to emergencies was perceived as having a protection by the mobile phone

(Ling, 2004). Some women stated that the sense of security they associated with the mobile

device came from the feeling that their friends were virtually present to protect them (Fox, 2001;

Geser, 2004). Additionally, women reported using the mobile phones as symbolic bodyguards

(Fox, 2001). Focusing on any sort of mobile phone activity (whether talking, texting, updating

contact details or checking messages), women transmitted a very clear message that they were

not interested in contact with whoever was around (Ling, 2004; Mackay & Weidlich, 2007;

Sørensen, 2006).

Women also project the association of mobile phones with security into the domestic

arena, and onto family members. This concern is reflected in decisions to purchase phones for

kids, elderly parents or spouses, which also gave them a sense of remote control over familial

relations. Rakow and Navarro‘s idea of remote mothering (1993) facilitated by the mobile phone

allows mothers to keep track of their kids and to manage their activities even when they are away

from home. For example, Wajcman et al. (2008, p. 37) report that 47% of respondents rated

‗finding out where children are‘ as important. This possibility of surveillance can be used both in

positive or negative circumstances. Positively, such use pattern might relieve anxiety. Negatively,

the mobile phone could be used as a means to control others‘ sense of freedom. This is especially

valid with teenagers. In a UK survey, 83% of parents declared they would use their child‘s

mobile phone to track their whereabouts, without seeking their permission (Sørensen, 2006). This


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negative use pattern was also reported by women, controlled by jealous and possessive spouses,

as described in the case of Palestinian-Israeli young women (Hijazi-Omari & Ribak, 2008).

Referring to gender based literature provides wider understanding of the social and

cultural context of mobile phone practices. Additionally, examining across-media

communication use by women reveals similar use patterns that are gender and social-roles

driven. Together, this literature enabled this case study, which included women only, to compare

and contrast findings while suggesting gender related conclusions that might be examined in

wider gendered contexts at a later time.

3.8 IMPLICATIONS

The literature reviewed in this chapter highlights the fundamental role of mobility and its

wider social context, theorised here as the new mobilities paradigm, to the understanding of

population mobility and use of communication methods; two of the main themes which are

investigated in this thesis.

One aspect of population mobility, physical travel and relocation in seachange

communities is of particular interest to this study. Therefore, this chapter has reviewed social

aspects of population mobility, while particularly addressing self and social identity issues of

relocators. Seachanging is highlighted as an increasing trend of internal migration. By addressing

the role of friendworks in demographic phenomenon, this thesis points towards the emerging

social needs and capacities of a growing population segment. It suggests themes for further

research and issues for attention by decision makers.

The other mobility concept, use of communication methods, examines face-to-face

interactions as well as the use of the fixed-telephone, the internet and the mobile phone, in a

particular context of communication within friendworks. While much literature is available on

the wider topic of use of communication methods, the focus on communication within networks

of friends is somewhat limited and under-investigated. This thesis addresses this gap in the

knowledge of the growing significance of friendworks in contemporary society.

Moreover, focusing on adult women draws attention to another under-investigated aspect

of mobile phone research, which has hitherto tended to highlight the practices of adolescents and

young adults. This research addresses an important oversight in mobile phone research, namely:

the social needs of adult women, theoretically as well as practically.

These themes of population mobility, friendworks and communication methods are

indivisibly interwoven into the daily routines of many people in the modern world. Nevertheless,


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research mostly focuses separately on each (Sheller & Urry, 2006). Inspired by the spirit of the

new mobilities paradigm domain, which motivates an interdisciplinary exploration of mobility

and its social implications, this study aims at achieving a better understanding of each of these

themes as well as their intersections. It acknowledges the multiple dimensions of real-life

scenarios to draw out the social implications of mobility and friendworks within contemporary

life situations.

The next chapter describes the research methods. First, it introduces the location of the

study: Ocean Shores, a seachange community. Then, it presents the recruitment method,

explaining how and why participants were included in the research. Subsequently, the research

instruments used in this study are described. This chapter concludes with addressing ethics and

the limitations of the study. Following the next chapter, the four subsequent chapters analyse the

research findings, each highlighting one of the main research themes: population mobility,

friendworks, communication patterns and mobile phone use.


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4Chapter 4: Researching Ocean Shores friendworks

The aim of this research is to study female friendworks through communication practices

contextualised by lifestyle in Ocean Shores, an Australian seachange town, which showcases a

wide increasing demographic trend of population mobility. In order to examine these topics from

different perspectives, this program of research involves a combination of research methods

within a case study methodology.

This chapter outlines the research methods and designs that target the research questions

raised in Section 1.4. First, the case study methodology used in this study is discussed. Then, the

research location, Ocean Shores, is described as an impacting factor on lifestyle, friendworks and

communication patterns, while explaining the rationale for focusing on seachange towns, and

Ocean Shores in particular. Next, I clarify my unusual position as a researcher and a participant.

The following two sections introduce the recruitment method and provide details about the case

study participants. The succeeding section lists and discusses the research instruments used in the

study. This chapter concludes with the limitations and ethical considerations of the study.

4.1 THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY: THE CASE STUDY

In order to address the research questions concerning population mobility, friendworks

and communication methods, in line with the postpositivist philosophy (which is presented in

Section 1.5), the research in this thesis is based on a combination of qualitative and quantitative

research methods embedded within an overarching research methodology of a case study. This

allows an exploration of the examined themes from different perspectives (Lincoln & Guba,

2000). The methodological triangulation establishes wider and more thorough examination of the

research problem (Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998) while converging the results into a

comprehensive argument (Creswell, 2003).

The overarching methodology used in this research is the case study. As Yin (2009)

explains, this methodology is most appropriate when ―(a) ‗how‘ or ‗why‘ questions are being

posed, (b) when the investigator has little control over events, and (c) when the focus is on a

contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context‖ (Yin, 2009, p. 2). These three features

are present in this thesis. The research questions relate to both how and why. That is: how women

practice friendships in population mobility scenarios, how they practice communication methods

within friendworks and why they do so in this manner. Secondly, in this study I had little control

over the events as this study followed real-life scenarios rather than being conducted as a

laboratory experiment. Finally, all the three examined areas of research, population mobility,


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Ocean Shores

Figure 16: Ocean Shores‘ location

friendworks and use of communication methods, are contemporary issues at the heart of modern

life. A contextual understanding of these issues is provided by using the case study. This

methodology was critical to understanding the social lives of seachanging women. The many

interrelated issues investigated in this research that impact on women‘s well-being, quality of life

and social identity can be best understood through a case study research methodology when ―the

phenomenon is not isolated from its context‖ (Hartley, 1994, p. 209). Lincoln and Guba (1985)

highlight the advantage of a case study that ―builds on the reader‘s tacit knowledge ... [and]

provides the ‗thick description‘ so necessary for judgments of transferability‖ (p. 359). It has both

rigor and relevance (C. Perry, 1998).

4.2 OCEAN SHORES AS THE CONTEXT OF THE CASE STUDY

Following a ‗real-life‘ situation, this study

included adult women residing in one18

particular

Australian town: Ocean Shores. This town exemplifies

a meaningful demographic shift identified in Australia

as seachange (Burnley & Murphy, 2004); a form of

counterurbanisation in which people move from

metropolitan areas to provincial coast communities19

.

Therefore, though focusing on a small number of

participants in a small town, it is expected that findings

will be applicable to wider populations of seachangers

and to internal migration in Australia and worldwide.

Ocean Shores is a small town of

approximately 5,600 residents20

(ABS, 2007a) located

along the Pacific Ocean on the far north coast of New

South Wales, Australia. Brisbane is approximately 150

kilometres north and Sydney approximately 850

kilometres to the south (see Figure 16). Ocean Shores is about 20 square kilometres in size. It

18 In the next section, I explain the rationale to include participants from the same town.

19 More about seachange in Section 3.4.

20 Mentioned statistics in this section is based on housing and population data by the Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS] (2007a).


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features a long, open ocean beach on its eastern perimeter and is surrounded by eleven flora and

fauna reserves (see Figure 17). Ocean Shores is located next to two older towns: New Brighton

and South Golden Beach. Many consider the three towns as one, since they demonstrate a

continuous residential area. Therefore, this thesis refers to all three towns as the greater Ocean

Shores vicinity21

.

Ocean Shores belongs to the Byron Shire Local Government Area. In 2006, around 20%

of the Shire‘s population resided in Ocean Shores. While in 1976 Byron Shire consisted of nearly

11,000 residents, in 2006 approximately 29,000 people lived in the shire, almost tripling its

population in 30 years. Population increase is also evident in Ocean Shores. In 2001, almost

5,000 people resided in Ocean Shores. In 2006, nearly 5,600 people reported living in this town,

a growth of 12% of the population in 5 years, an annual growth rate of 2.6%, 1.7 times the

Australian annual growth rate (1.5%).

Ocean Shores was established in the late 1960s as a seaside resort and as a recreational

residential development intended to attract retirees. Since the 1980s it has experienced a

continuous growth in population across a range of age groups. Ocean Shores is still a favoured

location for retirees. Almost 15% of Ocean Shores‘ population was over 65 in 2001, compared

with 12.6% nationwide. However, it has also become popular with the 55-64 year old age group

(9.4% in 2001, 11.7% in 2006). Additionally, an increase in the number of children (aged 5-14),

and a decrease in young adults (15-24), is evident, indicating a local social change; families with

more children are moving to town, while young-adults are leaving. Parents find Ocean Shores an

attractive place in which to raise children while also being able to enjoy the sun and quiet

lifestyle in an environment that absorbs the alternative cultures and unique ambience of the

‗Rainbow Region‘ (Kijas, 2003).

Figure 17: Ocean Shores‘ view from the local lookout (Photo by Scott MacLeod Liddle 2006)

21 Hereafter, any reference to Ocean Shores also relates to New Brighton and South Golden Beach.


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However, breadwinning is a challenge in a distant-from-capital-cities town originally

designed for retirees. Consequently, high numbers of adults are part-time employees (40%,

compared to 28% nationwide) or unemployed (9.5%, compared to 5.2% nationwide). In 2006,

the median weekly household income was $756, which is 27% lower than the nation-wide figure

($1027). However, median weekly rent was $250, which is 30% higher than the national figure,

reflecting the high demand for houses in Ocean Shores, and demonstrating that it is an area in

which people wish to live. Occupations comprise of self-employed professionals, technicians and

trade workers, labourers and sales workers (ABS, 2007a). Generally, the local lifestyle is

considered modest, reflecting non-materialistic lifestyle values (Kijas, 2003).

In 2006, most Ocean Shores residents were Australian citizens (88.2%) and were born in

Australia (78%), though the number of residents who were born overseas is increasing (from

14% in 2001 to 16% in 2006). This is in line with a national policy that encourages immigration

(Becoming an Australian citizen, 2007). However, Ocean Shores is populated with more people

who were born in Australia (78% in 2006) than those reported in the nation-wide data (71% in

2006). This signifies that Ocean Shores is more of an internal migration destination, and that it is

less attractive to immigrants, who in most cases choose to live in metropolitan areas (Stimson &

Minnery, 1998).

Ocean Shores is located on hills and is spread over a wide area, while New Brighton and

South Golden Beach are flat and have relatively close population centres. Therefore, while

residents of the smaller towns can walk or ride bikes to neighbours or the beach, Ocean Shores‘

residents almost exclusively use cars when moving around as public transport is minimal. Other

public services are also very limited. There is a basic shopping centre in town, a medical centre,

one primary school and two preschools. There is no local high-school, library or public

swimming pool. Entertainment options include two coffee houses, one restaurant and two

taverns. Therefore, most residents drive 15 to 30 minutes to nearby towns, mainly Mullumbimby,

Byron Bay, Murwillumbah or Tweed Heads, for many of their needs.

Several considerations led to specifying the town‘s name and location in this thesis. The

main justification to anonymise the town out of privacy concern was not applicable in this case

study, as participants were anonymised. Furthermore, there were two main supporting reasons to

identify the actual location in this study. First, as concluded in this thesis: location matters. This

thesis primarily explores a location specific situation. While it provides a basis for further

research into the generalisability of the findings, most of the conclusions only hold true for Ocean

Shores at this stage. Second, local stake holders can specifically benefit from the thesis findings

while given the opportunity to address social challenges in their locality. This way, not only

researchers of small population centres around the world can benefit from the findings of this


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study, it can also provide concrete analysis with practical implications to the local community of

Ocean Shores.

4.3 A MARGINAL NATIVE

I am, too, an Ocean Shores resident. I had already lived in this particular location for

over two years before this case study took place. Moreover, my age and gender fall within the

characteristics of the researched group of women over 35 years of age.

I deliberately chose to explore a setting I was familiar with. This was motivated by two

reasons: I was passionate to learn more about the researched themes, as I was personally

intrigued by these issues. Additionally, including women with close experiences to mine in the

case study better enabled my access to their perceptions. I have easily understood what

participants talked about, how certain situations worked, what was culturally or socially expected

and practiced, and how relationships developed and were maintained. It enabled a deeper and

more thorough examination, analysis, interpretation and understanding of the researched themes.

Not only had I a good knowledge on the research context, but I was also familiar with

some of the research participants. Recruiting women through a process of ‗snowball sampling‘

(see Section 4.4) was based on my personal friendwork. First, I approached and interviewed my

local friends, moved on to their local friends, and so on. I knew half of the 26 participants prior to

interviewing them. I have listed five of them as friends in my own friendwork form (see

Appendix E ). Moreover, I have also documented my personal perceptions, social relations and

communication use patterns, similarly to what was collected from the case study participants. I

have filled in the online survey, answered the interview questions and completed all forms used

within the interview (see Section 4.6.2). In this respect, I was one of the case study participants.

This situated me in a double role of researcher and participant, an outsider and an insider.

This double role can be further explained by drawing on Junker (1960) and Gold‘s (1958) social

roles for fieldwork. They distinguish between the ‗complete participant‘, ‗participant as

observer‘, ‗observer as participant‘ and ‗complete observer‘. As a researcher, I have embraced

the observer as participant approach as most data was collected during a one-visit interview

allowing a formal observation. Yet, I was also a complete participant as one of the case study

subjects. The obvious risk of generating only a superficial understanding through a one visit

interview in the role of an observer as participant was minimised due to my familiarity with the

context (local lifestyle) and the subjects (some of the participants) of the case study. The research

has benefited various observation points, covering richer data on the researched themes.


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In order to avoid confusion when collecting data, I have managed my double role

carefully. When interviewing participants I was strictly a researcher, even when interviewing

friends. Though interviews were held in an informal manner, I stuck to the interview schedule

and used the same routine and instruments with all participants, including myself. When

reporting my own perceptions, relations and behaviour, I tried to be as honest as possible, as if I

were being interviewed by someone else. During this session, I focussed on my role as a

participant. Yet, overall, I was much more of an observer as participant.

Nevertheless, involvement in the study as a participant as well as familiarity with the

location and the case study women could have resulted in changes in participants‘ behaviour and

reports. I recognise that I might have had some impact upon what was reported, especially by my

friends, but possibly also by the other participants, who knew I was a local and familiar with their

friends. Participants might have considered providing input that would satisfy me as the

researcher. They also might have concealed information, though I was never under the

impression that such a scenario was taking place. I accept that I was a part of the research

situation and as such might have identified too much with the participants. This is the danger of

‗going native‘, ―abandoning the task of analysis in favours of joy of participation‖ (Hammersley

& Atkinson, 2007, p. 87). This happens when the researcher is too strongly identified with the

researched group and may cease to function as an observer. Such cases may also arise from

‗overrapport‘ (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007, p. 87).

Going native and over rapport are serious reliability concerns in an academic study and

directly relate to the philosophical orientation of the research. Unlike the positivist approach,

which seeks precise, objective, empirical measurement of the researched phenomena (A Giddens,

1974), this research follows the postpositivist philosophy. Based on this approach it is

acknowledged that this research represents reality, but only imperfectly and probabilistically

(Tashakkori & Teddlie, 1998). The researcher cannot totally separate herself from what is being

researched; therefore, complete objectivity is not possible (Lincoln & Guba, 2000). Accordingly,

the researcher needs to accept and acknowledge her subjective understandings of research

situations. This is the purpose of this section.

Acknowledging subjective understanding of the research requires a careful balance on

the researcher‘s behalf as a participant and as an observer: ―you are not attempting to be a

detached and totally objective observer, you are attempting to engage with people in their

environment and learn from them‖ (Tacchi, et al., 2003, p. 53). In that respect, this research

draws on the research method of participant observation. My complex situation as a researcher, a

local resident, a participant and a friend positioned the research orientation closer to the

participant observation method, which aims at looking at what participants actually do as well as


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what they say they do in the real flow of events. Participant observation targets the point of view

of the participants. My specific situation resulted in an observation and interpretation of the

researched themes more closely to the point of view of the participants than in other research

situations where the researcher is a stranger in the eyes of the participants. However officially

and practically, I did not observe the case study participants in their real flow of events. The main

method used in this research was the face-to-face one-visit interview. Consequently, this research

revolved around participants‘ perceptions rather than their actions. Being a member of the

researched group allowed me to observe participants‘ behaviour and to analyse interactions

outside the research sessions. I have actively participated in social situations relevant to the

research and have learnt about ―what is going on and at the same time [have] buil[t] strong and

informative relationships with people‖ (Tacchi, et al., 2003, p.53). These interactions informed

my understanding of the researched topics in a way somewhat closer to participant observation.

Therefore, this study involved observation; however, it was practiced in a different manner to that

suggested by the participant observation method, which is characterised by the extent to which

the researcher insists on observation (Tacchi, et al., 2003).

I constantly challenged my preconceptions, especially those deriving from everyday

knowledge, as I might have found certain situations to be obvious. In order to face these

challenges, during the interviews, I documented and audio-recorded participants‘ (including

myself) perceptions, interactions and behaviour. This assisted in maintaining enough objectivity

to inform the research. I have kept a critical analytical perspective, using reflection and analysis

to describe and interpret the collected data. I was aware of my role in events ―using this fact

constructively rather than trying to maintain the role of an objective observer‖ (Tacchi, et al.,

2003, p. 53). I have tried to avoid taking things for granted while keeping an attitude of ―someone

entering a new and strange situation who is trying to understand how things work‖ (Tacchi, et al.,

2003, p. 53). Utilising a mixture of qualitative and quantitaive methods also supported my aim

for reliability. I have compared and contrasted different data sources of similar topics, using

national surveys for a more general representative perspective. My own records were evenly

analysed within the general data pool.

Though many of the terms used in this section relate to ethnographic research, they are

used here in a different orientation. This thesis aims at exploring social and psychological issues

rather than investigating cultural phenomena. Therefore, the research strategy of ethnography

was not considered proper in this study. Nevertheless, many of its concepts and research methods

had a certain level of relevance.

Eventually, my aim was ―to maintain a marginal position; providing access to participant

perspectives but at the same time minimizing the dangers of over-rapport‖ (Hammersley &


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Atkinson, 2007, p. 88-89). This marginal position of being simultaneous insider-outsider

generated creative insight. I was ―intellectually poised between familiarity and strangeness ...

between stranger and friend‖ (Hammersley & Atkinson, 2007, p. 89). To borrow another term

from the ethnographic research, I acted as a marginal native (Freilich, 1970); though native in the

sense that I was living in Ocean Shores and was one of the case study participants, I primarily

clung to my role as a researcher when interviewing participants and when analysing and

interpreting data.

4.4 RECRUITING ADULT WOMEN

The case study included 26 female participants aged 35-76 years residing in Ocean

Shores. By restricting the case study to Ocean Shores‘ residents I aimed at capturing local social

relationships and examining the influence of distance on friendworks.

The focus on adult women made it possible to compare and contrast findings with

Moyal‘s study (1989b), which was found very relevant to the Ocean Shores case study in its

social and communication use orientation, as well as its policy related implications. Moyal

targeted adult women, as she understood the major role that the fixed-telephone played in their

lives impacted on their social affairs as well as contributing to their quality of life and sense of

well-being. Motivated and inspired by this study, the Ocean Shores case study similarly targeted

adult women, examining their domestic use of communication methods within their friendworks.

Focusing on adult women also derived from a lack of attention to this specific segment of the

population within recent Australian mobile phone studies, which either focus on the overall

population (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009; Wajcman, et al., 2008) or on much younger

age groups (Donald & Spry, 2007) and often involves quantitative, commercially oriented

surveys, rather than qualitative in-depth observation of communication methods. This study

addresses this literature gap.

Participants were recruited through a process of ‗snowball sampling‘ (Biernacki &

Waldorf, 1981), starting with myself, contacting my local friends, then contacting those referred

to me by them, and so on. Applying this technique followed real-life friendworks, the main

interest of this study. Using my personal acquaintance with locals, as well as approaching those

women referred by the study participants, was very fruitful; most of those approached agreed to

take part in the research and were highly cooperative. Based on the Australian Bureau of

Statistics‘ census data (2006) I targeted a sample of participants whose age-range matched as

much as possible the local statistics. Recruiting new participants stopped when the data collected

reached saturation point, that is, when information became repetitive. This was around the 25th


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interviewee. A similar number of participants is reported by Seidman (1998) as the saturation

point for qualitative research.

Two of the participants did not have any local friends. The others were related by

friendship connections. Figure 18 presents the social ties between the participants of the case

study. Based on participants‘ testimonials regarding their sense of the local community (Section

5.8) and their friendwork‘s size (Section 6.1), I expected a more bundled structure of social ties,

where most participants reported friendships with few women within the case study sample.

However, this rarely happened, implying that social ties within Ocean Shores are local to a

certain degree.

Figure 18: Friendship relations between the research participants (created by UCINET, a social network

analysis software, http://www.analytictech.com/ucinet).

These participants were not a

part of my local friendwork

(they were neighbours) and

did not have local friends

Israel-born participants

Researcher


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I was born in Israel. Most of my local friends were also Israel-born. Therefore, five of

the case study participants were Israel-born22

: Orit (the researcher), Ella (36), Holly (42), Ruth

(40) and Caroline (37)23

. We all sustain friendships with each other, demonstrating a group

connection, hence formulating a visual cluster within the social graph24

. Additional smaller

clusters reflect other group relations.

4.5 DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE CASE STUDY SAMPLE

Targeting women residing in Ocean Shores and aged proportionally similarly to the local

age distribution of those older than 35 years, resulted in the following age groups: five women

aged 36-40 (four of them were Israel-born), four women aged 41-45, five women aged 46-50,

three women aged 51-55, three women aged 58-60, two women aged 61-65, three women 66-70,

and one women 76 years. It was more challenging to recruit women over 70 years. Their portion

within the overall Ocean Shores population was 12% (ABS, 2007a), however, only one woman

within this age group (4% of the case study sample) participated in this research. Those over 70

years who were approached were mostly under health restrictions and were not keen to take part

in the research.

Eighteen of 26 participants (69%) were born in Australia, proportionally less than the

nationwide statistics (71%) and the Ocean Shores data (78%) implying that there were more

immigrants in the case study sample than in the local statistics. The fact that I was born overseas,

and, accordingly, most of my friends and their friends were also Israel-born explains the

relatively high figures of overseas-born within the case study sample. Among those born

overseas, five were born in Israel, two in the United States and one in New Zealand.

Eleven participants (42%) lived with a partner and children in the same household (these

women‘s age was up to 55 years). Six participants (23%) lived with a partner but without

children in the same household (women over 58 years). Five women (19%) lived with children

but without a partner in the same household (women aged 46 to 52 years). These women were

single parents. Four participants (15%) lived alone (over 53 years): one single, one divorced and

22 In addition to being Israel-born, these five women are also in quite a similar age (ranging from 36 to 42 years) and live in the same dwelling with a partner and 2-3 children (children age ranging from 2 to 14 years).

23 Fictitious names (apart from my name) are in use throughout this thesis to guarantee participants' anonymity. Participants' age is bracketed.

24 Friendships within the Israel born community are presented in detail in Section 5.5.


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two widowed. On average, three people lived in a household. Among those living with a partner

and/or children, four lived in a household on average. Six participants (23%) had no children.

Four participants (15%) reported completing up to 10 years of schooling. Six participants

(23%) completed 12 years of schooling. Three completed a professional qualification (11%).

Eight completed (31%) an undergraduate degree and five (19%) completed a postgraduate

degree. The case study sample consists of fewer Ocean Shores‘ women 35-74 years with a

professional qualification and more women with academic degrees than reported in the

Australian census (ABS, 2007a). According to the census, 25% of women 35-74 years residing

in Ocean Shores completed a professional qualification, 13% completed an undergraduate degree

and 4% completed a postgraduate degree. It was difficult to compare data between these sources

regarding secondary school education as each source collected different data. The Australia wide

statistics regarding level of education (ABS, 2006) matched the local statistics (ABS, 2007a).

Two participants reported executing home duties. One participant was a student. Half of

the women (13) worked part time (three of them worked from home). Five participants worked

full time. Four (15%) were retired and one was unemployed. Of 26 participants, nine (35%) were

self-employed and reported working part-time or full-time. In line with the local statistics (ABS,

2007a), two thirds of participants were self-employed and/or part time employees (17 women).

Most women (73%) indicated that their level of income was enough for them and for their

family‘s needs. All participants but one used a car. Five participants (19%) reported also using a

bicycle. Most participants (84%) reported good or excellent health. Three women indicated their

health was fair and one reported poor health.

Participants indicated the location of close family members, regardless of their inclusion

within friendworks. Four participants (15%) reported two close family members (parents,

siblings or children) living in Ocean Shores. Four participants (15%) reported two close family

members residing up to an hour drive. Sixteen participants (62%) reported three family members

living over an hour‘s drive away (mostly interstate). Eleven participants (42%) reported two

close family members living overseas. The overall number of close family members by residency

location is presented in Figure 19. Most close family members (84%) lived over an hour‘s drive

away (55%) or overseas (29%). Only 16% of close family members lived up to an hour‘s drive

away, half of them, locally (up to five minutes drive). Living a great distance from close family

members is further evidence of population mobility. There is no national publicly available data

regarding distance of individuals from family members (or friends).


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Figure 19: Percentage of close family members by distance of the overall indicated family members

(Source: case study, n=26)

Generally, participants‘ age distribution, living situation (number of people in a

household and marital status) and employment status matched the local statistics and the national

statistics. However, as the size of the case study sample is small and participants were recruited

based on social relations and not randomly, digression from the local statistics is apparent in

characteristics of country of birth (more immigrants, particularly Israel-born, in the case study

sample) and level of education (higher in the case study than in local or national statistics).

4.6 THE RESEARCH INSTRUMENTS

The research design combined quantitative and qualitative methods, for triangulation of

data, and aimed to capture both broad contextual data as well as in-depth descriptive data. Thus,

it involved online surveys, in-depth, semi-structured interviews, friendwork tables, mobile phone

logs and sociograms of networks of friends. Additionally, datasets of national surveys focused on

mobile phones (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007) and social trends (Pink, 2007) enabled a comparison

of the case study sample with national statistics, filtered by women over 35 years. This provided

a wider perspective on friendworks and mobile phone use in particular investigated areas. The

rationale for, and design of, the different methods are described in the following sections.

Together they provide a thorough mixture of qualitative and quantitative examinations of

friendworks and communication methods used by adult women, while laying the foundations for

further research to test the extent to which findings from this study might be generalised to a

larger population, i.e. women who share similar socioeconomic, demographic and geographic

characteristics.


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Ethical clearance has been granted from QUT for the study to perform online surveys,

interviews and the pilot focus group. The clearance number is 0800000842.

4.6.1 Online surveys

Participants completed a short online survey, mostly with closed-ended questions, from

their own home before being interviewed. Four participants could not access the internet and

completed a hard copy version of the online survey just before the interview. Survey questions

covered personal, socioeconomic and demographic information, such as age, birthplace, living

situation, family composition and distance from other family members, education, employment

status, transport in use, health condition, volunteer work and hobbies. This information was

aimed at collecting background information on participants and their daily practices. The second

part of the survey focused on mobile phone use. It addressed mobile phone ownership, duration

of use, cost estimation, use frequency and volume, practices of the mobile phone, features in use

and social support practices over the mobile phone. For the full survey script, see Appendix A .

Each survey was printed and used during the interview to provide background information and a

point of reference. The purpose of the online survey was twofold: to provide the researcher with

general information on each participant prior to the interview and, hence, to allocate in advance

additional conversation topics to those posed during the interview; and to enable more effective

use of the interview time.

4.6.2 In-depth interviews

The research questions revolve around four main themes: 1. the move to Ocean Shores,

2. current friendworks, 3. communication methods in use when interacting with friends, and 4.

mobile phone use. I was aiming to capture friendworks, communication experiences and the

meaning users make of them. These purposes match Seidman‘s note regarding the root principle

of in-depth interviewing: ―an interest in understanding the experience of other people and the

meaning they make of that experience‖ (1998, p.3).

The in-depth interview method proved to be successful in Moyal‘s study of women and

the telephone as it ―yielded rich data that statistically a larger, but impersonal quantitative, survey

would not retrieve‖ (1989b, p. 5). Fischer (1982a, 1982b) collected subjective opinions and

concepts about friends while conducting in-person interviews in his seminal study on friends,

interviewing 1050 Californian adults in 1977. As both studies inspired the current research, it

supported my decision to hold in-depth, in-person interviews as the prime research method of the

case study. Moreover, some of the original questions that were used in both studies have been

incorporated into the current case study.


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Interviews, lasting on average an hour and a half, were conducted in the participants‘

homes during December 2008 and January 2009, recorded digitally and then transcribed. The

interview transcripts were thematically coded using NVivo qualitative research software. The

interview format consisted of nine parts aimed at probing the research areas of interest, including:

introduction, Ocean Shores, friends, mobile phone log, communication methods, mobile use,

personal effects and affects of mobile use, wider implications and conclusion (See Appendix C

for the full interview schedule). A more detailed description of the interview sections follows.

Introduction

The purpose of the introduction was to provide information about the research and the

interviewer, to state expectations from the research, as well as the participant (to take part in a

one and a half hour interview), to sign a consent form (Appendix B ), and to highlight the

commitment of the researcher for confidentiality. This part officially launched the interview.

Ocean Shores

The purpose of this section of the interview was to learn about the participant‘s move to

Ocean Shores, the establishment of a sense of belonging to the local community and the person‘s

perception of life in the town. This part of the interview informed the theme of population

mobility and seachanging. This section was found effective in engaging participants in the

interview. They openly shared their experiences and insights about moving to, and living in,

Ocean Shores, setting important background information to be used as a context throughout the

interview. Questions revolved around the move to Ocean Shores, familiar locals prior to the

move, local befriending patterns following the move and how it is today, as well as a general

view of life in Ocean Shores (findings discussed in Chapter 5).

Friends

This section targeted the theme of friendworks, addressing the interviewee‘s current

friendwork. The purpose of this section was to collect information about the participants‘ friends.

Issues discussed were friendwork size and general details regarding each of their friends25

. The

literature refers to this method as ‗name generator‘. Among social networks researchers who

have used this method are Laumann (1973) in his Detroit-area study, Wellman (1979) in his first

East York (Toronto) study, and Fischer (1982a) in researching Californians.

25 No limit was set to the number of friends named.


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This information was documented on a dedicated form (see My network of friends,

Appendix E ). After naming friends, supplementary information was completed on each of the

named friends. A sample of the My network of friends form is presented in Figure 20. This

information was found especially useful in analysing friendworks (Chapter 6).

Figure 20: Network of friends – sample form

Mobile phone log

The purpose of this section was to generate quantitative data concerning friendworks and

mobile phone use. The generated information is mainly presented in Chapter 8. Participants were

asked to fill in a mobile phone log (see Appendix D ) based on their last ten mobile activities. A

sample of the mobile phone log is presented in Figure 21.


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Figure 21: Mobile phone log sample

The mobile phone logs consisted of information stored within the mobile device

combined with additional information provided by participants regarding each of the recorded

activities. This method was used in an Australian mobile phone survey conducted by Wajcman et

al. (2008) for the Australian Mobile Telecommunications Association and is referred to in this

thesis as ‗the AMTA survey‘. It included a total of 1614 users aged 15 years and older who

completed a mobile phone log on-line or off-line. These logs consisted of respondents‘ ten most

recent activities of incoming and outgoing voice calls, as well as SMS. Collected information

included: who the call/text message was to or from (for example, spouse, work colleague, service

provider), the gender of the caller, and the date and time of the call. This method was found to be

as reliable as the more laborious collection and processing of billing data. Moreover, the authors

mention that this method is preferred over processing billing information as it captures both pre-

paid26

and billed customers and circumvents the fact that there is no equivalent form of billing

and reporting for both types of customers in Australia. The AMTA survey found that the mobile

phone log generated accurate and comprehensive records of activities while also overcoming the

26 45% of the Australian mobile phone services are pre-paid, while 55% are post-paid (ACMA, 2009a).


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main limitation of a more traditional research method: the time sheet, which was used in Moyal‘s

study (1989b)27

. The time sheet involved a longer commitment of time (a week or even a day) for

participants to document their activities, but often they failed to thoroughly complete this task.

Based on this mobile phone log method, the case study collected additional contextual

information such as call duration, location when activity took place, the purpose of the interaction

(coordination, socialising, work-related) and its level of necessity (vital, nice to have, indifferent,

redundant), and is presented in Figure 21. Specific calls or SMS which fell under the ‗socialising‘

purpose were discussed in further details during the interviews to further realise what type of

social support was being provided or given. This tested, proven and robust method was

appropriate to this research. It also enabled a comparison with the larger national omnibus

AMTA survey.

I took an active part in documenting responses, in order to make sure that relevant

information was drawn in the most efficient way. The mobile phone data was also used to

compare friends‘ names with those mentioned in the My network of friends form (Figure 20).

When names of contacts that were not previously mentioned within the friends form came up in

the log form, participants were asked whether these contacts were considered friends. If that was

the case, their names and details were added to the friends form.

Communication methods

In this section of the in-depth interview, participants provided further information about

their communication patterns with friends. It targeted the researched theme of use of

communication methods. Information is discussed in Chapter 7. Participants defined the

frequency and the way they communicated with their friends (using for this task their named

friends on the My network of friends form, Figure 20). A graphic representation was constructed

by the participants using the network sociogram sheet (see sociogram template in Appendix F ).

A sample of a completed sociogram is presented below in Figure 22.

27 In Moyal‘s study, participants were asked to keep a diary for one week, writing down the number of outgoing and incoming calls, local or distant, and categorising their purpose (‗instrumental‘ or ‗intrinsic‘).


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Figure 22: Network of friends‘ sociogram sample

This method was mentioned by Hogan, Carrasco and Wellman (2007) as an efficient

way to draw information on participants‘ social relations. They used a participant-aided network

sociogram as an extension of traditional name generators to visualise depictions of relations

among individuals in their Connected Lives field study. This method enables concrete

representation and assists both the researcher and respondents with their immediate discussion as

well as in follow-up analyses of the researched social relations.


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Supplementary questions were asked to elicit further information about the participant‘s

relationship with three chosen friends, and their communication pattern. This part of the

interview was aimed at collecting more specific and detailed information about these friends,

including a description of their personality, the benefits of the friendship, preferred

communication method, who generally initiated interactions and why, when and where they

communicated and whether the participant would have liked to communicate more with these

three friends. Responses were found especially significant when analysing the importance and

benefit of friendships, as discussed in further detail in Section 6.2.

Lastly, respondents answered questions regarding the impact of communicating with

friends via different communication methods, favourite and most common communication

method and storage of the most updated contact list. This information is presented throughout

Chapter 7.

Mobile use

The purpose of this part of the interview was to collect information about the

respondents‘ mobile phone use patterns. It targeted the researched theme of mobile phones.

These findings are presented in Chapter 8. Open-ended questions covered various topics: special

mobile phone story, using the first mobile phone and the difference between using the mobile

phone immediately after moving to Ocean Shores and today.

Personal effect and affect: attitudes and perception of mobile phone use

In this section, respondents expressed their attitudes towards mobile phones, as a way of

better understanding individual effects and affects of mobile phone use. This section targeted the

mobile phone theme. Relevant information is discussed in Chapter 8. Many of the questions in

this section were originally used by Moyal in her fixed-telephone study (1989b) and were

customised to suit mobile phone use. The questions were offered as pointers to the discussion,

while participants were encouraged to elaborate on how they felt about the mobile phone and

what it meant in their lives.

This part of the interview consisted of open and closed questions. Open questions

included what the interviewee liked/disliked about mobile phones, whether the mobile phone had

changed her way of life, did they use the mobile phone for emotional support, in what way

mobile phones were a substitute for face-to-face contact, and how they felt in mobile deprivation

situations. Closed questions included mobile phone related statements, such as: ‗the mobile

phone allows me to freely communicate with others‘, ‗the mobile phone facilitates the building

and maintaining of friendships and being able to contact friends‘, ‗the mobile phone assists in


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sustaining family relationships‘, and ‗I use the mobile phone to alleviate loneliness‘. Respondents

were asked to comment as to whether they agreed or disagreed with these statements (findings

are discussed in Chapter 8).

Wider implications

This part of the interview aimed at generating findings regarding participants‘ concepts

of wider implications of mobile phone use. Questions in this part tended to be more theoretic and

philosophic and were mostly concerned with participants‘ perceptions. Due to overload of data,

some collected data in this section was excluded from the thesis (such as perceived gender

difference and the perceived global social impact of mobile phone use). Data regarding mobile

phone cost is included in the thesis and is discussed in Section 8.7.

Winding up the interview

The last part of the interview targeted the recruitment of additional participants for the

case study. Interviewees were asked to recommend a few of their local friends as potential

participants. I also thanked the participants for their time and effort.

In conclusion, the in-depth interviews, as the main research method used in this case

study, yielded most of the data analysed in this thesis. I found this method adequate for collecting

data since it involved interaction between the interviewee and the interviewer. With the research

questions in mind, I was able to spontaneously and immediately follow up on participants‘

responses, asking for clarifications, adding questions when interesting insights were raised.

Participants felt very comfortable with the interview, which resembled an informal conversation.

Less articulate participants were asked for more specific information in a guided process, making

sure they referred to the required aspects. Hence, collected data highly corresponded with the

research goals.

Interviewees willingly shared their perceptions and experiences and provided rich,

authentic data. Recording the interviews was found to be very valuable as it allowed my full

attention to focus on listening and reacting to participants‘ responses. I found Seidman‘s (1998)

guidelines particularly useful: to listen more and talk less, to ask open-ended questions, to follow

up on participants‘ responses, to ask more if additional information is needed and to avoid

leading questions. Nevertheless, this research method had its limitations. These are discussed in

Section 4.7.


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4.6.3 Datasets of national surveys

In order to examine whether some of the case study findings might be generalised, they

were compared to related national surveys. Datasets of two large scale national surveys were

accessed: the Australian Bureau of Statistics‘ general social survey (Pink, 2007), which is

referred to in this thesis as ‗the ABS social survey‘; and the mobile phone lifestyle index

(Mackay & Weidlich, 2007), which is referred to in this thesis as ‗the AIMIA survey‘ (the study

was conducted for the Australian Interactive Media Industry Association). Following negotiation

with these organisations, I was allowed to use the datasets for my research.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics General Social Survey (the ABS social survey)

In 2006, the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) conducted the second general social

survey (the first was conducted in 2002), that focused on a range of social aspects of life in

Australia‘ such as the use of information technology, family and community involvement,

participation in social networks and engagement in voluntary work (Pink, 2007). In total, 13,375

Australians aged 18 years and over who resided in private dwellings, participated in the survey.

Interviews were conducted face-to-face based on a questionnaire, at selected dwellings between

March and July 2006. The 2006 report is the latest relevant report available from the Australian

Bureau of Statistics. Information collected as a part of the social survey 2006 and pertaining to

social networks provides a rich context for friendworks related issues. Datasets were filtered by

gender and age resulting in a specific examination of friendworks among Australian women over

35 years old. A detailed analysis of the data and its comparison with the case study findings is

presented in Chapters 6 and 7. This survey is referred to hereafter as ‗the ABS social survey‘.

Australian mobile phone lifestyle index (the AIMIA survey)

In June 2009, a fifth survey (Mackay & Weidlich, 2009) on the use of the mobile phone

by Australian users was conducted by the Australian Interactive Media Industry Association

[AIMIA]. The first survey was conducted in 2005, following which additional surveys were

conducted annually (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008). In addition to using these reports in the

thesis, datasets of the third survey conducted in 2007 were accessed and analysed. The 2007

survey consisted of 3735 online respondents, residing all across Australia. Within this sample,

938 were women aged 35-74 years, corresponding to the case study gender and age distribution

for this thesis. Datasets of the AIMIA survey were made available through the CCI Creative

Industry Statistics Repository. Analysis of relevant data is presented in Chapter 8. These surveys

are referred to hereafter as ‗the AIMIA surveys‘.


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4.6.4 Pilot focus group

A preliminary focus group session consisting of seven local women within the case

study age group was conducted a few months prior to the fieldwork. Issues concerning the move

to Ocean Shores, social networks and the use of communication methods, particularly the mobile

phone, were raised. Based on participants‘ responses, the case study methods were finalised.

Additionally, following views discussed during the pilot group, I decided to focus the study on

friendworks, rather than overall social networks, as discussed in Section 2.3.

4.7 METHODOLOGICAL LIMITATIONS AND ETHICAL

CONSIDERATIONS

The combination of the research methods in use for this study yielded rich data,

reflecting insights, perceptions and practices of the researched themes. Nevertheless, this research

is not free of methodological concerns. Method limitations and ethical considerations are

addressed in this section.

4.7.1 Method limitations

A few limitations were noted in the literature regarding the case study method. Case

studies are of a descriptive rather than of an exploratory nature; since data is collected without the

controlled conditions of the laboratory, it cannot draw cause-and-effect conclusions. In line with

the pospositivist philosophy, the presented problem is only partial and might be biased, all the

more so in the case of a marginal native. Another main concern relates to the quantity of

generated data. Yet most case studies are limited in the extent to which findings can be

generalised, as they involve a small sample which is not representative of the general population.

Case studies are open to bias and subjectivity which, in turn, affects validity and the

reliability of data (Burns, 2000). Bias and subjectivity issues arise here mainly because I am an

Ocean Shores resident, as were all research participants, and am personally acquainted with

many of the interviewees. Subjectivity also refers to differences in self-expression among

participants, which was evident through the in-depth interviews. Some participants were able to

better express their thoughts and attitudes. Consequently, the quality of the collected data varied,

hence providing more weight to well-expressed answers. Lastly, subjectivity also relates to

interpretation and coding of informants‘ responses. The fact that all interviews were recorded and

transcribed minimised this issue. Using dedicated software (NVivo) facilitated consistent

treatment of data. Additionally, the fact that I was a sole interviewer assisted in a coherent

performance of the interview style and with consistent coding. Data coding and interpretation

was extensively and intensively discussed and reviewed with supervisors for the purpose of


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minimising problems of bias, achieving fair and accurate representations and consistency of

treatment.

In terms of the quantity of data, the case study has been described as having the potential

to produce ‗data deluge‘ (Eisenhardt, 1998, p. 539). This thesis generated a substantial amount of

qualitative data. Nevertheless, all interviews were fully transcribed and coded. Using NVivo

facilitated the process of locating relevant data.

Finally, there are concerns of the ‗generalisation problem‘ (Walker, 1980, p. 34). The

argument is that the methodology is limited, or even flawed, by the fact that the case study is not

representative making it difficult, if not impossible, to generalise from the data. However,

whereas generalisability in quantitative studies may be defined in terms of statistical sampling,

case studies are not designed to be statistically representative of the broader population. Thus the

purpose of the qualitative case studies presented in this thesis is not quantification, but, rather,

description, classification and limited theory testing. Nevertheless, comparing and contrasting the

case study findings with national datasets (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007; Pink, 2007) gives rise to a

set of propositions that could have wider applicability, but which would require further research

(e.g. comparative case study analysis of women in multiple seachange communities) in order for

firm general conclusions to be drawn.

Two main methods were used as a part of the case study, the online survey and the in-

depth interview. De Vaus (2002) summarises the problems of the survey method as being the fact

that the number of questions that can be asked is limited, that the context in which a survey is

completed cannot be known or controlled, that the form of communication is one-way and that it

lacks depth. Therefore, when choosing the research methods for this study, a survey was

considered to be only one of multiple methods.

The in-depth interviews, in particular, addressed the limitations of the survey instrument.

That is, interviews allowed more flexibility in the number and type of questions. There was some

control over the context in which the questions were asked, through an interactive process, while

data was captured in a natural form. Moreover, reviewing a completed survey during the

interview made it possible for participants to further clarify matters where needed. In that respect,

the survey proved to be effective as a complementary method to the in-depth interviews. It

obtained valuable background information used within the in depth interview. Integrating both

methods resulted in a time consuming effort and data-overload; hence the restrictions on the case

study sample size.


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Bearing these limitations in mind, this research aimed at capturing human experiences

and participants‘ interpretations of these experiences. The case study and the in-depth interview

presented themselves as the most appropriate way to achieve the goal.

Defining friends, friendships and friendworks

This research focused on friends, friendships and friendworks. Therefore, understanding

and defining each term was crucial to this study. This was a main concern while designing the

interviews. It was important that participants understood the concept ‗friend‘, which has already

been shown by Fischer (1982b) to be a very ambiguous term. Therefore, the original plan was to

give the definition of a friend (as mentioned earlier in Section 2.3.2) to participants and, based on

this definition, I meant to ask them who their friends were.

However, a second thought on this matter redirected the intention. Participants were

eventually asked about their friends regardless of a preliminary definition. I chose to leave the

decision as to whether they considered a person a friend to the participants, rather than enforcing

a strict definition of my own, a definition that may not necessarily have reflected their perception

of what friendships were. Ambiguous though the term may be, in most cases, participants were

very definite about who they perceived as friends. Therefore, whenever referring to friends in this

thesis, information is based on participants‘ personal perception.

This could also be interpreted as a reliability concern; not having a strict uniform

definition of the basic unit of the research, the friend. Nevertheless, reinforced by the

postpositivist philosophical orientation of the research and motivated by the intent to highlight

the researched topics from the participants‘ point of view, I chose to follow the participants‘

perceptions and their subjective interpretation of the term.

4.7.2 Ethical considerations

The main ethical consideration regarding this case study is confidentiality. It is a key

ethical concern in case study research, largely because people are often likely to be recognised

(Yin, 2009, p. 144), especially in this case, which consisted of a defined population group limited

in number: 26 women of 1684 adult women over 35 years residing in Ocean Shores (ABS,

2007a). Moreover, in some parts of the thesis, a much smaller group is discussed: pensioners,

single parents, or ethnic communities. This increases the chances of identifying participants.

Additionally, due to my insider status as an Ocean Shores resident and as a direct or indirect

friend of the participants, confidentiality concerns were increased. Nevertheless, I have obtained

rich data thanks to the open and generous nature of these women, which has been given to me not


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necessarily in my role (or solely in my role) as a researcher, but in other roles, such as ‗a local

adult woman‘, ‗a mother of kids from the same school‘ or ‗a friend of a friend‘.

I have discerned two aspects of confidentiality: public and interpersonal. Public

confidentiality refers to the protection of participants from the public exposure of information that

might identify them within the research findings. Public exposure includes written publications,

presentations, internet articles, interviews and any other activity aimed at publicly distributing the

research details. The main issue in protecting participants‘ public privacy is presenting their

identity in an unidentifiable manner. Therefore, though explicit names (first and last name) have

been originally documented and used throughout data collection and analysis phases to allow an

accurate mapping of the Ocean Shores friendworks and to match data from the surveys and the

interviews, they have been changed to assure anonymity of participants for reporting and

publication purposes. However, I have decided to add the actual age of each mentioned

participant, as age was found to be an important factor in practices of friendworks and

communication methods. To address the issue of confidentiality and privacy, participants were

provided with a participant information form, which provided a written outline of the research

and assurances about confidentiality. A copy of this form is attached in Appendix B. I also was

the only one who collected, collated, stored, accessed and maintained the computer records

associated with primary data collection. This also assisted in reducing confidentiality concerns.

Interpersonal confidentiality concern arises from the nature of the study and the

researched themes. During the interviews, participants were asked about their background.

Sometimes, sensitive and intimate information arose. Additionally, participants were specifically

requested to name their friends, and to some extent, to provide details on their social relations.

Not only did participants need to feel comfortable about exposing such information, but it was

also important that they were confident that information would not be revealed to other

informants, some of whom were their friends. I addressed this matter during the introduction to

the interview, while stating clearly and strictly my obligation for confidentiality.

Back to the ethical consideration that relates to the fact that I live in the same residential

location as all the case study participants. On the one hand, my personal acquaintances with most

of the respondents yielded a successful and quick recruiting process, as well as notable

cooperation, while on the other hand, it may have roused a concern by some informants and in

the process restricted their openness and sincerity. This is in line with Seidman‘s notion: ―the

easier the access to interviewees, the more complicated the interview‖ (1998). As I believed that

there was a greater gain to this particular study in knowing the participants and their

environment, I focused on ways of making participants feel comfortable and relaxed during the


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interviews. This was one of the reasons why I chose to run interviews in participants‘ homes, in a

friendly, familiar and informal manner as much as possible, in small talk style.

4.8 CONCLUSION

This chapter focuses on the research procedure. It justifies, acknowledges and describes

the research methodology of a case study, within which qualitative and quantitative methods

were used. This methodological approach yielded rich and authentic data that eventually led to a

deep understanding of the researched themes. This chapter also provides a comprehensive

understanding of the social context (location and demographics) of the case study. It sets out the

essential background that allows further analysis of the main researched themes of population

mobility, friendworks, practices of communication methods within friendworks and mobile

phone use, each of which is addressed in a separate chapter. Beginning with the population

mobility theme, the next chapter analyses and discusses findings regarding the move to Ocean

Shores, the reasons for moving and the process involved in making new friends.


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5Chapter 5: Population mobility: Relocating in a seachange community

This chapter is the first of four chapters focusing on the case study findings. Each

chapter focuses on one of the main themes: population mobility, friendworks, communication

with friends and mobile phone use. Findings mentioned in these chapters and their relationships

to the research questions raised are then discussed in the concluding chapter. Chapter 5 analyses

data relating to population mobility. It specifically focuses on the move to a seachange

community. This sets the context to better understand friendworks, the focal point of the next

chapter.

This chapter highlights findings related to the relocation process of participants in the

case study from a social perspective. It responds to the research question: what is the social

impact of seachanging on seachangers? Therefore it analyses findings regarding the move to

Ocean Shores, the reasons for the move, the process of befriending with locals and within local

sub-communities. It then discusses failed attempts to befriend and the status change from

newcomer to local. Finally, findings regarding the role of friendships in developing a sense of

belonging to the community and the place are elaborated.

The findings presented in the following four chapters are based on data collected as a

part of the case study. Data collection methods were the online surveys discussed in Section 4.6.1

and the in-depth interviews with 26 female participants over 35 years of age, residing in Ocean

Shores. Some of the case study findings are compared and contrasted with nation-wide data to

provide a wider outlook on this data.

5.1 MOVING TO OCEAN SHORES

Two notions of place primarily impacted upon participants‘ friendworks: 1. the

relocation process, which redefined spatial proximity to (or distance from) existing and new

friends and 2. the ambience of a small seachange community motivating increasing face-to-face

interactions with locals.

Most case study participants named a number of dwelling places before they arrived at

Ocean Shores. No interviewee was locally born. Few lived in the Byron shire before moving to

Ocean Shores, but kept relocating within the shire every few years. For most women, Ocean

Shores was not their final dwelling place. Participants reported living in Ocean Shores for less

than one year to a maximum of 20 years, providing wide perspectives on local life as newcomers

as well as veteran residents. In line with national statistics regarding population mobility (Pink,


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2006, p. 4), 42% of the case study participants (out of total of 26 women) had lived in Ocean

Shores for less than five years. The case study participants came to Ocean Shores from various

locations: from nearby (within the same shire) to as far away as the other side of the globe

(United States and Israel28

). Most participants moved from bigger, distant population centres.

Nearly half of the interviewees (46%) came from an Australian capital city, and over one quarter

(27%) came from population centres of over 25,000 residents (major population centres), in or

outside Australia. The rest (27%) moved from closer or distant smaller population centres, as

presented in Figure 23.

Figure 23: Place of residence prior to the move to Ocean Shores (Source: case study, n=26)

The Australian Bureau of Statistics‘ data (Trewin, 2004) shows a similar pattern of Australians

generally moving from bigger distant cities to smaller coastal communities, suggesting that city

people find seachange communities appealing.

5.2 WHY RELOCATE?

Scholars provide some insights on motivations for moving to coastal non-metropolitan

areas. These might explain the recent significant population growth in these areas. The main

motivations to relocate are: 1. financial restrictions, mainly relevant to lower income groups who

28 The Israel-born population is a targeted sector within the case study participants. For further details refer to Section 4.3.


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are reliant on statutory benefits. These groups are being ―pushed out‖ of capital cities due to

rising housing costs29

(Marshall, et al., 2003). 2. the will for a lifestyle change, especially among

the ―baby boomers‖ who are now retiring (Gurran, Squires, & Blakely, 2005), but also across all

ages (Marshall, et al., 2003), 3. the global shift towards less location dependent lifestyle, enabling

information, service and consumption even in small, remote population centres (Elbersen, 2005)

and 4. the growing flexibility of work practices.

Evidence for the first two motivations has been found within the case study; financial

status and lifestyle change were reported by the research participants as common reasons for

moving to Ocean Shores. Two additional motivations evident in the case study were educational

aspirations and social preferences.

The main motivation named for the move to Ocean Shores was affordable quality of life.

This reason was most dominant among interviewees over 60 years, who were looking for an

affordable, peaceful place to retire, close to the beach. First, they recalled deciding it was time for

a change: ―I suppose you start to reassess your life and what you really want to do and get out of

life‖ (Laura, 61). Second, they targeted coastal small towns as a desired location, for the sea, the

opportunity to ―walk to the sea, view of the sea, listen to the sea‖ (Julia, 69). Then they would

move up and down the coast looking for affordable options. Most of the retirees decided on

Byron Shire as the place they would like to move to and ended up in Ocean Shores, mainly for

financial reasons. Julia (69), who moved to Ocean Shores ten years ago, commented: ―we

couldn't afford … to live on the beach side of Brunswick. It was too expensive. Byron was out of

the question. It was too expensive, even at that time. So, this [Ocean Shores] was a good

compromise‖. However, it was not only retirees who reported struggling with the balance

between affordable housing and a desired lifestyle, young couples and families with young

children also targeted Ocean Shores for financial reasons: ―the only place we could buy was in

Ocean Shores‖ (Clair, 44, 13 years in Ocean Shores). Doris, (49), a mother to two children who

arrived from Sydney nine years earlier said: ―we looked at Sydney and decided it's no place to

raise a child, because we couldn't afford anything‖.

Linda (62, 3 years in Ocean Shores) moved from the Gold Coast motivated by her

interest in a more peaceful small-town lifestyle:

29 People who move based on this motivation are classified as forced relocators (Marshall, et al., 2003), in

contrast with those moving out of a desire for alternative lifestyle (mostly retirees) and are classified as free agents.


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The Gold Coast is getting too busy.… The people [in Ocean Shores] are very friendly,

very easy going. They're not anywhere near as rushed or abrupt as they are in the Gold

Coast, because everybody up there is running around with an agenda. Life is a bit

simpler down here. They haven't lost the sense of family that used to exist in the Gold

Coast. It's [the Gold Coast] become ... not a nice place anymore. It is too big, too urban,

too much crime, too much free time for the kids without any supervision. Kids are

getting lost.

Similarly, Ella (36) indicated: ―I love the calmness and the quietness of the place … that it is not

as noisy as the city. I love the views very, very much: the ocean, the forests‖. Even when moving

from as close by as Byron Bay, the lifestyle change is apparent; ―Ocean Shores is not very

touristic … I really like that. I like the fact that it feels more like a community area for locals

rather than an area for tourists‖ (Elizabeth, 58, moved to Ocean Shores from Byron Bay one year

earlier). Correspondingly, Julia (69) explained: ―well, for us it's not Byron. That's a huge plus.

We think of Mullumbimby as our Sydney. We think of Ocean Shores as the little shopping centre

down the road. We think of Byron as New York. It's freaky. We don't want to be there‖.

Closeness to the beach was a dominant lifestyle aspect, specifically mentioned by almost all

participants: ―we looked for a place near the beach, cause George is a surfer‖ (Clair, 44).

similarly, Linda (62) recalled: ―we were looking for somewhere close to the beach. My husband

is a water person‖ and Julia (69) concluded: ―we like the proximity to the beach. That's the main

thing‖.

Two women mentioned a similar educational aspiration as the main motivation for

relocating in Ocean Shores. It was geographically proximate to the Steiner school located in

Mullumbimby, a nearby town. They chose to live in Ocean Shores rather than in Mullumbimby

because they ―like the beach‖ (Olivia, 60)30

.

Lastly, nearly one third of the respondents mentioned social considerations for moving

to Ocean Shores. They chose to live next to family members, friends, or a specific group of

people. Four women mentioned family members living in Ocean Shores as one of the main

reasons for moving there. Two of them reported moving to Ocean Shores because a close family

member already lived there: ―both my son and daughter, who are my only children, live in Ocean

30 Mullumbimby is another town within the Byron Shires situated 7 Km away from the coastline.


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Shores‖ (Beverly, 76). Ruth (40, immigrant from Israel) was persuaded by her sister to move:

―my sister lived here. She tried to convince me many times to come over: ‗it‘s a great place,

you‘d love it here‘, she and her husband said, and they were right.… I didn‘t even check it

myself. Based on what my sister told me, we packed everything, left Israel and came straight to

Ocean Shores‖. Another family related motivation was mentioned by Suzanne (45) who dropped

into Ocean Shores, where her cousin lived, while travelling, and chose to stay: ―I have been here

for the last 18 and half years‖. Having a family around was important to Suzanne: ―someone we

can rely on for a fall back on, and it was good for her [the cousin] too, ‘cause she had no family

here either, so we had each other‖. Suzanne‘s mother also moved to Ocean Shores eight years

later. These testimonials emphasise the significant impact of local family members when

relocating. Nevertheless, most participants did not follow this pattern.

Another social consideration for relocating is friends. Ten participants (38%) reported

having friends in Ocean Shores prior to their move. Some admitted this was the reason they got

to know and visit the place. Others specifically mentioned their desire to live next to their friends:

―Rebecca brought us down here.… We came down to visit Rebecca and started looking around‖

(Linda, 62). However, in most situations, the locals were not close friends and these relationships

were not a primary reason for the move. Moreover, two women said they were convinced to

move to Ocean Shores by local women they had never met, only communicated with via

telephone and email, virtual acquaintances who they perceived as reliable and sincere. Based on

such evidence, it is suggested that local friends as well as reliable local virtual acquaintances

influence decisions. This might not be a primary reason for the move, but it motivated relocation

in a particular place. Since many seachangers look for a specific lifestyle rather than a particular

location to live in, moving to a seachange town where they also know someone is an advantage.

Such local friends exemplify the mooring affect of social relations for relocators.

A third social consideration for moving to Ocean Shores is proximity to a specific group

of people. In this case study, the detected group was the Israel-born community. Five of the case

study participants were born in Israel31

and were Hebrew native speakers. Three of them had

lived in Australia for less than three years and had migrated from Israel directly to Ocean Shores.

These three, together with another Israel-born participant who had lived for a longer period in

Australia, reported that closeness to the Israeli community influenced their decision to move to

31 For further details regarding the case study sample, please refer to Section 4.3.


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Ocean Shores. All five Israel-born women said that proximity to the Israeli community was an

important aspect of their life today. Holly (42) recalled:

One day, when I was living in Sydney, I read an article in an Israeli newspaper about the

Israeli community in Byron Bay. I was very happy to learn that there are other ways of

life to Israelis outside Sydney.… Having Israelis around was one of our reasons for the

move. We sought the presence of other Israelis.

Kathy (39) emphasised that presence of other Israelis created ―a feeling of security, that we know

someone here‖. Ruth (40), the Israeli woman who followed her sister to Ocean Shores, was

aware of the presence of Israelis around, though she ―didn‘t imagine there were that many‖.

When trying to explain why proximity to other Israelis might be important, she explained: ―I feel

comfortable among Israelis. I know their nuances. I have spent most of my life in Israel.… They

accept me.… Because, we are all far away from home, we have this need and motivation to get

together. We are each other‘s family‖. Similar statements were expressed by the other Israel-born

participants. The local ethnic community members became their friends and were considered

their local ‗family‘.

A study of migration to the Gold Coast (Stimson & Minnery, 1998) also identified social

reasons for moving to a new place. The researchers found that a combination of personal

circumstances (particularly social ties), and cultural factors (perceptions about a particular place

and sense of connection to ―reference groups‖ within it) influenced the decision to migrate to the

Gold Coast. In this study, many people decided to move in order to be closer to friends or family

who had already resided in the Gold Coast, suggesting a ―chain migration‖ phenomenon

(Stimson & Minnery, 1998, p. 207).

Though most participants associated their move to Ocean Shores with financial, lifestyle,

educational and social considerations, some women highlighted spontaneous aspects within the

relocation process. Few of them moved without previously choosing where to settle. This was

evident in Sylvia‘s story: ―so we went in and found the lookout. And I was just—I was home!

There was just something that stirred me. And I thought: this is it. This is where I want to be‖.

Ella, an immigrant from Israel reported:

We didn‘t know anything about Ocean Shores. We didn‘t plan to get here. We planned

to get to Byron Bay … [Friends] booked a holiday accommodation [for us] … when we

called to find out the exact address, we realized it is in Ocean Shores—at the very same


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moment, at the airport.… As we arrived to Ocean Shores, we were just amazed from the

place.… We have decided to stay straight away.... We just fell in love.

Both examples also support evidence for participants‘ sense of place, which is discussed in

Section 5.8. Laura‘s (61) case was even more dramatic, as the whole move happened

unexpectedly: ―I came up here … and I stayed for six weeks, and I thought, I really can make up

my mind what I want to do. I don ‘t really have to go back … if I don‘t want to‖. Following this

insight, Laura relocated in Ocean Shores.

Overall, participants expressed satisfaction about their move to Ocean Shores. This is in

line with the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute report (Marshall, et al., 2003),

which is based on an analysis of questionnaires completed by 1496 Australian income-support

recipients who moved from Australian cities to nonmetropolitan areas. Among findings, most

movers perceived themselves to be better off after moving from the big cities; most lifestyle

adjustments were rated as being very satisfactory by the movers. The most satisfying adjustment

was ‗living a different lifestyle.‘ The least satisfying was ‗finding work‘, which was noted by two

thirds of all respondents to be easier than in the city (Marshall, et al., 2003).

In conclusion, the case study participants were motivated to move to Ocean Shores for

different reasons, including financial status, lifestyle change, educational aspirations and social

considerations. Of most interest to this study is the latter, as it highlights the dominant role that

family, friends and groups play when relocating. Not only did participants report following their

social relations to Ocean Shores, but most of them also stayed in close contact with these people

long after the move or even when they no longer lived nearby. From a communal perspective,

social motivation is underestimated. Whether family, friends or groups of interest, almost one

third of the research participants ended up specifically in Ocean Shores due to locals they chose

to live close to. The need to live in proximity to specific others could be catered to suit regional

agenda (for example, in cases of prioritising particular segments of the population as potential

newcomers, such as particular age groups, professions, familial status, income range, cultural

background and so on).

5.3 MAKING NEW FRIENDS IN A NEW PLACE OF DWELLING

Claude Fischer (1982a) in his seminal study on friendships in the United States mentions

that people‘s dwelling place plays a key role in shaping their natural relations to one another

(Fischer, 1982a, p. 1). He also emphasises the influence of spatial proximity on friendships

(1982b). Both statements hold true for this case study. Participants regarded life in a small town

along the Australian coastline as fairly relaxed and enriched with frequent face-to-face


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encounters within a small familiar community. The spatial proximity in such places increased

frequency of face-to-face encounters (Mok, et al., 2007), which consequently reinforced local

social relations.

People who move to a seachange community as adults have already established their

friendwork based on previous dwelling locations. When settling into the new dwelling place,

they reform their friendwork to include new local friends, while excluding existing weak distance

ties. This was evident within the Ocean Shores case study. While participants who had lived in

Ocean Shores for over four years reported that most of their friends lived up to an hour‘s drive

away, most newcomers‘ friends resided in the relocators‘ previous dwelling locations. This set an

important distinction between locals and newcomers, with those living in Ocean Shores for four

years or less considered newcomers, and those residing in Ocean Shores for more than four years

regarded as locals.

Once participants moved to Ocean Shores, they all started establishing local social

relationships motivated by their ―want to feel wanted‖ (Laura, 61), the need for companionship

and their desire for belonging. Most of them initiated social interactions through which they got

to know local people and new friends. During this process of making new friends, old (and new)

local friends played a major role in introducing newcomers to locals: ―we each had a friend in the

area and from those two friends, the whole social network evolved‖ (Julia, 69). Suzanne‘s (45)

cousin who lived in Ocean Shores introduced her to friends when:

Going to outings like with the touch football and things like that. And then she was

working at the country club, and … she got me the job up there, so I met people through

that. And then I met Sam [her partner], and then I met all his friends, and so then the

circle got wider.

Locals, introducing newcomers to their friends, acted as social agents: ―I had a really good

neighbour who lived two doors up and we used to socialise.… I got to know some people in her

group of friends that I clicked with‖ (Janet, 46). It is not surprising then, that some of the local-

friends‘ associates joined the newcomers‘ friendworks. The mediation role of the local friend

verified that the interaction was genuine, hence overcoming suspiciousness and doubtfulness,

common in such situations. This act of agency also raised the level of interest by both parties.

Additionally, as has been found in previous studies, people tend to socialise with similar others,

who validate their beliefs and characteristics (Byrne, 1971; Kalmijn & Vermunt, 2007). Local

friends socialise with similar others. Hence, it is likely that newcomers would find similarities


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with people within their local-friends‘ friendworks. This well exemplifies the web-like expansion

pattern of friendworks (and social networks more generally); friends connect friends.

The mediation role that local friends play in befriending situations significantly

influences newcomers‘ socialising experience. This is evident when comparing befriending

experiences between newcomers who had local friends previous to the move and those without

local friends prior to relocating. While the first type of newcomers reported a fairly smooth and

quick social orientation process, the latter commonly recalled that it ―was a difficult thing‖ (Clair,

44). Newcomers with no local friends prior to the move first got to know locals, mainly

neighbours, whom they regarded as acquaintances: ―I've become acquainted with the neighbours

in the street and I think that that is a distinct thing from friendships… We're very friendly with

the neighbours that we got to know‖ (Elizabeth, 58). Sylvia (48) recalled a somewhat similar

welcoming story: ―the lovely lady who used to live across the road, we knew her from day one,

and she pretty much made herself known to us. She was the street gossip lady. She knew

everybody‖. During the process of getting to know the neighbours and other locals, some became

friends: ―we met from walking on the beach and living in the same street. You had hellos when

they went past. Then, invited down for a cup of tea. This is how we became friends‖ (Beverly,

76). In many cases, neighbours and local acquaintances played the same mediation role that

friends did in a new place: they catalysed social interactions. When not having local friends,

newcomers had to initiate social interactions. This was a great difference to some people. It

influenced their local social experience and their sense of belonging to the local community.

Participants reported additional ways of making friends: via work, through their kids‘

activities, on the beach and in organised social activities. Rebecca (45, a solicitor) noted: ―most of

my friends were work colleagues that I met. So they became our friends… who are still friends…

We socialised also with my former business partners and their kids ... some clients as well‖. Janet

(46, a tarot card reader), reported a similar process: ―people come to see me professionally and

enjoy the experience a lot and ring me up to have friendships with me‖. However, nearly half of

the interviewees did not have face-to-face encounters with people due to a paid work as they

were either unemployed or worked from home.

In such cases, kids-related activities were the most common scene for meeting new

friends: ―mainly just socialising at school. You invite children home. They get to meet you. Then,

you get to meet their parents‖ (Doris, 49). Clair (44) similarly commented:

Basically we just kept to ourselves a lot until we had children and Lily started preschool.

That's when we started to get to know people and met friends. There were one or two


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people that you would ring every now and again, but it was definitely once you had the

children you opened up a whole new sporting sphere.

Joy (49) associated her lack of local friends with her kids‘ advanced age: ―when you got little

kids, you tend to socialise more, I think‖. Interestingly, Tania (52) claimed the opposite: ―I didn‘t

realise how to reach out when I had little children. I wasn‘t so good at it. I was concentrating on

bringing out the kids, not on finding friends or having a life outside of the kids‖. Tania‘s response

is an exception.

The beach was found to be a popular socialising location, especially among the

elderly and dog owners (usually, they were both):

Most people go to the beach with their dogs, so you get to know the dogs, ‗cause the

dogs run up to you. So you ask: what's your dog's name and one thing leads to another.

All the friends that we actually have made … we met on the beach. Most of them have

dogs [laughs]. Some of them became really good friends. (Joanne, 67)

Even if the beach people do not become friends, they make the local life experience cosier

and friendlier:

I walk the beach with the dogs. You always meet people on the beach. You say hello

quite different to meeting people on the street.… I don‘t have real friendships from

meeting people on the beach. You just meet them when you‘re walking the dog and

everybody say hello. You just say hello back. (Beverly, 76)

A few of the women recalled joining organised social activities to meet new friends:

I have joined single parents meetings at the Ocean Shores Anglican church once a week.

And I thought … well this is actually a good way to meet people.... I ended up starting to

go to church ... and there started to be a bit of a connection there. So, it started to build a

bit of a friendship base from there, and it just grew. (Sylvia, 48)

Sports, clubs, and volunteer work are some of the social activities that newcomers chose to take

part in: ―So, I joined the local country club.… I‘ve got to know people through that, some people

who do live here and they‘re really lovely. I enjoy it because it‘s a lovely social group‖ (Laura,

61).


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Some women said that becoming friends with other newcomers was a somewhat easier

process. Since newcomers share a ‗new in town‘ experience and are in the same position of

looking for new friends, they are more interested in and open to new relationships. Laura (61)

commented on this matter: ―I find that the friends that I know now are different…They are more

accepting… They are new to the area as well, so, they‘re looking more for friends and finding

people of like situations‖.

In conclusion, all participants were keen to make new local friendships once they had

moved to Ocean Shores. They reported two befriending patterns: with the agency of other

people, or without. In most cases, befriending by mediation of friends, neighbours and kids led to

a spontaneous and informal process. The mediators set up the initial contact and both parties

complied. In such cases, participants often reported a smooth and quick social orientation phase.

Newcomers with no local friends prior to the move commonly met locals through work,

following their kids‘ activities or while joining formal local organisations. Befriending without

mediation of locals engaged newcomers in an active befriending process and was often

associated with a long, complicated and sometimes unsuccessful process. This highlights the key

role that local friends play in befriending situations of newcomers as well as in additional

befriending situations, as presented in further details in the next section.

5.4 HOW DID YOU GET TO KNOW YOUR FRIENDS?

During the interviews participants were asked to name all their friends. Then,

participants tagged one of nine befriending patterns for each friend: 1. the friend is their partner,

2. the friend is a parent or a sibling, 3. the friend is their child, 4. the friend is an extended family

member, 5. got to know the person through a shared friend, 6. via work-related situations, 7. the

person is a neighbour, 8. met the person through organisational activity (for example: school,

kids‘ school, academic studies, church and sports organisations), or 9. other (mostly, leisure

activities including meeting on the beach, travelling and sailing). Figure 24 displays the total

number of friends of all participants segmented by befriending patterns.


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Figure 24: How did participants get to know their friends (Source: case study, n=599 friendships)

The most common way of befriending was through a shared friend (41%). The second

most common way of getting to know friends was through an organisational activity (19%).

Familial relations accounted for 16% of all friendships. Eleven per cent of friends were work-

related. Non-kin relations dominated the examined friendworks. Commonly befriending through

a shared friend reinforces the finding presented in the previous section. Friends mediate

friendships when moving to a new location and generally, in wider contexts.

5.5 BEFRIENDING WITHIN SUB-COMMUNITIES

Another example of the role of locals in befriending situations when relocating was

evident among the Israel-born participants. Each mentioned local Israel-born women who

introduced them to locals within the Israeli community. These women acted as social agents

influencing the newcomers‘ befriending patterns. Ruth (40), whose sister already lived in Ocean

Shores, reported: ―my sister introduced me to her Israeli friends and we started talking, dropped

in for visits. There are many joint activities; holidays, parties, picnics, barbequing together‖.

Kathy (39), whose distant relatives also lived in Ocean Shores reported a similar befriending

pattern: ―my relative introduced me to the Israeli community and I started joining community

events and tightened relationships with a few of the women‖. Both women had local family

members who introduced them to Israel-born locals. However, the other three Israeli participants

also reported a similar befriending pattern. Ella (36) contacted Debra via an internet forum and

they became virtual acquaintances. When emigrating from Israel, Debra welcomed Ella to Ocean

spouse/partner3%

parent/sibling7%

child1%

other family5%

friend41%

work related11%

neighbour8%

organization19%

other5%


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Shores and introduced her to Israel-born locals. Holly (42) and Caroline (37) shared a similar

story of befriending with Israel-born locals after arriving at Ocean Shores. The Israel-born

women also reported that they followed this mediating pattern themselves and nowadays they

actively mentor Israel-born newcomers. The local Israel-born women perceive a shared ethnicity

as a motivation to befriend newcomers, as well as a social commitment to warmly welcome

newcomers into the local community.

Not only did participants choose to move to Byron Shire because of the Israeli-born

locals (as discussed in Section 5.2), their local friendworks reflect this clear preference to

befriend with Israel-born locals. Befriending within an ethnic community was found to be a

nationwide pattern. The Australian Bureau of Statistics (Pink, 2007) conducted a general social

survey of 13,375 Australians and reported that 73% of respondents said that all or most of their

friends were of similar ethnic background. Shared ethnicity was found to be a higher indicator of

friendships than similar educational background (57%) and similar age (65%).

Israel-born participants mainly befriended with people from the Israeli community.

However, this process resulted in mixed feelings of peacefulness and discontent. Participants

reported a feeling of peacefulness after relocating, since they were warmly welcomed and

surrounded by supporting women: ―I didn‘t feel I need to meet anyone else‖ (Caroline, 37). On

the other hand, they also reported a feeling of discontent, as they ―didn‘t come all the way to

Australia to befriend with Israelis‖ (Kathy, 39). The expectation to socially integrate within the

local population did not come true to any of the Israel-born participants. This was reported as a

―great disappointment‖ (Kathy, 39). Even when they had been settled in Ocean Shores for a few

years, they reported having mainly Israeli friends: ―I have met Australian women through day-

care. I have met some in my previous work, but it‘s always superficial acquaintanceships....

There are no Australians I consider as friends‖ (Ella, 36, one year in Ocean Shores). Kathy‘s (39,

two years in Ocean Shores) befriending experience with Australians was very similar: ―I also met

some parents at school, but the contact with them was very light, even today. There are only two

Australian women who I consider as friends, but then again, not close friends‖. Holly (42, three

years in Ocean Shores) similarly stated: ―Australian friends? I don‘t have any. I don‘t know why.

It just didn‘t happen‖.

Kathy (39) reported that even though she used to be upset because of her failure to

befriend locals in the first year in Ocean Shores, a year later, she accepted this as a fact. She was

no longer concerned:

I used to think that there‘s something wrong with me and because of that, people do not

want to be my friends. Mainly, I looked for cultural-difference reasons, which I still


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consider as a crucial factor when connecting with others. But, as time passed, I realised I

had my preferences as well. Having friends from the Israeli community fulfils most of

my social needs. I am no longer in a desperate quest for new local friends.

The Israel-born women said that living in Australia made them more aware of the

similarities they shared with other Israel-born locals and motivated befriending with them: ―there

are much greater chances that I will befriend with a local Israel-born, than befriending with the

same person in Israel. Here, I am much more open to getting to know these people‖ (Ruth, 40).

This pattern of relations between shared ethnic individuals was also evident among the

younger generation and men. Participants reported that their children‘s best friend was from an

Israeli background. This was especially true within the same age groups. Two main reasons

might explain this befriending pattern among the younger generation: shared culture, which is

distinct from the Australian culture, and intense social interactions with Israel-born people due to

their parents‘ social preferences. Some of the mothers were concerned about this segregated

social pattern practiced by their kids. Though men were not a part of this study, from my close

acquaintanceship with the Israel-born community, it seems that this pattern is not gender

oriented. Men also tend to befriend with Israel-born locals, mostly other men.

In comparison with the overall case study participants, women within the Israel-born

sub-community reported tighter social relations, as exemplified in Figure 18. This sub-

community generated bonding social capital (Woolcock, 1998) that enhanced relations within the

community and distinctly positioned it within society. The local Israel-born community affects

the wider Ocean Shores community in two ways; it contributes to the local social diversity, but it

also inhibits its members from developing a sense of belonging to the wider local community. Its

limited numbers also mean there is minimal collective impact within the wider local community.

5.6 FAILING TO BEFRIEND

Challenging befriending processes with local Australians was not only reported by

Israel-born women, but also by Australian-born participants. When trying to explain why she has

failed to befriend locals, Laura (61) said: ―I don‘t know what it is, some sort of reluctance [of

locals] to extend themselves. It could even just be that they are not as sociably open as what I

have been used to‖. Laura remembered joining aqua aerobic classes at the country club in a

socialising attempt, however ―once we are out of the water, they disappear for another week. So I

don‘t find lasting interactions from that‖. Other women admitted knowing quite a few

acquaintances ―all very nice people‖. Still, they did not name them as friends during the

interview. ―I made friends with the boys friends‘ mothers, but I don‘t socialise with them‖ (Janet,


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46). As described by Joy (49), befriending with locals was challenging since they had already

established their social relations, hence, they were not looking for additional friends: ―You meet

people and they obviously already got their connections, so you feel you are kind of on the

periphery of that network and so you think: ‗Oh, that's OK. It's still nice that we know them‘‖.

Joy considered such people as acquaintances, not as friends. She described another scenario of

interactions not leading to friendships: ―there are a lot of functions going on [at school] and all

the parents are invited. And we are like: ‗YES! Good! We get to hang out together‘. But then, we

don't really organise anything to meet up again‖. Sporadic interactions are another indicator of

failed befriending attempts.

Laura (61) found that her social status as a single woman made it harder to establish

new friendships in this small town:

It seems to be a hard place for a single person. If you‘ve got a husband, you know, it

seems socially acceptable to invite a couple, but it‘s not as easy. People are less inclined

to invite a single person. I had never experienced this in Canberra. It was a very much

open social environment. I think that people are more conservative here. Yes. Perhaps a

little bit more closed, not as open in their thinking. I think that life in Canberra, as a

public service city, is very much influenced from the anti-discrimination, anti-sexist

policies, that it is a part of your life, and you live by that life and you see how well

acceptance is in Canberra. It is very accepting of everybody and I don‘t know that this

area is quite as up to date.

Participants regard the lack of local friends as unfortunate. Yet they learnt to accept this

and adjust their social expectations accordingly. Interestingly, all the women who reported lack

of local friends did not know any local person prior to the move32

; hence they had to face the

befriending process on their own. This again emphasises the importance of the agency role taken

by local friends in relocation.

32 In the case of the Israel-born women, this statement is valid when befriending with Australian-born locals.


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5.7 WHEN NEWCOMERS BECOME LOCALS

Once settled in Ocean Shores and having established local friendships, most participants

reached a social saturation point and stopped actively looking for new friends. They became

locals, and the fresh newcomers were left to face similar social challenges. Participants expressed

three different approaches when answering the question: ―are you still looking for new friends?‖

1. passively open to new friendships, 2. not interested in new friends and 3. always actively

looking for new friends. Most women said they had enough friends and were happy with their

current social status. Nevertheless, over three quarters said they were open to new relations: ―not

purposely, but of course I'm always open to new friendships‖ (Joanne, 67), or as Elizabeth (58)

put it:

I am always open to make new friends. I don't think I'm sort of hunting for friends.... I've

got friends in all the activities I am involved with. I‘ve got enough friends in my life, but

I wouldn't say no to meeting new friends.

Though in most cases, participants stated that they were passively open for new

relationships, based on evidence from the case study, newcomers and locals differently

interpreted the same social scenes. What was regarded by newcomers as a closed conservative

community (as was reported by Laura in the previous section) was perceived by locals as a lack

of motivation to establish new relationships, as was rephrased by Rebecca (45): ―my partner

always says to me: ‗we've got enough friends who we do not get to see enough of‘‖. Linda (62)

paraphrased a somewhat similar approach: ―I'm never not looking, but I am not consciously

looking. I don't think I ever consciously looked for friends. It's just sort of happened. I am not

running around and socially participating in clubs and all of that stuff‖.

Two women admitted to having more than enough friends, and six women stated they

were not interested in extending their friendwork: ―there's an abundance of friends and our life is

busy without us actively seeking for new friends‖ (Julia, 69). Even some women with relatively

small friendworks declared that they were not interested in new friends: ―I am no longer looking

for new friends. I have learnt to live without new friends and that‘s OK‖ (Holly, 42, named 10

friends in her friendwork). Another group of women who seemed less keen to expand their social

networks were those relocating within the Byron Shire. They did not make as many new friends

as those coming from afar: ―I probably haven't made new friends since I have moved here,

actually, because I still got my existing network‖ (Elizabeth, 58).

Nevertheless, two women who had lived in Ocean Shores over nine years admitted

actively looking for new friends:


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I try to make people who are new to feel accepted, because I think that's important.... I've

met a lot of people [at school] who their child was new and I said: ‗would you like to

come to our house?‘ Sometimes it works; sometimes it doesn't. (Doris, 49, nine years in

Ocean Shores)

Trish (55) similarly stated: ―I am not a person that sits back and waits; so I just jump in and say

hello to everybody. My aim is to meet 3-4 new people every month and make sure they remain

friends‖. Trish is a very active and a well known figure in the community. She estimated 250

members in her friendwork, the largest proclaimed friendwork, while Doris stated the fewest

number of people in her friendwork (10)33

. Though, both women were motivated to expand their

networks, they were guided by different social agendas: Doris felt lonely, whereas Trish liked

intense social interactions. These different motivations highlight some of the complexity in

generalising social tendencies of befriending processes, which, to a larger extent, depend on

personal attributes, agendas and circumstances.

In conclusion, after relocating, newcomers revamped their social networks in order to

establish a sense of belonging. Most participants actively sought new friends after relocating.

This pattern changed once they established a local social network. From that point on, they were

passively open to new friendships but did not actively look for new friends. For newcomers, this

situation is paradoxical; they want to establish local relationships, yet befriending is challenging.

A minor effort of locals in actively welcoming newcomers can assist the latter in their

befriending attempts while helping them also to establish their sense of belonging.

5.8 SENSE OF BELONGING: SENSE OF COMMUNITY AND SENSE OF

PLACE

One noticeable difference between newcomers and locals was their sense of belonging to

the place and to the local community. This has been evident through participants‘ testimonials.

Newcomers like Holly (42, 3 years in Ocean Shores) reported that Ocean Shores ―is only a place

of dwelling. It does not have a unique atmosphere. It is not a very community oriented place. It is

not that everyone knows each other. There are no community events‖. In contrast, locals tended

to respond affectively and intuitively:

33 More about friendwork size in Section 6.1.


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I feel very connected to Ocean Shores.... I also instantly felt that I was HOME. I

definitely feel that I belong here.... I think that Ocean Shores does have a sense of

community and that as a community we come together at times of need and help and

support families doing it tough. I have seen this happen many times over. I feel

connected through my work, my church, and my friends who over the years have

become my family. (Sylvia, 48, 9 years in Ocean Shores)

Four of five factors that Doolittle and MacDonald (1978) use to evaluate the level of a

sense of community (Section 3.4.1) were evident in the Ocean Shores case study: informal

interactions, safety, neighbouring preferences (preference for frequent neighbour interaction) and

localism. Informal interactions were connected with the small size of the town:

I am always meeting people from my community that I may not meet in my social circle

and as it is a small community, they know my name or know a friend of mine and the

degrees of separation are smaller. (Janet, 46)

In line with this citation, Putnam and Feldstein (2003) emphasise that ―one-on-one, face-to-face

communication is more effective at building relationships and creating empathy and

understanding, than remote, impersonal communication ... the more extensive interchange that is

possible in smaller groups makes it possible to discover unexpected mutuality even in the face of

difference‖ (p. 276-277).

Safety aspects were addressed by some women. Caroline (37) stated: ―I feel my kids are

safe at Ocean Shores‖. Elizabeth (58) mentioned that Ocean Shores was ―a place where people

can raise families and live in a congenial environment‖. Additionally, the mobile phone data

collected in this case study indicated that safety was not as dominant an issue as had been

reported in other mobile phone studies (for example: Ling, 2004; Sørensen, 2006). Overall,

participants perceived life in Ocean Shores as safe.

The neighbouring preferences factor was apparent when Julia (69) regarded interactions

with locals as positive experiences: ―I know the people in a lot of the shops. I always see people I

know.... So there is a general feeling of comfortable familiarity‖. Janet (46) mentioned that

―everyone is willing to interact or have a verbal exchange‖ and Joy (49) stated: ―I know almost

everyone when I go to the beach. I feel like a local‖.


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However, localism was most commonly expressed when emphasising opinions and a

desire to participate in community affairs. Elizabeth (58) asserted:

There are a lot of people in our community fighting hard to keep it as a cohesive

community and stave off the invasion of people who only think of making money. We

take up a lot of our time, which we shouldn't have to, campaigning to improve services.

Active participation in community initiatives was correlated with a stronger sense of community,

as reported by Dorothy (66):

I feel most connected to Ocean Shores when I'm involved in some community activity.

For example, when I'm attending a fund raiser for South Golden Beach Community

Centre or talking with others about the proposed permanent festival site at Yelgun or

shopping at the New Brighton Market.

Instrumental support was evident in indicating an important aspect of localism: ―there is a great

sense of community, as I have experienced from friends that have had cancer and died, that the

community pulls together to help the family in need‖ (Suzanne, 45). Caroline (37) mentioned that

―mothers at school are always happy to help with a ride home for kids and organise sport and

soccer drop offs in case someone can‘t do it‖ and Trish (55) concluded: ―the community has been

this place‘s greatest asset as we all look after each other‖.

Evidence as to how a sense of community reinforces participants‘ self identity was found

in Caroline‘s (37) remark about the people in Ocean Shores: ―down to earth people, the family

type place. It makes me feel normal.... All the mums are struggling and its OK…great acceptance.

Family people, but also like to have fun‖.

Public spaces were given as examples as places where participants met locals: ―I

personally feel connected to Ocean Shores through the school‖ (Ella, 36). Caroline (37) admitted:

―I love going to Bilo [the local supermarket] and seeing familiar faces‖, and Julia (69) added:

―the connecting element for me as a dog owner is the beach community of dog walkers‖. In

contrast, Holly (42), who claimed to lack of sense of community, associated her personal lack of

belonging with urban design concerns:

Mullumbimby has a feeling of community because of the way it is designed. The down

town attracts people. In Ocean Shores there is not really a centre. There is a store, but not

really a centre that attracts people to get together.


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Geographical distance was also named as weakening a sense of community, as

expressed by Dorothy (66): ―Ocean Shores is so spread out that it's hard to feel connected with

the entire place. For example, I don't feel connected to the people who live on Rajah Road

because that's so far from where I live‖ (over 5 kilometres). Accordingly, she perceived spatial

proximity as intensifying her sense of community: ―I do feel very connected to North Ocean

Shores, including South Golden Beach and New Brighton, because I spend so much time here

and know so many people in the vicinity that I see almost daily‖.

Dorothy‘s response might explain why, when discussing community issues, local sub-

communities emerged. As mentioned in Section 4.2, Ocean Shores is a combination of three

main settlements: New Brighton, South Golden Beach and Ocean Shores. As Ocean Shores is the

biggest of the three, I have referred to this complex as ‗Ocean Shores‘. However, participants

didn‘t relate to this definition as lightly as I did. Patterns of ‗us‘ and ‗them‘ were evident. ―New

Brighton is where I live‖, said Linda (62):

It is the original old village around which Ocean Shores has grown. We are separated by

road and creek from the Oceans Shores development.... We have a sense of community

in our small area of New Brighton and often feel surrounded by ‗others‘. Our little New

Brighton is still very much a village where people walk and talk and visit each other. We

have a small general gathering area which is our local café, post office, news agency,

corner shop and bottle shop. I think that Ocean Shores is too much a suburban residential

area where everyone works elsewhere.

Trish commented: ―we [South Golden Beach residents] are culturally different from

Ocean Shores as we have a more environmental conscious‖. Another ‗us‘ and ‗them‘ approach

was expressed by Elizabeth when comparing Ocean Shores with Byron Bay: ―it feels like a

residential neighbourhood, unlike the rest of the coast of Byron Shire, which feels like a Mecca

for tourists and party-hard types with no idea of the value of preserving a sense of community‖.

Similar to the case of the Israel-born sub-community, local residents of South Golden Beach and

New Brighton generated bonding social capital which increased their sense of belonging to the

geographic sub-communities but detracted from their wider local population. They identified

more with their sub-community, while Ocean Shores‘ residents related to the wider locality.

While newcomers and locals demonstrated contrasting views regarding their sense of

community, both parties expressed similar opinions about their sense of place. Ocean Shores was


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perceived as a desired place to live because of its location: the view, the beach, the serenity and

the ‗Rainbow Region‘ ambiance (Kijas, 2003)34

.

Overall, participants felt they belonged more commonly to the place or to smaller groups

within the Ocean Shores community. They cherished and appreciated their sense of place and

community. This is in line with the Australian Housing and Urban Research Institute report

(Marshall, et al., 2003) which found that Australians who relocated from big cities to

nonmetropolitan areas perceived themselves as being better off after moving:

It is often the intangible ‗sense of place‘, community spirit, social attitudes, the physical

environment and the general liveability of non-metro communities that entice and keep

individuals in these areas. Many would not move back to metropolitan areas even if they

could afford to – that is, they now choose to stay where they are. (Marshall, et al., 2003,

p. i)

5.9 FROM BEFRIENDING TO FRIENDWORKS

Population mobility involves befriending situations. Motivated by deep inner human

needs (Marsh, et al., 2007), newcomers seek local social connections. Some of these relations

become friendships. When locals mediated befriending situations, participants often reported a

flowing and quick process. When support of locals was absent, participants reported a long and

challenging process. A behaviour observed within the Israel-born community is that locals

actively mediated between newcomers and Israel-born locals, hence easing the integration

process, though they also focused the social bonding experience of newcomers onto intra-

community relations.

From the case study perspective, newcomers become locals when they feel they have

enough local friends. It is a personal feeling subject to personal preferences and characteristic

differences. Based on the case study findings, most women living in Ocean Shores over four

years reported having enough local friends; hence considered themselves as locals. Locals tended

to report a sense of belonging to the community and place, while reinforcing their self and social

identity. Newcomers expressed a limited sense of community yet a solid sense of place.

34 For relevant quotations see Section 5.2.


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This chapter discussed befriending situations when relocating as a part of establishing

local friendworks and a sense of belonging. The next chapter explores existing friendworks. It

consists of different aspects of friendworks as a way to assess its importance and its contribution

to self and the social identity of individuals.


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6Chapter 6: Friendworks

We all have friendworks, networks of friends which change over time and place.

Relocating changes friendworks and dynamics of friendships. However, once spatially as well as

socially settled, friendworks often go through mild changes only. What does a friendwork do? It

provides a net of social support. It allows people to receive and provide assistance unrelated to

paid work. This work improves both parties‘ quality of life. Friendworks are the focus of this

chapter. It captures a snapshot of friendworks within which, local and distant, new and old

friendships thrive. This chapter discusses the character and features of friendships between adult

women in a seachange town, in response to the research question: what is a friendwork of adult

women in a seachange community and why is this social structure important? The answer

highlights the significant role of friendworks in contemporary life.

Many of the findings in this chapter are not unexpected; they confirm and conform to

commonsense understandings and daily experiences of how friendworks work. Nevertheless,

framing these social relations as ‗friendworks‘ provides a fresh and new way of describing their

significance. The fact that the findings in this chapter conform so closely to expectations is

actually evidence of the success of the ‗friendworks‘ proposition in capturing and describing

these important (obvious) social relations, and in this case study, showing how they work to

achieve social cohesion and integration in a mobile, networked world.

Five different aspects of friendworks are addressed in this chapter: size, benefits of

friendships, supporting others, types of friendship and spatial proximity. Each contributes to the

analysis of friendworks, their composition, benefits and supportive role. Special attention is given

to distinct friendship types, including best friends, family members, spouses and neighbours.

Finally, the impact of spatial proximity on friendship relations is evaluated, contextualised by

frequent relocations on the one hand and telecommunications on the other, which redefine

distance restrictions.

6.1 FRIENDWORKS‟ SIZE: THE MORE THE MERRIER?

One of the main questions in social network analysis studies relates to the size of social

networks. This parameter is associated with peoples‘ social (Fischer, 1982a; Wellman &

Wortley, 1990), psychological (Ellison, Steinfield, & Lampe, 2007; Litwin, 2001; McMichael,

2004) and health (Giles, Glonek, Luszcz, & Andrews, 2005) status. In general, the bigger the

social network, the better (Bastani, 2007; Boase, et al., 2006; Grossetti, 2007; Hennig, 2007),

while small social networks are a matter of concern (Putnam, 1995). However, some scholars


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argue that network size cannot guarantee happiness, nor psychological or physical well-being

(Israel & Antonucci, 1987, Fischer, 1982 #239; Litwin, 2001) and, therefore, is overrated as a

measurement factor of relationships. Moreover, research shows that ―smaller [network] is better

for forging and sustaining connections‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 277). Recently, especially

due to the increased popularity of online social network sites that enable the establishment of

relationships quickly and easily in large numbers, quantity versus quality aspects of friendships

have been revisited (Boyd, 2006). Following the qualitative nature of this case study, most

findings in this chapter focus on qualitative aspects of friendworks. Nevertheless, in order to

position the case study among other social network studies, a discussion of findings relating to

friendworks‘ size follows. This is qualified by the fact that quantitative data such as network size

and other parameters used in this study are based on a small sample (26 women). This means that

findings cannot be generalised beyond the case study setting.

On average, participants reported having 25 friends within their friendworks, while only

minor size variations were apparent in relation to some socio-demographic variables. During the

interview, participants estimated the size of their friendwork. Then they named their friends and

provided further details on each. The following information is based on data analysis of the

friendworks tables (see Appendix E). Three quarters of the friends were females. The median35

for the estimated network size was 25 and the median for the named friendwork size was 26. The

smallest named friendworks consisted of ten friends and the largest friendworks consisted of 48

named friends.

Network size was not influenced by age, family income, health condition and voluntary

activity. However, some differences were apparent in three cases: women with children in the

same household reported, on average, fewer friends (22). Participants with primary school aged

children interacted less often with friends and had smaller friendworks than women with

teenagers or adult children, or women with no children. The friendwork size was the same for

women with children (22), with or without the presence of a partner in the same dwelling. This

indicates that the children‘s presence rather than the partner‘s is the influencing factor over

network size. Fischer and Oliker (1983) report a similar pattern when comparing women and

men‘s network size: ―during early marriage and parenthood, women's friendships shrink relative

to men's‖ (Fischer & Oliker, 1983, p. 132).

35 I have used median figures rather than mean because a few participants reported extraordinarily high numbers of friends and the median is not susceptible to a few extraordinarily high (or low) reports.


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Differences in network size by employment status were also apparent, as exhibited in

Figure 25. Women working part-time, working from home or who were engaged with home

duties named fewer friends. This might be due to time spent at home, away from social

interactions. The full time workers, unemployed and students had the largest friendworks. This

again could be explained by their daily routine, which involves social interactions in public

spaces.

Figure 25: Number of friends by work situation (Source: case study)

Women with higher level of education named more friends on average, as presented in

Figure 26. Previous studies have already indicated that education is positively correlated with

network size (Belle, 1983; McPherson, et al., 2006).

Figure 26: Mean number of friends by level of education (Source: case study, n=26)

18

22232425

272830

Paid work from home -

part-time

work part time

Home dutiesretiredself employed

work full time

unemployedstudent

n=25

n=25

21

19

2524

28

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

Up to 10 years

schooling

(3 women)

Professional

qualification

(3 women)

12 years of

schooling

(6 women)

Undergraduate

degree

(8 women)

Postgraduate

degree

(5 women)


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The fact that most examined factors were not associated with friendwork size suggests that

numbers of friends are in most cases not socio-demographically dependant. Variance in network

size might be related to other factors, primarily personal preferences and personality, though this

assumption requires further investigation.

It was challenging to compare the Ocean Shores case study findings of network size to

previous international studies, mainly due to different examined factors. Most studies examine

size of overall social network (for example: Hill & Dunbar, 2003; Killworth, Bemard, &

McCarty, 1984), hence showing much larger networks than indicated at the Ocean Shores case.

Studies focusing on friendships and core and significant ties only resulted in much smaller

network size. Fischer and Oliker (Fischer & Oliker, 1983) interviewed, in 1977, 1,050

Californian adults aged 18 and older, measuring respondents' social relations. They named a

mean number of 18.5 friends. Another American study [the Pew study] of over 2000 respondents

age 18 and older in 2004 and 2005 (Boase, et al., 2006) found that the median total number of

core and significant ties36

was 35 (15 of which were core ties37

). However, two American general

social surveys [GSS] conducted in 1985 and 2004 (1,531 and 1,467 respondents respectively)

found that the number of core ties was 2.1 in 2004 (McPherson, et al., 2006) and 2.9 in 1985

(Marsden, 1987)38

. The reported studies position the Ocean Shores friendwork‘s size findings

somewhere in between. However, most importantly, it draws attention to the complexity of

measuring network size based on different definitions, perceptions and cultures. The most

conclusive finding relates to the considerably large number of ‗especially close‘ friends named

by the Ocean Shores women (18) in comparison with the American studies (15 core ties in

Boase, et al., 2006, 2.1 in McPherson, 2006 and 2.9 in Marsden, 1987).

These inconclusive findings regarding friendworks‘ size reinforce the importance of

qualitative examination of friendships. It seems that qualitative rather than quantitative aspects of

36 Core ties refer to people whom participants have very close relationships with - the people to whom Americans

turn to discuss important matters, with whom they are in frequent contact, or from whom they seek help.

Significant ties refer to people outside that ring of core ties in Americans‘ social networks, who are somewhat

closely connected. These distinctions are somewhat similar to perceptions of the case study participants of their

friends as especially close to (core tie) or not (significant tie). Nevertheless, the American study might have also included people who are considered as acquaintances rather than friends.

37 In the Ocean Shores case study, participants identified on average three quarters of their friends (18 out of 24) as ―especially close‖ (core ties).

38 A comparative analysis of the GSS reports (McPherson, et al., 2006) explains that the difference in network

size between the GSS and the Pew study (Boase, et al., 2006) is due to the focus of the GSS studies on discussion

networks, which respondents might have interpreted literally; hence not including some types of personal contacts, which are included in the Pew study.


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friendworks are better indicators of understanding the significance of friendworks on individuals‘

well-being. Therefore, the rest of this chapter focuses on qualitative aspects of friendworks,

primarily, the supportive role of friendships in participants‘ lives.

6.2 BENEFITS OF FRIENDSHIPS

Social support is the main benefit of friendship indicated by participants. As mentioned

in Sections 2.2.3 and 2.3.4, social support is a complex term. In this thesis social support mainly

relates to instrumental aid, companionship and emotional support which are regarded as

motivations for friendships. Social support is discussed in this section based on participants‘

testimonials.

Participants frequently mentioned instrumental aid as a benefit of friendships. Suzanne

(45) rephrased this concept in her words: ―I look after her, she looks after me. She needs me for

something; I‘ll be there and vice versa. We always look after each other‖. Ruth (40) talked about

mutual aid: ―she picks up my kids from the kindergarten, I take hers‖. Julia (69) recalled: ―Lucy

has been hugely wonderful with our dog that died very recently.... That enabled me to see another

side of her, you know, a committed sort of a friend‖. Instrumental aid was common in work-

related friendships, as reported by Julia‘s (69) whose friend shares a similar profession: ―we help

each other. I can ring to her and say: ‗I'm stuck with this problem‘. So, we have the video as a

core interaction. So, it's a work-shared environment, I guess‖.

Companionship is another motivation of friendship. Doris (49) said she enjoyed being

with her friend. Joanne (67) expressed the same idea: ―just the pleasure of meeting somebody

each day and sharing news‖. Doris talked about ―good social interaction, good nights out‖ and

Janet (46) stated that her friend ―is great to talk to‖. Elizabeth (58) explained:

I get really good conversations about non-personal things. I don't mean that we don't

have personal connection, but she is probably my favourite person to talk about ideas,

philosophical discussions: philosophy, politics, and we can argue really heatedly without

ever being a personal issue. We can sit in a cafe and go: ‗no, you're wrong‘, ‘cause that‘s

what we do. We talk over coffee.

She concluded discussing this relationship by stating: ―we have a fun light hearted sort of semi-

gossipy kind of relation. We like each other as people‖.

Emotional support which is related to comfort and reassurance and is associated with

intimacy, trust and openness, is often an indicator of close relationships. This aspect of friendship


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was commented on by Sylvia (48) who said of one of her friends: ―she is just someone I can talk

to about anything and get her advice. And she just points me in the right direction and is

encouraging and supportive and loving and kind, and just beautiful‖. Janet (46) also referred to

emotional support as a motivation for friendship: ―we are comforting each other. We can talk and

relate to each other on an internal level, so it‘s comforting for both of us‖. Additional supporting

evidence for the important role of this aspect within friendships is discussed in Section 7.4 when

analysing communication practices of emotional support.

In addition to the main benefits of instrumental aid, companionship and emotional

support, which most participants referred to, some mentioned reinforcement of self-identity by

sharing values with friends. This motivates friendships (Byrne, 1971; 1982b; Kalmijn &

Vermunt, 2007) and supports individuals‘ sense of self: ―you get reinforcement of your own

values‖ (Julia, 69). Correspondingly, Doris (49) remarked:

I like her because we are the same. We are not totally the same, but we're straightforward

people, we don't play games. We're honest. We don't care about money. You know, we

don't think: ―you're better ‗cause you got money‖. We're not competitive. We are relaxed

in our parenting. We probably have the same understanding of life.

Another aspect of self-identity was evident, especially among family-women, who reported

cherishing personal (rather than geminate) friends: ―Miriam is not someone that Paul and I

socialise together. With Miriam, it's just Miriam and I, really‖ (Julia, 69). These personal

relationships reinforced participants‘ self-identity as individuals, rather than as women fulfilling

social roles of mothers and wives. Caroline (37) explained: ―women I meet here know me as a

mother.… [My best friend] knows me the longest and knows me before I had kids…I feel she

knows me better from anyone else around this area‖. Self and social identity were also reported

in relation to sense of belonging. Laura (61) said that her friend stimulates ―a feeling of

acceptance in this community‖. Ella (36) indicated that her friend ―helps me feel I belong to this

place‖.

It was common among participants to associate friendships with unconditional

availability and support: ―someone that would always be there for me. Someone that I can rely

on in any way. She will always be there‖ (Laura, 61). Participants also mentioned mutuality,

understanding, reliability, honesty, constancy and timeless relationship as qualities of

friendships. Tania (52) referred to mutual acceptance and mutual support: ―a feeling that there is

someone there that cares about you and you care about her. She asks how do I feel‖. Lisa (53)

commented on a long term friendship: ―you understand where the other person is coming from


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and you can‘t bullshit each other. Been there, done that‖. Similarly, Joy (49) defined a friend as

―someone who you know can understand you‖, and Clair (44) explained: ―she understands a lot

about me that other people don't. She sees a lot of stuff. She knows more about me‖.

Additionally, participants appreciated constancy and timeless relation: ―you get a friendship that

will last forever‖ (Julia, 69).

There are gratifications beyond emotional support, instrumental aid, companionship and

reinforcement of self-identity, which make friendships positive and desirable. Participants

admitted they got love, kindness, care, motivation, inspiration, encouragement and laughter out

of friendships: ―I just feel good when I talk to her and if I had a bit of a bad day, she always perks

you up or talks to you and she just makes you feel good when you walk away‖ (Clair, 44).

However, even when participants found it hard to explain exactly what they got out of some

friendships, no matter how vague their explanation was, the feeling of love, compassion and

gratefulness towards their friends was apparent:

Everything you could expect from a person that could make your life complete as a

friend. She is it.... She is value added all the time. She adds value to your life … and I get

so much out of her. I don‘t know really how to put things in words. She makes me a

better person. (Trish, 55)

Rebecca (45) summed up this impalpable feeling by stating: ―all my friends make me feel good.

It's that warmth‖.

Friendships of participants were associated with support, including emotional assistance,

instrumental aid, companionship and reinforcement of self-identity. Participants spoke with great

empathy, warmth and appreciation about their friends, emphasising the positive and important

role that they played in their lives. Though some of these testimonials were vague and general,

they exemplified why and how friendships contributed to their well-being and quality of life.

However, friendships were not only about what people got out of social relations, but also what

they gave. Some women admitted to having some friends out of compassion. This illustrated that

friendships happened also as an opportunity to support others. This finding has precedent in

previous research (Pink, 2007) and is described in further detail in the next section.

6.3 SUPPORTING OTHERS

Commiseration, compassion and concern were also named as reasons for friendships.

Participants reported sustaining friendships out of compassion; they felt sorry for certain people

and wanted to help them feel better. When relating to her grandmother as a friend, Ella (36)


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explained how she benefited from the relationship: ―to be interested in her well-being, also a

connection of concern, maybe‖. Some participants admitted they were aware of inequality in

such relationships, that they were giving more than they were getting. Joanne (67) explained:

It's hard to put it into words, but I feel that she needs me more than I need her. I give her

a bit of support. So I do it out of friendship, for the fact that she hasn't got many people to

rely on, so I keep in touch with her.

Such cases emphasise the important role of mutuality in normative, balanced friendworks.

Doris (49) emphasised the joy that supporting people brings: ―I like supporting people. I

enjoy that. If you appreciate my support, then I don't have to get it back, but it's nice to feel that

it's received and that you‘re honest and loyal and I like to do this‖. Similarly, Janet (46) reported

supporting Michelle out of a promise she made to Michelle‘s partner, a close friend who had

passed away:

When her husband was dying, he asked me to look after her [crying]. It‘s not what

makes the friendship, ‗cause we were friends before that, but he sort of said to me: ‗you

look after her‘, so I keep a watchful eye on her as well. So, I suppose I get satisfaction

that I am fulfilling my duty to him. Cause he was a good friend [crying].


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The Australian Bureau of Statistics [ABS] social survey (Pink, 2007) explored the

question of who people assisted as one way of assessing the generation of social capital (Figure

27). 49% of ABS respondents said they assisted others. Of all respondents, 31% on average

reported assisting relatives in other households, followed by friends (19%). A smaller percentage

of respondents reported supporting neighbours (4%) and work colleagues (3%).

Figure 27: Assistance provided by age and by relation type (Source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375)

When exploring gender differences, women were found to provide greater assistance

than men, especially to relatives and friends, as is seen in Figure 28. The assistance provided

included domestic work, home maintenance or gardening, providing transport or running errands,

helping with child care, teaching, coaching or giving practical advice and giving emotional

support. From a social capital perspective, these findings imply that women yield greater social

capital than men when supporting relatives and friends, though this requires further examination.

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

18-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-74 75-84 over 85

Relative in another household Friend

Neighbour Work colleague

Other person


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Figure 28: Assistance provided – by sex (Source: Pink, 2007)

Women also provided greater support than men in most of the assistance categories, as

presented in Figure 29. Noticeable in this figure is the highest portion of emotional support that

women provide (29.7%) in comparison to men (17.1%). Again, women generate more social

capital than men, especially when providing emotional support.

Figure 29: Type of assistance provided by males and females (source: Pink, 2007, n=13,375)

Linking findings from this report to the case study, on average one fifth of Australians

provide support to friends. A higher percentage of women admitted providing support to friends

than men in most of the categories of assistance, especially when emotionally supporting family

and friends. This contextualises the case study findings, which similarly show the willingness of

27%

16%

4% 3% 3%

34%

21%

4% 3% 4%

Relative in another

household

Friend Neighbour Work colleague

Other person

Males Females

4.1

17.1

7.78.3

18.519.8

3.7

29.7

9.1

17.4

22.7

14.7

Other helping

activity

Giving

emotional

support

Teaching,

coaching or

giving practical

advice

Helping with

child care

Providing

transport or

running errands

Domestic work,

home

maintenance or

gardening

Males Females


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participants to assist friends and to be assisted by female friends, primarily emotionally but also

practically, by receiving or giving instrumental aid. The case study findings highlight motivations

and gratification of individuals when supporting friends and emphasises the important role of

supporting others alongside receiving social support.

6.4 TYPES OF FRIENDSHIPS

Among the most supportive friends were those falling into well-defined categories, such

as: best friends, family members and spouses. Though participants provided diverse evidence as

to the nature of their friendships with these types of friends, some patterns emerged, thus

highlighting defined sub-groups of friends within friendworks.

6.4.1 The best friend

Most participants reported having a best friend, mostly females (22 of 25 best friends

were females), whom they have known for a long time and most likely resided at a great

distance. A special section within the interview focused on best friends. Participants recalled how

and when they met their best friend, why this person was a ‗best friend‘ and what they liked to do

together. Next, they described communication patterns with the best friend39

. All participants

were familiar with the term ‗best friend‘. They reported having up to two best friends. Half of the

participants reported having one best friend. One quarter of the participants said they did not have

a best friend40

and another quarter indicated having two best friends. Though 20 of the 25

participants reported living with a partner, only two women instinctively regarded their partner as

a best friend41

.

On average, participants had known their best friends for 21 years. One third of women

with best friends reported a local best friend. The average time participants had known a local

best friend was ten years; the same as the average time participants reported living in Ocean

Shores. Others, those who reported that their best friends resided elsewhere and women who did

not have best friends, had lived in Ocean Shores for a shorter period: seven years on average.

This implies that over time, participants acquired not only local friends, but also local best

39 Communication patterns with best friends are discussed in Section 7.2.1.

40 Two of these six women mentioned they did have a best friend who passed away and they did not make a new best friend since.

41 This issue is addressed in further detail in Section 6.4.3.


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friends. This was apparent across all ages. Participants ranked best friends first when naming

friendworks. Exceptions were when partners or siblings were named first. The long term

relationship with best friends, as well as the fact that most best friends were not local, indicate

that best friends are often made when people are younger.

Many participants said they met their best friends during their early 20s. This is when

most people develop their independence as adults and separate from their family (Frank, Avery,

& Laman, 1988). When parents and siblings are no longer available for immediate support, peer

relationships become crucial (Bartholomew & Horowitz, 1991). In these cases, spatial proximity

plays a major role; participants reported living in the same town, in walking distance or even as

roommates with their best friends. The physical closeness to best friends allows long and

frequent face-to-face meetings, which are mandatory when establishing best friendships

(Ledbetter, Griffin, & Sparks, 2007). Elizabeth (58) explained this mechanism:

When you‘re in your twenties or maybe from school age to your twenties, that's when

best friends are really important; before you form families, maybe. And because we met

in our single lives, that sort of closeness that you have, you actually need them [the best

friends] a lot more, and so you have a lot more closeness and you probably spend more

time talking to each other and sharing stuff.… The sort of people you spend a half a day

talking with, and I think, that's the thing, because, I probably never spend that amount of

time in a conversation with a friend now.

Elizabeth, as well as other respondents, established their best friendships many years ago, in a

different stage of life, while experiencing different social needs. However, though participants

went through many changes throughout the course of their life, best-friends withstood the years.

Even when participants relocated at a distance, best-friendships lasted, enforced by a nostalgic,

intense and sincere relation: ―our identity has developed together. They [the best friends] know a

lot about me. I love them and they love me unconditionally. I feel I can trust them and I feel as if

these friendships will last forever‖ (Kathy, 39).

Two main challenges originated from the common pattern of sustaining long time and

distant best-friendships: the infrequent face-to-face meetings with physically distant best friends

and the lack of motivation in making local best friends in new environments. Participants partly

overcame the first challenge by using telecommunications, thereby lowering the chance to

resolve the latter issue.


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Participants mentioned that they got all types of support (see Section 6.2) from their best

friends, however, the most dominant support expected from best friends was emotional support.

This particularly intimate role was often addressed with best friends only, hence limiting the

number of trusted confidants and occasions that emotional support could be practiced. Those

living in the vicinity of their best friends reported gaining instrumental aid and companionship.

All participants expressed strong positive emotions towards their best friends, implying that best

friends played an important role in their life. This explains the motivation and persistence in

sustaining these relationships through time and space.

6.4.2 Family as friends

Naming family members as friends has been found to be controversial. Not all

participants spontaneously included family members within their friendworks. During the

interviews, when participants were asked to name their friendworks, I clarified the requirement to

name whomever they consider to be friends. If participants did not include family members in

their friendworks, I specifically asked whether they considered any of their family as friends.

Therefore, I base my findings on the assumption that participants included most family members

they considered as friends within their friendwork. Fischer explained in his study: ―a relative,

even if he or she provides the same exchanges as a non-kin friend, will typically not be called a

friend‖. (1982b, p. 305). Some participants refused to relate to family as friends: ―I don‘t classify

my family as friends. I classify them as family‖ (Beverly, 76). In addition, in some cases, it was

quite difficult to draw the line between family connections and friendships, as commented by

Debra (46) about a distant family member who was also a friend: ―she‘s fun. She‘s interesting.

We have a few things in common. We are family. We have family in common, similar outlooks‖.

Eventually, only two participants did not name any family member (including life-

partners) within their friendworks. Excluding partners, four women in total (16%) reported

family-free friendworks. Yet, in most cases, participants included family members within their

friendworks, mostly close family members, especially siblings regardless of their residence

location. On average, participants reported two family members within their friendwork. A

maximum of four people (partners, parents, children42

and siblings) were included in over three

quarters of the friendworks. Half of the women included other family members (distant relatives

and relatives by marriage) within their friendworks. There was no consistency in family

inclusion, especially when considering parents and siblings. Some included only siblings, others

42 Only children over 18 years could be named in the case study as friends.


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named some siblings, both parents, or just one parent. While participants with adult descendants

tended to include their children in their friendwork, they were less inclined to name their parents

in their friendworks.

Participants commented warmly about those family members they considered to be

friends. They frequently associated a special fondness and closeness combined with lifelong

companionship to their relations with their familial friends: ―it's the family thing. Someone I have

known all my life, that kind of special sort of bond and shared history. But it is also actually a

friendship‖ (Elizabeth, 58). Participants regarded family friends as reliable, attentive and a source

of support in crises, as Doris (49) explained her relation with her sister: ―I love her dearly and she

has been a very good support to me and I have supported her for a long time. She is just my

beautiful sister‖.

Participants most commonly labelled siblings as friends. In line with previous studies

(Fischer, 1982b; Kalmijn & Vermunt, 2007), similar age contributes to the friendship bond. The

opposite case, naming friends as siblings, was also apparent: ―I consider him to almost like a

brother‖ (Dorothy, 66), ―we were very close… felt like sisters‖ (Suzanne, 45). Rubin (1985)

reported similar findings in her study.

Participants with living parents tended to include mothers rather than fathers in their

friendworks. Some participants thought that friendship with their mother was self-explanatory: “I

like her cause she‘s my mum‖ (Suzanne, 45). When reflecting on the friendship with her father,

Tania (52) emphasised his unconditional love and support:

He is beautiful. He is a wonderful father. He has always been a good father. He tells me

he loves me every time I talk to him.… He loves me all the time. He praises me, cares

for me, helps me. He‘ll do anything, anytime. He would drive here tonight, if I‘d ask

him. I‘ll say: ‗dad, I need you‘, he‘ll come immediately, anything at all.

Others refused to include their parents in their friendworks. When I asked Joanne (67) why she

excluded her mother from her friends list, she commented: ―well, my Mum is my Mum‖,

exemplifying again the tendency of not labelling relatives as friends, which was shared by few

participants, especially older women. Yet, Joanne chose to include her daughter-in-law in her

friendwork, viewing their relationship as reliable and supportive:


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The fact that she would be there if you need her… I would get emotional support from

her if I needed.... If there is something I am upset about, she would be concerned and

want to know: ‗is everything all right? Can I do anything?‘ sort of thing. (Joanne, 67)

Relationships with family members were quite common even though they may not have

been included in friendworks. The involuntary nature of relationships with family members

bounded by social norms has two important co-sequences for friendworks: some strictly separate

between those they choose to have social relations with (friends) and those they are expected to

have contact with (family); others succeed in transforming mandatory familial relationships into

voluntary connections and, hence, consider some of their family members as friends. The latter

pattern was more common among younger interviewees and might reflect generational

differences, though this requires further investigation.

6.4.3 Spouses as friends

Over two thirds of the case study women reported living with a partner. They all

included their life-partner within their friendwork. However, less than two thirds of those living

with a partner ranked their partners within the top ten names. One third named their partner first

in the list. Only two women considered their partners to also be their best friend.

Somewhat similar to the family case, participants regarded their relationship with their

spouses as a distinct social connection, not substitutable with female friends, family or best

friends: ―I would have started with not even thinking about my partner as a friend. But I have to

obviously add him‖ (Dorothy‘s comment when asking to name her network of friends). Fischer

commented on this phenomenon. Labelling a relation with a person as ‗romantic‘ also inhibited

defining that person as a friend (1982b, p. 305). Participants regarded their spouses as friends, but

they would not likely be the first name to come up when thinking of friends. Spouses occupied a

less dominant position within participants‘ friendworks.

Another interesting finding relates to women living without a partner. Though network

size did not differ depending on whether one lived with a partner or not, these women tended to

report a feeling of loneliness more often. A similar phenomenon was reported in a Dutch study

on social networks of elders (Dykstra, 1990).


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6.4.4 Neighbours as friends

Neighbour-friends43

are a good example of the impact of distance on friendship patterns.

Adjacent dwelling places resulted in friendship with neighbours, though only occasionally were

they regarded by participants as being especially close friends. Based on physical proximity,

some participants reported that neighbours were the first people they got to know once they had

moved to Ocean Shores: ―our neighbours, when we moved, immediately welcomed us and we

became friends with them. We are still friends with them‖ (Miranda, 60). On average, 8% of

friends lived within a walking distance. On average, participants reported three neighbour-

friends. A few participants mentioned that they had met other friends through neighbours. Hence,

relations with neighbours are twofold: as local friends and as social agents for establishing new

local friendships.

Neighbour-friends were especially important when ‗light‘ instrumental aid was required,

as recalled by Joanne (67): ―we had more of a neighbour friendship because Sam [Joanne‘s

partner] is very handy in doing things.... We sort of popped in and out of each others‘ houses‖.

Nevertheless, accessibility to neighbours made other participants draw a clear line between

friends and neighbours, as Elizabeth (58) did:

I've became acquainted with the neighbours in the street and I think that that is a distinct

thing from friendships, you know. So, I know quite a few people in the street. We're very

friendly with the neighbours that we got to know, but I guess I've always had a kind of a

thing. If you weren't already friends, then the real value in having a neighbourhood kind

of relationship, which means you don't have people kind of coming in and out of your

house when you're busy, you know. Like, if you got a friend living next door, you can

waste a lot of time with them. So I think this is a very specific relationship, and I really

like it; the role that neighbours play. Like, for instance, we got a veggie garden at the

front, so we take veggies over the road. We give them to the neighbours and the woman

across the road works at a nursery, so she brings me pots. So we have that kind of

connection and so it would be the same if somebody wanted some help with something

43 Neighbours in this study include people within a walking distance from the participants' place of dwelling.


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physically, you know, moving something, you would feel like go across the road to ask

someone.

Elizabeth distinguished between friendly relations with neighbours and friends. Each social

relation resulted in different benefits. Her definition of friend involved ―spend[ing] time in each

other's houses, socialising‖. Nevertheless, she nourished and sustained her neighbourly relations.

Most participants recognised the importance of good neighbourly relations. Beverly (76)

stated that life ―depends on your neighbours, always. Some neighbours are good and some are

bad. Some people don‘t know the meaning of the word neighbour‖. When I asked her the

meaning of the word neighbour, she explained: ―consideration, friendliness, being there for

whoever may need you, not necessarily in and out of houses, just being available. Like for

instance, the people at number 13‖. She was then asked whether the people at number 13 are

friends or neighbours and she replied; ―they are sort of both, friends and neighbours‖,

exemplifying the overlapping social roles of people within one‘s friendwork.

In conclusion, best friends, family members, spouses and neighbours are examples of

distinct friendship categories. This section highlights the diversity within friendworks and the

complexity in categorising people under distinct definitions. Nevertheless, best-friends and

partners were always regarded as friends, while family members were included within

friendworks to a lesser degree. Only a few neighbours were regarded as friends.

6.5 SPATIAL PROXIMITY AS A CATALYST TO SOCIAL PROXIMITY

Relocation results in alterations in friendworks, primarily due to changes in spatial

proximity to friends. Social ties with distant friends tend to weaken while local ties strengthen.

As people tend to befriend with nearby others (Festinger, Schachter, & Back, 1963; Mok, et al.,

2007), newcomers establish new spatially proximate friendships. The Ocean Shores case study

shows that the longer participants resided in Ocean Shores, the more local their friendwork was.

Spatial proximity between friends enables frequent face-to-face meetings, but also

influences the frequency of the overall communication. Participants reported interacting more

frequently with proximate friends via all four communication methods. This finding is in line

with previous studies (Boase, et al., 2006; Chen, et al., 2002; Quan Haase, Wellman, Witte, &

Hampton, 2002). Moreover, it was found that important and stronger ties tended to live closer to

one another (Larsen, Axhausen, et al., 2006). Spatial proximity leads to more frequent face-to-

face interactions with friends, which impacts on the intensity and significance of these social


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connections; people like most those they see most often (Festinger, et al., 1950; Greenbaum &

Greenbaum, 1985; Zajonc, 1968).

In order to question whether distance matters44

in contemporary friendships,

geographical distance from friends has been analysed. For each of their named friends,

participants stated the distance between their dwelling to their friends, based on six categories:

same dwelling, walking distance, five minutes drive, up to an hour drive, over an hour drive and

overseas45

. Figure 30 displays average number of friends by residence proximity. On average,

most friends live up to an hour drive away from participants (58%) and are considered nearby.

Figure 30: Mean number of friends by residence proximity (Source: case study, n=25)

However, when segmenting participants by the number of years living in Ocean Shores

to two groups of newcomers (living in Ocean Shores up to four years) and locals (living in Ocean

Shores over four years), distance differences are evident. As would be expected, and presented in

Figure 31, newcomers have fewer friends nearby (45% of friends reside up to one hour drive

away) than locals (59%). Most of newcomers‘ friends live at a distance46

in or outside Australia.

The percentage of friends in walking distance also increased in correlation with the duration

residency in Ocean Shores; 27% of newcomers‘ friends and 39% of locals‘ friends.

44 A paraphrase on the title of Mok, Wellman and Basu's (2007) paper on the connection between distance and social ties.

45 These categories were partially based on Mok, Wellman and Basu's (2007) study.

46 As most newcomers arrived to Ocean Shores from a distance (see Figure 23).


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Figure 31: Average distance from friends by number of years residing in Ocean Shores

Country of birth also correlated with geographical distribution of friends (Figure 32).

Eight women were born overseas (five in Israel, two in the US and one in New Zealand). Among

this group, the US-born had the highest number of friends abroad (14). On Average, overseas-

born participants reported having nine friends abroad. Australia-born participants reported on

average two overseas friends. This reverses when examining the number of friends living in

Australia over one hour‘s drive away. The Australia-born group had eight friends on average in

this category, while those born abroad had only two friends, on average. This supports the notion

that most participants kept up friendships from previous places, overseas-born as well as

Australian-born. There was no difference in friendwork size among Australian or overseas born.

It is important to note that those born overseas had lived, on average, less than four years in

Ocean Shores, while Australia-born participants had lived there for over ten years. This also

influenced friendworks‘ composition regarding spatial proximity.


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Figure 32: Percentage of friends segmented by distance - Australia vs. overseas born (Source: case study)

In conclusion, length of time living in a locality and the participants‘ country of birth

correlated with the number of close and distant friends. Overall, participants tended to establish

local friendships within their dwelling place. Participants who had lived in Ocean Shores for over

four years tended to have more local friends, while friends of newcomers mostly resided in their

previous dwelling location. Despite telecommunications, even nowadays, distance still matters.

There is a strong connection between friendworks and spatial proximity, especially over time.

6.6 CONCLUSION

This chapter highlights the role and practice of friendships in contemporary life. A

variety of related topics are addressed, including friendwork size, benefits of friendships, types of

friendship relations and the impact of spatial proximity on friendship patterns. Findings regarding

these topics vary and imply that practices of friendworks are primarily personal and subject to

personality characteristics. Findings about befriending, as described in the previous chapter,

similarly suggest that friendworks are individual choices customised by personal preferences.

The emphasis on individuals when shaping social relations is in line with contemporary

social network theories, originating from Tönnies‘ (2002 [1887]) term of gesellschaft where

individuals‘ self interests precede the importance of the larger association. In the modern

society, friendworks exemplify the concept of gesellschaft and suggest an alternative to more

traditional social relations such as family networks- Gemeinschaft (Tonnies, 2002 [1887]).

However, though egocentrically oriented, friendworks are about social connections.

Friendworks are created by individuals for their own benefit, though they also benefit others.


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Therefore, their impact grows beyond the individual level to the wider society. Friendworks

actually focus on connections rather than on individuals.

Friendship connections are voluntary. The voluntary aspect turns friendworks into

flexible constructs which could be adjusted to life circumstances, time and space. This

flexibility is a unique characteristic of friendworks. It does not apply to other sub-networks

such as family, work-related and neighbours, all of which are included within the

individual‘s social network but not necessarily considered as friends.

Along with the unique flexible construct of friendworks, specific benefits follow.

Friendworks provide a wide range of social support, requested, needed and voluntarily given

by individuals. This highlights the ‗work‘ aspect within friendworks. Having a friendship

involves caring, supporting, assisting, communicating and being concerned about others;

affective work that benefits both parties with instrumental support, companionship,

emotional support and reinforcement of self and social identity.

These benefits and support are mundane yet crucial and are, therefore, valued in

contemporary daily routines. This explains the strong positive emotions that participants

expressed when talking about their friends. Spatially proximate or distant, best friends or

companionship mates, the combination of various relations provides rich, robust and stable

support structures.

With the assistance of telecommunications, friendworks thrive regardless of

distance. When relocating, existing friendships play a significant role in providing support,

especially of the emotional and reinforcement-of-identity kind. Nevertheless, a new dwelling

location opens up new friendship opportunities. The local friendships strengthen the

newcomers‘ sense of belonging to the local community. Local friendworks mediate between

newcomers and locals, between individuals and the overall community. Together, local and

distant friends fulfill the social needs of individuals, providing support in an uncertain,

mobile social reality.

In line with the dominant role of communication and telecommunications among

friends, the next chapter further explores friendworks from a communication perspective. It is

suggested that communication practices within friendworks inform friendship patterns and

provide rich qualitative, as well as quantitative, data to evaluate friendworks.


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7Chapter 7: Communication within friendworks

Communication is an important aspect in friendships (Dare, 2009; Patrick & Metcalf,

2001). Without it, there is no friendship. It facilitates the establishment of friendship, and

maintains and sustains it. Such interactions expose the nature of friendships—their strength, the

support they provide, the preferred communication methods, the frequency of interactions and

more. Studying communication patterns within friendworks, therefore, provides an opportunity

to learn more about friendships.

People communicate with friends using a variety of communication methods. The case

study in this thesis focused on four common communication methods: face-to-face, fixed-

telephone, internet and mobile phone. This examination addressed the research question: how are

communication methods practiced within seachangers’ friendworks?. In response to this

question, practices of across-media communication with friends were examined while also

focusing on dominant and favoured methods of communication, the frequency of communication

with friends, the process of choosing a communication method and the emotional support that

interactions gave. Based on these findings, a model of communication within friendworks is

proposed. The chapter concludes with a discussion about the perceptions of participants in regard

to their interactions with friends. This chapter focuses on across media practices, excluding

mobile phone use, which is dealt in detail in the next chapter.

7.1 DOMINANT METHOD OF COMMUNICATION WITH FRIENDS

Face-to-face interactions are the dominant and favoured communication method within

friendworks (Ben-Harush, 2010). For each named friend47

, participants nominated face-to-face

communication (67%) as their preferred communication method48

when interacting with local

friends (those living up to 5 minutes drive away). The second most common method was the

internet (15%), primarily email. The third communication method was the fixed-telephone

(13%), while the least common method was the mobile phone (5%), as presented in Figure 33

(‗local friendships‘). The high percentage of face-to-face interactions is related to spatial

47 Based on the network of friends form (Appendix E ).

48 Participants completed a friendwork sociogram sheet during the interview. A sample of a completed sociogram is exhibited in Figure 22.


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proximity; participants experienced frequent face-to-face interactions mainly in local public

spaces, such as the supermarket, school, sports activities, the beach and home visits. Face-to-face

was also the most common method of communication among participants‘ overall friendworks,

regardless of distance (40%). The other communication methods were ranked in the same order

as for local friends, though in different ratios (internet 26%, fixed-telephone 22%, mobile phone

10%), as presented in Figure 33 (‗overall friendships‘). Analysis of the total number of friends

communicated by each method per participant, shows that for 14 of 25 participants face-to-face

(56%) communication was most dominant. Five participants mostly used the internet (20%) and

five others (20%) indicated mostly using the fixed-telephone. Mobile phone was reported as the

most common method by one participant (4%), as presented in Figure 33 (‗dominant

communication methods per user‘). When participants were asked in general which of the

communication methods they most commonly used49

, 47% reported face-to-face, 26% internet,

21% fixed-telephone and 4 % (one respondent) mobile phone (Figure 33, ‗participants‘ response

regarding the dominant communication method‘). When asked for their favourite communication

method with friends, regardless of practical limitations (such as distance, time differences and

cost), face-to-face interactions were most frequent (77%). However, the second favoured method

was the telephone (19%), followed by the internet (4%, 1 person). No participant nominated the

mobile phone as the most favoured communication method (Figure 33, ‗participants‘ response

regarding the favourite communication method with friends‘).

49 This inquiry was based on participants‘ perception of their most commonly used method, rather than on an empirical check based on the friendwork‘s sociogram as in the first three parameters of Figure 33.


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Figure 33: A comparison of mostly used and favoured communication method with friends (Source: case

study)

Based on these findings, face-to-face is the most practiced and favoured communication

method (local as well as distant) in friendworks. The preference for face-to-face encounters over

alternative communication methods has been repeatedly reported in previous studies (for

example: Baym, et al., 2004; Bordia, 1997; Dare, 2009; Hampton, et al., 2009; Mok, et al., 2007;

Pink, 2007; A. A. L. Reid, 1977; Wellman & Tindall, 1993). Reasons for this preference are

detailed shortly. Face-to-face interactions were particularly practiced within local friendworks, as

spatial proximity resulted in physical encounters. However, even within overall friendworks,

face-to-face interactions were mostly practiced. Participants reported mainly interacting face-to-

face with distant friends (all those living over 5 minutes drive away, including interstate and

overseas friends). However, a greater use of mediated communication methods was evident

among distant friends, particularly emails and the fixed-telephone.

The internet was found to be the second most practiced communication method within

overall and local friendworks. This finding is surprising, as in wide scale surveys, examination of

use of telecommunications shows that the fixed telephone is used more often than the internet

among local contacts (Figure 3) as well as among overall contacts when examined by gender

(Figure 4) and by age (Figure 5), although they show a preference for the internet over the fixed-

telephone for interaction at a distance (Figure 3). The case study participants who preferred using

the internet over the fixed-telephone present a distinct use pattern motivated by specific needs,

40%

26%22%

10%

67%

15% 13%

5%

56%

20% 20%

4%

47%

26% 21%

5%

77%

4%

19%

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

face-to-face internet fixed telephone mobile phone

n=25

Overall friendships

Local friendships

Dominant communication method per user

Participants' response regarding the dominant communication method

Participants' response regarding the favourite communication method with friends

Columns from left to right:


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such as a relatively large number of distant friends (42% of the average friendwork was

comprised of over an hour drive and overseas friends, as presented in Figure 30).

Preference for face-to-face encounters was even higher when participants were asked for

their preferred method regardless of practical limitations, highlighting the primacy and

desirability of face-to-face communication. Of interest is the contrasting tendency of users to

prefer the fixed-telephone over the internet as a perceived favourite method, though in practice

using the internet more often than the fixed-telephone.

The comparatively low preference for using the mobile phone when communicating

with friends, contrasts with previous studies reporting that the mobile phone was the most used

method for communication with social ties (Figure 3), or second to the fixed-telephone with

family and friends (Figure 4 and Figure 5).

Generally, use of communication patterns differed when comparing the case study with

national surveys (Pink, 2007, Figure 3 and Figure 4). This could be explained by the different

parameters examined. The ABS social survey asked about any mediated communication method

used (respondents could mark multiple answers) in the last three months, while the case study

specifically focused on the most dominant or favoured way of communication (only one method

in each category) regardless of time limit. Additionally, family and friends were explored in the

ABS social survey under the same category, while within the case study, only communication

with friends was examined.

Nonetheless, the deviation of the case study findings from the ABS social survey

strongly suggests that the case study findings do not fall within the national average. One way to

explain this is by questioning how representative the case study findings are. Perhaps the specific

social needs that characterise adult women in seachange communities are different to the

behaviour patterns of national samples.

7.2 FREQUENCY OF COMMUNICATION WITH FRIENDS

Participants communicate with friends in a wide range of frequencies from everyday to

less than once a month as presented in Figure 34. This analysis is based on the friendwork

sociogram sheet50

. Most participants (22 of 25) daily communicated face-to-face with at least one

50 A sample form is exhibited as appendix F .


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friend51

(and a maximum of three friends). Only three participants did not daily communicate

with any friend. These three did not share their dwelling with a partner. Across all

communication methods, the highest number of people contacted daily was five (by one

participant who daily contacted one friend face-to-face and four additional friends via the mobile

phone).

Figure 34: Frequency of communication with total number of friends (Source: case study, n=25)

Generally, participants communicated face-to-face with a larger number of friends than

they did via telecommunications, when interaction was frequent (everyday 58%, few times a

week 46% and once a week 56%). Most of these friends lived up to five minutes drive away.

This again confirms that when feasible, face-to-face interactions are practiced more frequently

than telecommunications. In cases of less frequent interaction (few times a month or less),

participants mostly used telecommunications, primarily the fixed-telephone, when contacting

friends once a month (40% of friends), and the internet when contacting friends less than once a

month (36% of friends). Overall, over two thirds of friends were contacted via the internet and

the fixed-telephone less than once a week. The least used communication method across all

frequencies of interactions was the mobile phone (Figure 35).

51 When living with a partner, he was always mentioned as one of the daily communication friends.

Everyday8%

Few times a week21%

Once a week19%

Few times a month

23%

Once a month

12%

Less than

once a month

17%


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Figure 35: Percentage of friends communicated by communication method and by frequency


The highest number of friends contacted weekly face-to-face (12) was reported by a

woman who regularly attended church once a week. Generally, participation in organised

activities (such as sports and hobbies, but also in picking up children from school or dropping

children at after school activities) correlated with frequent face-to-face interactions. The mobile

phone (mainly SMS) was used more when communicating with friends on a daily basis (15%).

The mobile phone was used most when contacting friends a few times a month (18%). Overall,

the percentage of communication via the mobile phone was the lowest in five out of six

categories of frequency. Letters were used only by four women aged 58-69 to occasionally

communicate with a total of eight of their friends (mostly once a year over Christmas time).

There seems to be a basic difference between face-to-face contact and

telecommunications. While face-to-face is most commonly practiced spontaneously and is

interwoven into participants‘ daily routine, the use of telecommunications involves

predetermined intentions, at least by one of the communicators. Hence the latter might reflect a

more refined and accurate examination associated with qualities of friendships, while face-to-

face interactions might more precisely indicate the impact of spatial proximity, rather than the

characteristics of the friendship per se. Nevertheless, as frequent communication correlates with

strong and meaningful ties (Fischer, 1982b), frequent face-to-face encounters strengthen

friendships, even if encounters are unintentional.

7.2.1 Communication with best friends

In total, 25 participants reported 26 best friends. Almost two thirds of best friends were

contacted frequently: a few times a week (39%), or everyday (23%). Emails were used most

58%46%

56%

31%21%

29%

12%19%

16%

26% 40% 23%

15%10%

5%18% 9%

5%

15%25% 22% 24% 30%

36%

7%

Everyday Few times a week

Once a week Few times a month

Once a month

Less than once a month

Post

Internet

Mobile phone

Fixed telephone

Face-to-face


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among frequently contacted best-friends (37%), followed by face-to-face and mobile phone (25%

each). The fixed-telephone was the least used method to frequently communicate with best-

friends (13%), as seen in Figure 36. The high percentage of frequent internet communication

could be explained by the often great distances between best-friends (as discussed in Section

6.4.1). When friends are contacted frequently, cost considerations play a major role in the

decision to use the internet over other communication methods.

Figure 36: Dominant communication method with frequently contacted (every day and a few times a week)

best-friends (Source: case study, n=16)

The mobile phone was used more often (25%) than the fixed-telephone (13%) when

frequently communicating with best friends, suggesting that mobile phones better suit the need

for communicating with friends with strong ties. Two-thirds of frequently contacted best friends

over the mobile phone were also locals. The fixed-telephone was the least used method among

best friends. This finding is surprising. Based on findings reported earlier, the most important

benefit of best-friendships is emotional support (see Section 6.4.1), which was found to be better

addressed with distant friends over the fixed-telephone (rather than the internet) due to its

synchronous nature (similarly to face-to-face conversations). Therefore, more frequent use of the

fixed-telephone was expected among best friends. The main reason that comes to mind when

explaining this finding is perceived cost. Using the fixed-telephone over a great distance

(interstate or overseas) was perceived as a considerable cost. This might explain why the internet

was used more frequently, although it does not explain why mobile phones, which are the dearest

form of communication, are used more often than the fixed-telephone when communicating with

best friends. The mobile phone‘s qualities of direct and immediate access ‗anytime anywhere‘

might account for the preference of mobile phones over the fixed-telephone when contacting best

friends, despite cost considerations, as explained by Tania (52): ―because she works full time, I

work full time. We never know where each other are after hours and we want to see each other

Email 37%

Face-to-face 25%

Mobile phone 25%

Fixed- telephone

13%


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almost every day‖. Cost considerations when using the mobile phone were expressed by the

preference to text rather than to call. Mobile phones were used more commonly with frequently

contacted local best friends, for brief interactions, usually associated with instrumental aid

motivations.

Use of communication methods with best friends slightly differs when including all best

friends in any of the frequency contact categories, as seen in Figure 37. Emails were even more

dominant in this case. Less face-to-face interactions were reported. Less mobile phone contact

was also evident, reinforcing the previous notion regarding the preference to use the mobile

phone with frequently contacted best friends. This has already been reported in previous mobile

phone research (Hampton, et al., 2009; Yates & Lockley, 2007). Additionally, in cases of

overseas best friends, using the mobile phone is usually much more expensive than using the

internet or the fixed-telephone. Among overall best friends, the fixed-telephone was the least

used communication method.

Figure 37: Dominant communication method with best-friends (Source: case study, n=25)

Participants reported that best friendships are highly significant and valued. This

explains two distinct characteristics of communication patterns among best friends: frequent

interactions and exchange of emotional support. Therefore, participants frequently used

telecommunications when interacting with best friends, primarily emails (with distant best

friends), but also the mobile phone (with local best friends). Emotional support was practiced by

two main patterns: traditional and contemporary. The traditional pattern of emotional support

involved long engaging conversations. These were still mostly practiced face-to-face (with local

best friends) or via the fixed-telephone (with distant best friends). The contemporary pattern of

emotional support concerned frequent brief interactions via the internet or the mobile phone,


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practiced mainly by younger participants with either local or distant best friends. This kind of

communication enabled constant reinforcement of emotional support in a cost effective way52

.

7.3 CHOOSING A COMMUNICATION METHOD

When there is a need to communicate with others, individuals process different factors

before choosing which communication method to use. This section presents some considerations

reported by the case study participants when choosing one communication method over another.

The reasons for preferring face-to-face interactions over other communication methods

are influenced by such characteristics of the method as: co-presence, visibility, audibility, co-

temporality and simultaneity (for details, see Section 3.6.3). The overall experience of face-to-

face interactions is richer than it is for other methods and results in stronger sensations.

Participants reported better feelings of enjoyment and closeness, richer conversations (―you can

talk about a lot more things‖), physical touch (―you can give them a hug‖) and an emotionally

stronger experience, as stated by Dorothy (66): ―much greater sense of closeness. You can reach

out and touch them. You can laugh together. You can see their facial expressions‖. Ella (36)

commented that ―face-to-face is much more personal. It allows better communication—a variety

of expressions of feelings, or more conversation topics. Usually Mmmm … it takes longer‖.

The fixed-telephone is characterised by audibility, co-temporality and simultaneity.

Those preferring face-to-face, but admitting that in practice they used the fixed-telephone,

explained: ―it‘s easier to make a phone call rather than get in the car and go and see them. I keep

in touch over the phone‖ (Beverly, 76). Most women clarified their preference by nominating

practical reasons: ―it is the cheapest and it is available‖ (Joy, 49), ―does not require pre-

coordination‖ (Ella, 36) and ―it is simply more convenient‖ (Ella, 36). When comparing face-to-

face, fixed-telephone and the internet, Dorothy (66) explains:

The telephone is somewhere in between. It‘s more like a conversation, because I am not

as deliberate and thoughtful as I am [when] doing email. But at the same time, you are

not seeing the person face-to-face. That‘s why skype [Voice over IP application] is such

a good thing because it‘s almost like being on the telephone, but you can see them. More

like face-to-face.

52 More about emotional support in Sections 7.4 and 8.6.


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Voice over IP applications enable communication based on converged visual, audio and textual

information and therefore offer an interactive experience closer to face-to-face interactions.

However, in practice, only few participants reported using such applications. All were overseas-

born with extensive friendworks abroad, suggesting again that cost is the main motivation for

using VoIP, which is cheaper than fixed-telephone calls, especially international calls. This

pattern is also found in the ACMA survey (2009b), as presented in Figure 9.

Suzanne (45) identified another advantage of the telephone: ―it‘s often good to be talking

on the phone ‗cause sometimes you can say things you don‘t necessarily say face-to-face‖. This

was also indicated by Moyal in her study over two decades ago (1989b). Caroline (37) noted:

―most of the time I don‘t have time to be with friends face-to-face‖. Holly (42) emphasised the

popularity of the fixed-telephone: ―it‘s part of life for local and distant contact‖, while Joanne

(67) reinforced this notion when relating to fixed-telephone use as a habit and ―you tend to stick

to habits‖.

Emails were the main internet application in use by the case study participants.

Preference for using emails was mainly associated with characteristics of sequentiality,

reviewability and revisability, and hence revolved around practical considerations. Participants

found the internet convenient: ―I don't like to call people late. You can send emails at any time‖

(Joanne, 67), and in another version—―we are both busy and you can read emails later‖

(Miranda, 60). Miranda also mentioned cost effectiveness in relation to the internet: ―I like emails

cause it's free‖, and Dorothy (66) emphasised that the internet is suitable for global

communication: ―with the American friends, because of time difference, email is ideal‖.

Additionally, Dorothy reported that emails allowed her to better express herself:

When you are emailing, you have the time to compose your thoughts, which I certainly

do. Most of my emails are fairly well thought out. I think: what would they like to hear

about? What interesting anecdotes could I tell them? I try to think of composing a

message that will actually amuse and inform them, which I don‘t think when I am

talking face-to-face. Face-to-face we just chatter. Email for me is more reflective and

thoughtful and deliberate.

For Dorothy, such qualities made the internet a very comfortable medium to use: ―email is so

much a part of my life that I feel much better about sending an email‖. Aligned with this attitude,

she describes her approach to the fixed-telephone:


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When the telephone rings, someone at the other end feels compelled to answer it. We are

like Pavlovian conditioning. We could ignore it, but most of the time we don‘t. So,

although the telephone used to be a major communication for me before the internet, it‘s

less and less, because of that convenience factor… I am always concerned that I will

interrupt someone else. I don‘t think that the telephone is as agreeable a communication

form as it used to be. I much prefer either face-to-face or email.

Dorothy is very decisive and keen in using emails and the internet in general over the fixed-

telephone. This is interesting since Dorothy is a retiree, and national findings show that the older

the person is, the more they use the fixed-telephone and the less they use the internet (Figure 5). It

is proposed here that, again, cost plays a key role in motivating users to embrace cost-effective

technologies that better suit their needs while overcoming age related challenges, specifically in

financially restricted scenarios. However, this needs further investigation.

Though the internet is the second most popular communication method with friends,

when focusing on communication with distant friends for emotional support only, fixed-

telephone conversations are preferred, after face-to-face. Some respondents do use emails for

emotional communication (usually reporting a certain condition or asking for advice), but ―it

feels more remote because the person is not right there‖ (Dorothy, 66). However, as in previous

telephone studies (Moyal, 1992; Rakow, 1992), the case study participants considered the fixed-

telephone as the closest substitute to face-to-face interactions, because it enabled simultaneous

feedback similar to face-to-face interactions, and was more commonly used than VoIP

applications for emotional support.

7.4 COMMUNICATING EMOTIONAL SUPPORT

All the case study participants confirmed that emotional support in general was

important to them. They all appreciated the emotional support they received from their friends.

For example, Janet (46) explained: ―getting emotional support is very important for me. I usually

communicate with my close girlfriends, my sisters and my boyfriend for this. My supporters are

very accessible—I am blessed to be very loved—my support group always have time for me‖.

Different dimensions of time and timing were indicated as important factors in many

responses relating to emotional support. Joy (49) indicated she needed ―time and space‖ for

emotional interactions. She referred to free time and private space. The perception that emotional

support requires long interactions was commonly shared by participants. Another aspect of

timing was expressed especially by those who were born overseas and kept close friendships and


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family relations abroad. They reported that their emotional supporters ―are not always accessible

enough because of time difference‖ (Dorothy, 66).

When examining the use of specific communication methods for emotional support,

participants primarily reported face-to-face: ―a hug can work better than thousand words‖ (Ruth,

40). Face-to-face interactions generated qualities that could not be replicated in a similar manner

while using mediated communication methods, such as physical contact, warmth, closeness and

intimacy. Hence participants preferred to primarily practice emotional support via such direct

interactions. This was also reported in another Australian case study by Dare (2009), of adult

women and their communication practices with friends.

When there is a need to communicate with distant friends for emotional support,

participants favoured the fixed-telephone: ―really big stuff I phone [landline] my sister in

Melbourne or my closest friend in Taree (Joy, 49). Skype (Voice over IP platform) was

mentioned as a preferred communication method when interacting for emotional support with

friends overseas.

No participant reported the mobile phone as being a primary method of communication

for seeking or rendering emotional support. Accordingly, when asked in the online survey about

primary usage of the mobile phone, none of the participants marked ‗emotional support‘.

Generally, women mentioned coordination or social support first, followed by work-related

reasons and personal use (e.g. calendar, alarm clock, internet browsing, games). Least mentioned

was the use of the mobile phone for life-saving situations and emotional support. A similar

pattern was found in Dare‘s study (2009). While email and SMS were considered suitable for

instrumental interactions, ―they are less likely to be considered an appropriate medium when a

more tangible form of emotional support is needed ... [these methods were used] predominantly

as supplementary channels of communication (Dare, 2009, p. 491). Residing in a seachange

community was associated with frequent face-to-face interactions, and participants used these

encounters to practice emotional support, alongside companionship and instrumental aid.

Overall, accessibility to alternative communication methods, especially the preference and ability

to meet face-to-face, fulfilled the need for emotional support without using the mobile phone.

Evidently most participants did not perceive the fact that they did not practice emotional support

over the mobile phone as problematic53

.

53 More about emotional support over the mobile phone in Section 8.6.


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7.5 MODELING COMMUNICATION PRACTICES WITHIN

FRIENDWORKS

Based on the findings presented in this chapter, a model reflecting communication

patterns within friendworks is presented in Figure 38. This model schematises friendworks by

strength of ties (strong or weak ties), spatial proximity (local or distant), interaction motivation

(emotional, instrumental, companionship) and used communication method (face-to-face, fixed-

telephone, internet or mobile phone). The following sections analyse four types of ties within

friendworks, based on the presented communication model (Figure 38): local strong ties, distant

strong ties, local weak ties and distant weak ties.

Legend:

F2F = face-to-face | TP = fixed-telephone | INT = internet | MP = mobile phone | IM = instant message

SMS = short messages service | VoIP = voice over the internet applications | SNS = social network sites

Figure 38: Communication methods used within the case study friendworks

(filtered by tie strength, spatial proximity and communication purpose)

7.5.1 Local strong ties

Among local strong ties are friends who participants marked as being especially close to

(among them are spouses, family members and best friends) and who resided in the same

dwelling, in walking distance or up to five minutes drive away. Participants practiced all four

types of communication methods to fulfil all three gratifications of social support (emotional,

instrumental and companionship) with these ties. This indicates that local strong ties are

contacted in the most diverse communication pattern, suggesting a ―redundancy of contact ...

[which] knit[s] together existing ties‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 291). Therefore, more

chances are that these relationships are constantly being maintained and will last over time. The


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three motivations of emotional support, instrumental aid and companionship are fulfilled via

diverse communication methods, suggesting that local strong ties provide affluent social support.

7.5.2 Distant strong ties

Among distant strong ties are friends who participants marked as being especially close

to and who resided over five minutes drive away. They included interstate and overseas friends.

Though most of these friends lived a great distance from the participants, women reported getting

all three types of support from such ties. The main difference was less frequent face-to-face

interaction. Mobile phone use was also scarce within this category of friends and was used only

for companionship. As was explained earlier, this might be related to the high costs of overseas

calls or the tendency to mostly call proximate contacts over the mobile phone, though service

tariffs are similar when calling a local or a distance interstate contact. The internet, primarily

email, was practiced with distant strong ties more than other communication methods, fulfilling

all three types of social support. The fixed-telephone was used within this category mainly for

emotional and instrumental (information) support.

7.5.3 Local weak ties

Among local weak ties are friends who participants marked as not being especially close

to and who resided in walking distance or up to five minutes drive away. Most often, under this

category were neighbours, parents of children‘s friends, members in shared organisations and

work-related contacts. This group of people could also be referred to as (a part of) the local

community. Most often, contact in this category was practiced in person for instrumental and

companionship reasons. The internet was also used to fulfil these two types of support. Fixed-

telephone use was evident in cases of instrumental aid. Often, no emotional support was provided

by this category of friend. Also, no mobile phone use was reported within these ties, implying

that mobile phones are used more often with close ties for domestic purposes (in contrast with

business related situations in which mobile phone use with weak ties is common).

7.5.4 Distant weak ties

Among distant weak ties were friends who participants marked as being not especially

close to and who resided over five minutes drive away, including interstate and overseas friends.

Often, distant weak ties were established while participants had lived elsewhere, which makes the

ties spatially proximate (local weak or strong ties). Virtual relations also fall under this category,

implying that spatial proximity is not a mandatory condition of the friendship. In many cases,

distant weak ties do not last over time, especially if relocation results in geographic distance

between friends. The only practiced communication method was the internet, for instrumental aid


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and companionship. Using the internet as a sole communication method resulted in limited

‗redundancy of contact‘ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 291), hence creating less diverse

opportunities for encounters that are required in order to strengthen social relations. Distant-

weak-ties most likely stay weak or dissolve.

The internet was found to be the most versatile communication method practiced among

all types of ties: strong, weak, local and distant. The mobile phone was the least versatile

communication method, used mainly among local strong ties for instrumental aid and

companionship reasons. Face-to-face was mostly practiced among local ties, influenced by

spatial proximity and the seachange lifestyle. In-person encounters were the most dominant

communication method for emotional support, while the fixed telephone and the internet were

used for emotional support among distant strong ties.

7.6 IS IT ENOUGH?

Most interviewees reported having enough interactions with friends. Participants

reported enough encounters with friends they met face-to-face on a daily basis. When discussing

friends with whom they have less frequent communication (once a week or a few times a month),

participants were more likely to report they would have liked more frequent communication.

Mainly, they stated they would like ―more face-to-face time‖, however, as Elizabeth (58)

expressed it: ―it's not killing me. I can always ring them up if I want to‖. From Joanne‘s (67)

point of view, the fixed-telephone did not completely substitute face-to-face conversations:

I miss her now because, yeah, just little things, because of the distance between us. It's

not quite the same speaking on the phone. But we are still very much involved in each

other's life… I know what she does and she knows what I do. We share.

Julia (69) accented cost issues which set a barrier for a more frequent communication:

―sometimes I like to contact her more, but I am aware of the cost. If I want to have a longer talk

with her, then I can have my 10 minutes for 22 cents after 8 O'clock at night54

―.

Since Linda (62) reported mainly communicating with her best friend via emails, she

pondered:

54 This option is a part of a fixed-telephone plan offered by Telstra, a national communication service provider.


Page 176

I probably would like to talk to her more. Just to hear how is she sounding because a lot

of her emails is just forwarding things and occasionally she'll write a thing and then I

fling back a note to her. A lot of times I don't know how things are going with her.

While most participants stated they have enough interactions or they wish to have more

communication with their friends, few participants mentioned they would have liked less

communication with their friends, as stated by Ruth (40) whose best friends lived abroad:

I wouldn‘t like to communicate with my friends more. Because of the distance, the

connection is not what I would like it to be. Even if I would have talked to them on a

daily basis, it would have hurt too much. I accept reality and try to find a local close-

friendship.

Another reason to wish for less communication with friends was associated with friendships of

commiseration, compassion and concern. This was evident when Clair (44) described her friend

as ―very taxing emotionally and mentally‖ and expressed her wish to communicate less with that

friend.

7.7 CONCLUSION

The communication perspective chosen for this thesis aimed at examining social

relations. Qualitative as well and quantitative data regarding communication practices

highlighted characteristics of adult seachange female friendworks. For example, frequent

communication reflected strong relations. Use of diverse communication methods with a

particular contact indicated a strong relation. Use of just one communication method pointed

towards weak ties, whether local via face-to-face interactions, or distant via the internet.

Additionally, communication practices exposed interaction dynamics. For example,

participants showed a clear preference to meet face-to-face with friends. When friends resided at

a great distance, the use of telecommunications was more frequently needed to sustain

relationships. Participants preferred to use the internet (mainly email), followed by the fixed-

telephone. The mobile phone was the least used communication method among friends.

All three social support motivations: instrumental aid, emotional support and

companionship were practiced with proximate and distant strong ties, though distance dictated

certain patterns: tangible assistance such as babysitting friends‘ kids, picking up the mail and

helping around the house could only be practiced face-to-face, while instrumental support from a


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distance was mainly restricted to information exchange. Companionship and emotional support

were experienced differently face-to-face than when mediated by telecommunications.

Lifestyle in seachange communities facilitated frequent face-to-face interactions which

were highly appreciated by seachangers. As most friends of locals lived nearby, most of their

social needs were fulfilled by face-to-face communication, while using telecommunications to a

lesser degree. Newcomers used telecommunications more often than locals when communicating

with friends. The overall diverse use of communication methods with local ties sustained and

strengthened them. Communication with local weak ties (the wider local community) mainly

fulfilled companionship and instrumental aid purposes and was practiced face-to-face, but also

via the fixed-telephone and the internet. These face-to-face encounters happened spontaneously

as a side effect of daily routine and practices rather than as an intentional act of communication.

Nevertheless, these by-the-way encounters maintained and strengthened local ties. In contrast,

use of telecommunication among friends was deliberate and usually associated with a predefined

purpose.

Importantly, most participants reported that they have enough interactions with their

friends, especially (and not surprisingly) with those they frequently meet. In cases of less

frequent communication, participants expressed their wish to meet more frequently in person.

These findings highlight the important role of face-to-face interactions and their

contribution to social relations, whether planned or spontaneous. These findings also emphasise

the important role of telecommunications, primarily the internet and the fixed-telephone, when

friends are geographically distant. Such situations are common in mobile populations and are an

inseparable part of contemporary society.

In contrast, the case study findings reveal a poor mobile phone use by the case study

participants. The next chapter specifically addresses these and other mobile phone related

findings. It provides a deeper analysis of mobile phone use by participants in order to better

understand the role of mobile phones among this population segment.


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8Chapter 8: Women and mobile phones

This chapter revolves around the last research question: How do adult seachange women

use the mobile phone? Generally, the answer is that the research subjects used the mobile phone

differently than the average Australian user. These women‘s mobile use pattern was lighter and

more basic, including mainly voice calls and SMS, mostly for coordination purposes. This is the

short answer to the last research question. The longer answer is discussed in this chapter and

focuses on different aspects of mobile phone use among the case study participants. Findings in

this chapter are based on the case study data collected by three different research methods: 1. an

online survey about mobile phone use which participants completed prior to their interview

(Appendix A ), 2. open questions addressing mobile phone practice during the interview

(Appendix C ), as well as 3. a mobile phone log consisting of ten recent mobile phone

interactions of each participant (Appendix D ). This data is compared with national surveys: the

AIMIA surveys55

(Mackay & Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009), the AMTA survey (Wajcman, et al.,

2008) and the ACMA reports (ACMA, 2008, 2009a), all focusing on mobile phone use patterns

of adult Australians.

Following an analysis of mobile phone ownership, payment methods and monthly

expenditure, used and ignored mobile phone applications are discussed. Next, findings regarding

who participants contacted over the mobile phone are presented. This is followed by an analysis

of motivations for interacting over the mobile phone, focusing on three main motivations:

coordination unrelated to paid work, socialising and work-related purposes. Within the

socialising category, emotional support practices are highlighted followed by another view of

motivational factors based on Leung and Wei‘s (2000) uses and gratifications approach. These

sections set the context for discussing the reasons for the minimal and basic mobile phone use

pattern of adult women in seachange communities.

8.1 MOBILE PHONES ADOPTION

All the case study participants, but one, used and owned a personal mobile phone. They

paid their own bills as monthly bill subscribers (56%) or prepaid customers (44%). This

proportion is similar to the nationwide statistics (ACMA, 2009a). The 2008 AIMIA survey found

55 Surveys details are presented in Section 4.6.3.


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that older mobile phone users tended to pay as monthly subscribers (Mackay & Weidlich, 2008,

p. 34). However, this tendency was not apparent among the case study participants. Taking into

account the considerably modest lifestyle in the research location (Kijas, 2003), the higher

percentage of prepaid customers within the case study, in relation to their older age, might be

explained based on the Australian Communications and Media Authority 2004-5 report which

states that prepaid services are ―especially popular with students and other people with low

incomes, as they help them manage their budgets and avoid getting into debt‖ (ACMA, 2005, p.

69). Financial constraints are an influential factor when choosing a mobile phone payment

method. Financial constraints motivating a particular communication pattern has already been

reported in regard to email use by older participants (Section 7.3).

When comparing the mobile phone monthly expenditure between the case study

participants and two of the AIMIA surveys, it is evident that, overall, the Ocean Shores women

spent less on mobile phones than the average Australian for women over 35 years of age. As

presented in Figure 39, 40% of the case study participants spent less than $20 per month on

mobile phone use, while 80% spent up to $50. The median expenditure of the case study

participants was $30. The 2008 AIMIA survey showed higher national Australian expenditure

rate: 16% spent less than $20, 68% spent up to $50 and 80% spent up to $80). Findings from the

2007 AIMIA survey of only women over 35 years (938 respondents) shows that this population

segment spent less money on mobile phone use than the national average, but more than the case

study participants. The 2008 AIMIA survey found that weekly income and monthly mobile

phone expenditure were related; those who earned less were likely to say they spent less on

mobile phone services (Mackay & Weidlich, 2008, p.32). This finding might explain the lower

mobile phone monthly expenditure pattern of the case study participants, as the local median

weekly income in Ocean Shores is lower by 27% than the national average (ABS, 2007a). Yet,

above all, these digressions from the national statistics indicate that the case study sample differs

in its mobile phone use patterns from the national average, pointing to the distinctive

characteristics of this sample, and possibly to a wider population segment of adult women that

requires particular attention.


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Figure 39: Mobile monthly expenditure – Compared data: 2007 AIMIA survey (only women over 35 years

old), all 2008 AIMIA survey respondents and the case study participants

On average, the case study participants had used mobile phones over eight years.

Fourteen of the 25 participants (56%) reported that they were the dominant mobile phone user in

the household, while one quarter of respondents were the only mobile phone user in the

household56

. Eight participants (31%) stated that their partner was the dominant mobile phone

user, using the mobile phone mostly for business and work-related purposes. The other three

respondents reported a child as the dominant mobile phone user in the household—teenagers

who used the mobile phone mainly for social purposes to contact friends, but also to stay in touch

with family members. In general, only children over 12 years were reported by participants as

using mobile phones. Over half (56%) of the participants perceived themselves as light mobile

phone users. One third evaluated themselves as medium users. Only one participant rated herself

as a heavy user and reported using the mobile phone ten times a day. Medium users reported

making calls and sending SMS over the mobile phone four to 13 times a day. Light users

reported using the mobile phone between seven times a day to once a week.

8.2 USED AND IGNORED MOBILE PHONE APPLICATIONS

Participants were asked to estimate their frequency of use of a few mobile phone

applications including: voice calls, SMS, alarm clock, calendar, voicemail, MMS (Multimedia

56 Usually in cases of participants living alone or being single parents of young children.

8

16

18

14

11

22

6

1

2

1

6

10

19

13

12

26

8

2

2

2

8

32

12

8

20

16

4

0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35

<$10

$11-$20

$21-$30

$31-$40

$41 - $50

$51-$100

$101-150

$151-$200

$200-$300

>$300

%

Case study 2008 survey (all) 2007 survey (women over 35 yrs old)


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Messaging Service), photo shooting, internet browsing, email, video calls, moblogging, instant

messaging, music and games. The results are presented in Figure 40.

Figure 40: Frequency of use of mobile phone applications (Source: case study, n= 26)

As reported in other studies (Kennedy, Smith, Wells, & B., 2008; Mackay & Weidlich,

2009; Wajcman, et al., 2008), voice calls were the most frequently used mobile phone feature

(see also Figure 13). All case study participants used voice calls in differing frequencies from

quite a few times a day to few times a month. Using SMS was almost as frequent as voice calls.

This application was used by more participants on a daily basis than voice calls, again reflecting

the influence of financial constraints on usage, as all participants were aware of the fact that SMS

was cheaper than voice calls. Nevertheless, two participants reported that they had never used

SMS. The AIMIA survey (Mackay & Weidlich, 2007) found that respondents texted friends

(91%) more than family (81%) or work colleagues (59%). This survey also found that females

communicated more frequently via SMS (96%) than men (90%). Texting friends more than

family members was also evident in the case study sample.

There was a drop in the frequency of use of other applications. Additional features in use

by popularity included: voicemail, photo shooting, alarm clock, and calendar. The voicemail

service was used by nearly half of the participants. Conversely, over half of the case study

participants never used this service (or did not understand what voicemail referred to). Two thirds

of participants took photos a few times a month. Two thirds of the participants used their mobile

phone as an alarm clock, while one third never used this feature. Two thirds of the respondents

had never used the calendar feature. Frequency of calendar use varied from once a day to few

times a month.

I don't know this feature

I have never used this feature

Few times a month

Once a week

Few times a week

Once a day

Few times a day

Quite a few times a day


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The rest of the features (email, instant messaging, games, internet browsing, video calls,

MMS, music and moblogging) were hardly used or were unfamiliar to most participants. Of

particular interest are entertainment features such as games and music which are very popular

among younger audiences (Watkins, 2009). Such features do not necessarily appeal to the case

study population segment nor, possibly, to older populations in general. Alternative explanations

for the scarce use of these applications might be related to lack of knowledge required to operate

the features. Further research would clarify this matter.

Figure 41: Twenty two of the 26 mobile devices of the research participants

Most of the unfamiliar or unused features require 3G mobile devices (third generation:

applications that involve online data exchange over the mobile phone). While 3G service was

partially available in the case study area, most mobile devices used by participants were basic and

suitable for basic applications only (see Figure 41). Nevertheless, even when participants owned

a ‗smarter‘ mobile phone, the advanced applications were not used. Participants clung to voice

calls and SMS, while ignoring more advanced applications. An interesting remark was expressed

by Julia (69) when asked about internet browsing: ―occasionally my phone beeps at me and says:

‗you can do a free browse on your internet‘. Well, I'm not madly keen on looking at a little screen


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like this‖. Julia‘s remark highlights the mismatch of this application to her needs. She was aware

of more advanced mobile phone features, though knowingly chose not to use them.

8.3 WHO DO YOU CONTACT VIA THE MOBILE PHONE?

Nearly half of the participants (48%) reported primarily contacting their partner using a

mobile phone57

. Even when not living with a partner, three of seven single participants reported

contacting ex-partners primarily via the mobile phone. Other participants reported primarily

communicating with their children over the mobile phone (39%). Only three participants (12%)

reported primarily contacting friends. None of the participants mentioned work-related people as

primary contacts. Friends were commonly identified as secondary contacts (50%), followed by

children (22%) and work-related people (17%). The latter were also the most common contacts

as a third priority of communication over the mobile phone (57%). Generally, participants

primarily contacted partners, then children, followed by friends and, finally, work related

contacts, as presented in Figure 42.

Figure 42: Participants‘ primary person of communication over the mobile phone


Then the actual number of interactions by type of contact (partner, child, other family,

friends and work colleagues) was examined. This was based on the mobile phone log which

provided quantitative data. Most interactions (39%) were held between friends. Children were

communicated more (24%) than partners (15%). Overall, interactions with family members

57 This data was collected in response to the question: "who do you usually communicate with over the mobile

phone" (Appendix C ). Therefore findings are based on participants' perceptions rather than on an empirical

examination (that was based on the mobile phone log and is described later on). Findings are also influenced by

the perceived significance in communicating specific contacts, rather than on a quantitative figure of the sum of interactions.


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(partner, children and other family) accounted for 50% of the interactions. Work colleague were

least communicated (4%), as presented in Figure 43.

Figure 43: Percentage of overall mobile interactions by type of contact (Source: case study, n=26)

A comparison (Figure 44) between the mobile phone log data of the case study (218

interactions) and the AMTA survey data (13,978 calls made, findings presented in Figure 15)

regarding who respondents contacted over the mobile phone, shows a higher proportion of

interactions by female respondents to family members in the AMTA survey (54%) than the case

study (50%). Within the family category, partners were most frequently contacted (18% in the

AMTA survey, 15% in the case study), followed by children (13% in the AMTA survey, 24% in

the case study) and other family (23% in the AMTA survey, 11% in the case study). There are

clear differences between the studies. Higher proportions of friends were contacted by the case

study participants (39%) than the female respondents within the AMTA survey (25%). More

interactions were made with work-related contacts by women within the AMTA survey (14%)

than within the case study (5%). All other interactions consisted of 6% of the case study

interactions and 7% of the AMTA survey (including calls to voicemails, which were not

examined in the case study).


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Figure 44: Contacted people over the mobile phone, a comparison of the case study and the AMTA survey

(Wajcman, et al., 2008) mobile phone logs

Based on the AMTA survey, Australian women make more calls to other family members and

work-related contacts than the case study participants, while the Ocean Shores sample

proportionally communicates more with their friends and children than the AMTA survey female

respondents. These variations are explained here by the dominant role that friends play within the

daily routine of women from this coastal community. The different results of the two studies are

also influenced by several other factors including: age range, population distribution, sample size

but also particular lifestyle in the case of Ocean Shores‘ participants. Following the review of

mobile phone adoption, used applications and contacted people over the mobile phone, the next

sections focus on needs, motivations and rationale for communication over the mobile phone.

8.4 WE DON'T RING AND SAY: "I LOVE YOU DARLING", NOT

ANYMORE58

Previous telecommunication studies present evidence for use motivation. Drawing on

Moyal‘s women and the fixed-telephone study (1989b), there are two main telecommunication

use motivations: instrumental and intrinsic. While instrumental calls were found essential to run

the household, the majority of the fixed-telephone interactions on Moyal‘s study were identified

as intrinsic calls. They took longer (20 minutes on average in comparison with 2 minutes for

instrumental calls) and most importantly, facilitated ―well-being, harmony, and community co-

58 A remark by Rebecca (45) when asked about her motivation to use the mobile phone.


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operation‖ (Moyal, 1989b, p. 93). Years later, this kind of communication use over the mobile

phone is associated with affective and immaterial labour (Fortunati, 2009), social capital (Hjorth,

2009b) and intimacy (Wajcman, Bittman, & Brown, 2009).

The distinction between instrumental and intrinsic interactions was found too general for

the purposes of the Ocean Shores case study, as different motivations were included within the

same category. Instead, another type of interaction: ‗work related‘ has been added, as paid

interactions result in a different communication pattern to domestic coordination practices.

Therefore, three main motivations for mobile phone use have been identified: coordination

(unrelated to paid work, equivalent to Moyal‘s instrumental calls), socialising (equivalent to

Moyal‘s intrinsic calls) and work-related (paid interactions). Coordination involved interactions

of an informative and operational nature aimed at managing the daily domestic routine of

participants. Socialising purposes include detailed conversations, intimate discussions,

companionship and emotional support. These interactions were unrelated to paid work.

When completing the mobile phone log, participants classified a rationale for each of the

documented interactions, as presented in Figure 2159

. Based on this data, over half (58%) of 216

mobile phone interactions were motivated by coordination purposes. Socialising purposes

accounted for 33% of all interactions, while 9% of interactions were motivated by work

purposes, as presented in Figure 45.

59 The actual form included five categories of interaction rationale: life saving, coordination, socialising, work

related and other. However, only few interactions were identifies as ‗life saving‘ or ‗other‘ (less than 1% of all interactions). Therefore, this section focuses only on the three main categories.


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Figure 45: Percentage of mobile phone interactions by motivation (Source: case study, n=25)

When sorting all interactions by types of contacts and by motivation of interaction,

coordination is the dominant reason for most interactions, excluding communication with work-

related contacts, other family and siblings, as presented in Figure 46. Notably communication

with friends motivates over half of the interactions (53%) for instrumental coordination while

39% for socialising purposes. Socialising was the most dominant communication rationale

between other family members and siblings (75% on average).60

60 Importantly, the mobile phone log of the total reported interactions of the sample consisted of over three times more interactions with friends (88 interactions) than with other family members and siblings (24 interactions).


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Figure 46: Purposes of mobile phone interactions by types of contacts (Source: case study, n=25)

Most commonly, mobile phone research discerns between personal and work use of

mobile phone (Figure 12) or examines contacted people by focusing on family, friends, and

work-related contacts (Figure 15). However cross reference of both variables as conducted in this

case study, is not reported elsewhere. The case study findings‘ analysis of both factors

emphasises that people communicate with their contacts for various reasons; 11% of calls to

partners were work-related, 10% of interactions with work-related contacts were for socialising.

Over half of the interactions among friends were motivated by coordination purposes. Focusing

only on one of the two variables overgeneralises mobile phone use and leads to a more simplistic

view and analysis of mobile phone use.

Rebecca (45) explained this coordination-motivated use pattern when communicating

with her partner: ―I probably talk to Tim [her partner] a lot over the mobile phone organising

stuff. It's the running of the household and the family. There's practical things. We don't ring and

say: ‗I love you darling‘, not anymore [laughs]‖. Rebecca pinpointed three important aspects: 1.

the social roles of most participants as mothers and wives, which is most commonly expressed by

running the household and being responsible for most of their children‘s affairs, affected their

pattern of mobile phone usage, therefore, 2. they all used the mobile phone extensively for

coordination purposes. Moreover, 3. they barely used the mobile phone for expressive (phatic)

communication, in which feelings of empathy, contact, affection and care are communicated

(Geser, 2004; Srivastava, 2005). This latter purpose, which falls under social and sometimes

emotional support, is especially popular among younger mobile users (Ling & Yttri, 2002;

Sørensen, 2006). It seems that the dominant adolescent need for this type of affection reflected by

phatic communication does not apply to the researched adult women and, perhaps to wider adult


Page 190

populations, in the same intensity as it does to younger audiences, though this requires further

investigation.

This preference for practical uses like locating family and friends, coordinating and

interacting with work-related contacts over social interactions and, particularly, emotional

support was evident following data analysis of the online survey. Participants were asked to

classify the significance of selected social practices over the mobile phone. Findings are

presented in Figure 47, sorted by level of significance. Of these activities, all participants ranked

‗being able to locate close family members‘ as being very important or important. The second

most important activity was ‗being able to contact friends‘, then ‗interaction with people for work

purposes‘61

, followed by two quite similar results for ‗coordination of family related activities‘

and ‗coordination of activities with friends‘. Next, participants ranked ‗sustaining family

relationships‘ and ‗building and maintaining friendships‘. The last three activities which fell

under the emotional support category: ‗getting emotional support‘, ‗reinforcing self-confidence‘

and ‗working through personal feelings‘ were ranked lowest in importance when participants

reflected on their mobile phone practices.

61 This contradicts earlier findings presented in Figure 45, which are based on the mobile phone log, according to

which work purposes were the least common reason for communicating over the mobile phone with a partner,

children and friends, and the more widespread findings that indicate that mobile phones are used more commonly

for personal rather than work matters (Figure 12). Except for the work-related category in Figure 46, mentioned

types of contact included minor work-related interactions; hence findings reflected lower work-related practices.

Figure 47 exhibits participants‘ perceptions of their general mobile phone usage within which work purposes

were regarded as being more important than some social support practices (including instrumental and emotional

support purposes). The variations in findings emphasise differences between actual and perceived use, and highlight the need for further research among wider audiences.


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Figure 47: Sorting mobile activities by significance (Source: case study)

A certain time related pattern was evident in this data; shorter-time activities (of the

‗contacting‘ and ‗coordinating‘ type) were more commonly ranked as more important than

interactions requiring more time (of the ‗sustaining‘, ‗building‘, ‗maintaining‘ and ‗reinforcing‘

type). The shorter-time-activities were also interactions that could be quite effectively

communicated via text messages (SMS), which might have been a more comfortable method in

certain situations and are often cheaper than voice calls. Following the popular perception that

‗time is money‘, emotional support interactions were translated into higher mobile phone

expense. This issue, among others, is discussed in Section 8.6, which highlights findings

regarding emotional support.

Following the dominant pattern of coordination activities over the mobile phone, it is

worthwhile posing a few clarifications. First, the overall case study findings indicated that

participants maintained a vibrant social life, showing that socialising is still a significant feminine

need. Second, participants reported that social occasions were frequent and face-to-face. They

also reported using the internet and the fixed-telephone to gratify their need for long interactions,

though the mobile phone was barely used for this purpose. Third, participants socialised over the

mobile phone with friends, though interactions were typically brief and mostly textual (SMS).

The Ocean Shores participants were found to proportionally communicate more with friends over

the mobile phone than has been reported in the national AMTA survey (Wajcman, et al., 2008);

however, the motivation for communicating was mainly for coordination purposes, which in


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many cases resulted in face-to-face meetings. In this way, mobile phones indirectly facilitated

interactions, as was evident when Janet (46) read one of her received text messages aloud: ―I am

just so sad and lonely, can I come over now and have a cuppa?‖.

8.5 USES AND GRATIFICATIONS OF MOBILE PHONE USE

Coordination, socialisation (including emotional support) and work-related motivations

represent some of the participants‘ reasons for using the mobile phone, thus implying that mobile

phones have impacted their lives to some extent. Participants‘ responses could also be classified

under Leung and Wei‘s (2000) categorisation of seven motives and gratifications sought in

mobile phone use, namely: mobility, immediate access, instrumentality, affection and sociability,

reassurance, fashion and status, and relaxation. Coordinating and work-related reasons for using

the mobile phone refer to Leung and Wei‘s (2000) category of instrumentality, while

socialisation relates to the affection and sociability gratification. Most participants‘ remarks

regarding the impact of mobile phones on their life could be classified within Leung and Wei‘s

gratification categories.

Quite a few participants reported mobility aspects of mobile phone use. Ruth (40), for

example, explained her perception of mobility when using the mobile phone:

[It] allows more freedom in going out. If the kids or the partner are looking for me, they

can contact me. Secondly, I could communicate even when I am not at home. Clients can

contact me for work purposes. Friends can always reach me. It provides wider

communication options to life, and that‘s a positive thing.

Lisa (53) mentioned immediate access concerns: ―it made me much more accessible and

that‘s a good and a bad thing. I wonder, how do we find each other in big crowds without the

mobile phone? Even in shopping centres, you ring if you don‘t know where someone is‖. Janet‘s

(46) testimonial referred to both mobility and immediate access in her role as a mother to young

children:

It made me feel that I could go and explore things and do things and still be accessible.

So, in a way, it‘s sort of like a babysitter.... It meant that I could have them when I

wanted if I needed to.


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Some respondents associated immediate access with life saving situations: ―…because you know

that wherever you are, you can be contacted. If something happens, people can reach you‖

(Olivia, 60).

Instrumentality was evident in two main situations: when coordination is needed and in

work (paid) related situations. Rebecca (45) commented on coordination via mobile phone: ―it's

easier. It's very handy, very convenient. Makes life a bit easier to organise and sometimes you

think it wastes time, but actually it saves you a fair bit of time‖. Most women who lived with

partner and children acknowledged the advantage of using mobile phones, as stated by Doris

(49): ―it's much easier to get hold of my son‖. She also emphasised another instrumental aspect

when discussing communication patterns with her ex-partner (her son‘s father):

With my ex, I only use text. I tell him that in cases of emergency, he doesn't ring me,

because then, I can have a conversation that we are both aware of that isn't easy

conversation. So I use it [the mobile phone] both as a defence and as a contact method.

In this case, text messaging functioned as a practical buffer between people who had to

communicate but wished to do so with minimal emotional impact. This use pattern was

particularly relevant to separated women whose ex-partners were also their children‘s parent (5

of 26 women, 19% of the case study sample62

). Instrumentality is also a dominant aspect of

work-related communication. Kathy (39) recalled her much more active mobile phone usage in

the past:

I used the mobile phone much more often when I lived in Israel. I was working full time

back then and the phone was given to me by my employer, for work purposes. I used the

mobile phone to be accessible to others, mainly for work purposes but obviously, it made

me accessible also to family and friends. I could be more efficient; contacting people

while on the move.

A few participants mentioned affection and sociability aspects of mobile phone use.

Tania (52) enthusiastically noted:

62 According to ABS (2007a), 25.5% of the Ocean Shores families are one parent families compared with 15.8% Australia wide.


Page 194

I had realised that via the mobile you have daily contact with them [friends]. Live in their

lives day to day: ‗what kind of day have you had? Oh, bad day‘. It‘s so personal and

intense. It intensifies our relationships. Cause I can ask each of my friends: ‗what are you

doing? How are you feeling? Did you buy a new dress? What colour is it? What are you

having for dinner? Do you want to meet me in town?‘ Yeah…

Joanne (67), one of the oldest participants, frequently travelled interstate and said that the

mobile phone made communication with friends ―more pleasant. It stopped me having to go buy

postcards.... I like to keep in touch‖. Another sociability aspect was expressed by Joy (49): ―your

kids are growing up, their needs are changing. So you kind of try to fit into their world in that

way [using the mobile phone to communicate with them]‖. Lastly, Clair (44) said that

communication via text messages helped her to have more contact with her friends: ―I still have

that shyness about making the initial phone call, whereas in SMS, I can do it without having that

kind of [inhibited] contact‖.

Reassurance aspects, mainly of safety and security issues, played a major role in

participants‘ decision to carry mobile phones when outside their home and to use them in times

of need: ―the security that you've got as emergency backup if you got stranded somewhere‖

(Linda, 62). Janet (46), a mother to two teenagers, also related to another reassurance aspect: ―I

don‘t want to limit their [her children] mobile calls because the one time that there is danger and

they need it, they can‘t use it. They can‘t ring you‖.

Though most participants provided interesting and diverse perspectives on the impact of

mobile phones on their life, there was no evidence to two of the seven gratification categories of

Leung and Wei‘s (2000): fashion-and-status and relaxation. When specifically asked whether

mobile phones helped them to look fashionable, all participants dismissed this statement: Joy

(49) commented: ―That's the furthest thought from my mind [laughs]‖. Beverly (76) laughed and

said: ―it‘s ridiculous‖. Janet (46) was seriously questioning: ―did someone say yes to that?‖ The

main advice on this issue was given by Doris (49): ―you need to meet someone younger. Ben

[her 18 years old son] would look at my phone and go: ‗it's prehistoric Mum. It's 3 years old‘‖.

This gratification which is common among younger age groups (Ling, 2004; Shade, 2007) and

urban populations (Fortunati, 2002a) did not apply to the case study participants at all (a look at

their mobile phone devices presented in Figure 41 can confirm this). Relaxation practices,

including use of the mobile phone as an entertainment device was rarely mentioned by

participants, as discussed in Section 8.2.


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Evidence for most gratifications suggests that mobility, immediate access,

instrumentality, affection and sociability and reassurance are relevant needs of adult women in

seachange communities. Nevertheless, the overall use pattern was basic and practical, primarily

motivated by coordination / instrumental purposes. In the next section, I examine in further detail

one particular communication motivation which was significant to the Ocean Shores participants,

yet was barely practiced over the mobile phone: emotional support.

8.6 EMOTIONAL SUPPORT OVER THE MOBILE PHONE

Most participants referred to the mobile phone as a working tool, mainly facilitating

domestic practices related to management of the family, the home and their social life. Their

conservative use pattern somewhat contrasts with recent studies which highlight ―new forms of

intimacy and labour‖ (Hjorth, 2009a), namely affective and immaterial labour (Fortunati, 2009),

and social capital (Hjorth, 2009b), which are reproduced while using affective technologies such

as the mobile phone (Lasen, 2004). While Hjorth (2009a) reports on the emergence of ―imaging

communities‖, unofficial forms of reterritorialisation and redefinitions of hyperfemininity, the

Ocean Shores findings show quite the opposite. Most participants used the mobile phone for

practical, traditional reasons within their defined, territorial community and close family.

In line with this pattern and the generally traditional perspective of their social life, most

participants stated that they barely used the mobile phone for emotional support (see Section 7.4),

preferring other communication methods, most notably, face-to-face. Some women emphasised

the importance of privacy and ―quiet, reflective time‖ (Kathy, 39) while having emotional

support interactions. In the eyes of these women, using the mobile phone ―on the run‖ and in

public areas classified the mobile device as inadequate to ―conduct conversations about personal

problems or issues‖ (Dorothy, 66). This indicates that participants‘ perceived the mobile phone as

‗anywhere anytime‘ technology; hence it was constructed as a more public communication tool,

rather than one of intimacy or privacy.

Throughout the interviews, older participants were more likely to be concerned about the

social mores of the general use of the mobile phone. This was evident when specifically referring

to emotional support conversations, as stated by Miranda (60): ―I have heard young women and

girls using their mobile phones for this purpose and discussing very personal issues in public. My

age group probably finds this behaviour inappropriate‖. It seems that emotional support becomes

something more private for older women, thus they are more likely to use other methods; hence

they also find it difficult to accept others publicly using the mobile phone for this purpose.

Generally, age is found to be associated with certain behaviour patterns over the mobile phone

(Fortunati, 2009; Hjorth, 2009b; Ling & Haddon, 2003; Ling & Yttri, 2002). Different needs and


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gratifications of different age groups lead to very different behaviour patterns. It is suggested that

use of the mobile phone for emotional support is also influenced by age. This needs further

attention from scholars who either focus on young age groups or conduct nation-wide surveys

that to a large extent lead to an overgeneralisation.

Among the few women who stated that not having emotional support over the mobile

phone was problematic, a concern about the effectiveness of a busy lifestyle was raised. Ella (36)

thought that women could use the mobile phone more effectively for emotional support purposes

when ―driving the car or waiting for the kids to finish school‖ as ―often, women are very busy ...

most often women will not share their feelings or get emotional support as they do not have

enough time to share it with other women. This may increase the loneliness feeling in their life‖.

Feelings of loneliness and isolation were concerns expressed also by Laura (61): ―women can

feel ... isolated in times of great need of emotional support. This feeling of isolation can have a

detrimental effect spiritually, psychologically and on social well-being‖. Often participants

mentioned they were busy or that they were not wishing to impose on other ―busy people‖; on

the other hand they also commonly practiced face-to-face interactions and reported getting

enough emotional support. The perception and practice of sufficient emotional support is a

personal matter depending on personality, social roles and self perception. Therefore, it is

challenging to propose a conclusive position in this matter. However, as contemporary life tends

to be perceived as hectic and as emotional support has already been flagged as vital to

individuals, this issue would greatly benefit from further study among wider populations in

different life circumstances, particularly in urban environments.

The concern of loneliness and feeling of isolation when not using the mobile phone to

facilitate emotional support is associated with a concern about immediacy, as expressed by

Dorothy (66):

If they aren't using their mobile phones for this purpose [emotional support] then they

possibly aren't reaching their sources of emotional support as easily. With a mobile

phone, women can reach their friends and partners readily.... That is, a woman can call a

friend at any time with some assurance that the person will answer. This may be

especially important if the need for emotional support is urgent.

Often, need for emotional support is spontaneous, urgent and crucial. The mobile phone

is ideally designed to facilitate such scenarios as it can be used spontaneously, ‗anytime

anywhere‘, while generating immediate contact. Nevertheless, participants hardly used their

mobile phone for this purpose.


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Some participants raised anxieties about the health effects of mobile phone usage

(radiation), discomfort (―it heats your ear‖) and unreliability (―poor connections or areas with

minimal or no signals‖) in order to explain why they refrain from using the mobile phone for

emotional support. These reasons were directly related to the perception that emotional support

interactions are especially long.

An instrumentally oriented use pattern of communication technologies, as was evident in

the Ocean Shores case study, has been associated in previous studies with light users. In line with

this argument, Leung (2001) found that heavy users of online chat were motivated by intrinsic

goals of sociability and affection, while light users were instrumentally motivated, tending to chat

online for entertainment or appearances sake. Reid and Reid (2007) suggest that similar patterns

apply among mobile phone users; light mobile phone users are motivated by instrumental

purposes.

However, the main reason most commonly given by participants in this study for not

using the mobile phone for emotional support was cost. Participants often associated emotional

support with lengthy interactions, which meant that emotional support was too expensive when

practiced over the mobile phone. This aspect is the focus of the next section.

8.7 WHY SUCH A MINIMAL USE AND WHY INSTRUMENTAL?

Several reasons explain the minimal instrumental use of the mobile phone in the female

friendworks analysed here. Among these are: lifestyle in a coastal community, older age and

social roles of participants, and social norms of coordination in contemporary life.

The wider context of relocation and life in a seachange community affects participants‘

lifestyle. When people relocate, they do not have many local friends: ―I didn't know anyone in

Ocean Shores when I moved in.... I probably had only two good friends at that time‖ (Doris, 49).

Holly (42) reported: ―I didn‘t really have anyone to call to other than my partner‖. Additionally,

coordination over the mobile phone, which was found as the dominant motivation for mobile

interactions (see Figure 45) is not crucial in seachange communities (contrary to cities), due to

common face-to-face interactions. Hence, mobile phone use remains minimal for adult

seachange women. This was reported by Ella (36) when asked about her current mobile phone

use after moving from a big city and settling in Ocean Shores: ―today I am a prepaid customer....

I talk much less. The calls are shorter and much less frequent‖.

Additionally, as indicated in previous studies, age correlates with ownership percentage

of mobile phones (Figure 10), which is lower among older users than for other age groups and is

characterised by certain behaviour patterns. For example, Ling and Yttri (2002) connected


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ownership of mobile phones among elderly mainly with safety and security considerations.

Explanations for a minimal mobile phone use pattern among older populations revolved around

lack of the skills needed when using the mobile phone, relatively high costs for lower-income

population segments and ―entrenched habits that are difficult to change‖ (Dijst, 2009, p. 53).

Additionally, within the research participants‘ age group, generational differences associated with

social roles were apparent. Daily routine of mothers to young children was quite different to that

of retirees or single women. While mothers practiced more coordination interactions with close

family members, particularly children, over the mobile phone, retirees practiced the mobile

phone less often, while communicating more with friends, mainly for coordination purposes.

The higher proportion of instrumental interactions over intrinsic communication can also

be explained by the increased coordination needed as a part of contemporary life. People are

frequently on the move and cultural norms dictate coordination of social gatherings:

We used to visit people. My kids don't understand that. They say: ‗what are you talking

about? You don't drop in on people anymore‘. OK, I forgot. Because we used to drop in.

We didn't call people at all to say you are coming. I just walked to my friends' house.

(Tania, 52)

This might explain why coordination is also the most dominant motivation among friends.

However, the most significant reason for using the mobile phone in such a restricted

practical manner is cost. Most of these women were extremely concerned about, and aware of,

their mobile phone cost, as articulated by Joanne (67): ―that was always an issue. I am always

aware of how much it will cost. I want to be conservative with money. You don't just ring for the

sake of ringing up‖. The same approach was reported by Julia (69): ―I try to restrict my mobile

phone usage because I am aware of the cost and I try to keep my cost down because I see it as a

tool‖. Consequently, it was not much of a surprise when Beverly (76) commented that of all

things she disliked about mobile phones ―expense is at the top of the list‖.

The Australian Communications and Media Authority issued a report (ACMA, 2008)63

based on a survey of 1426 mobile phone users aged 18 and over. Cost was the major concern

when faced with a decision to substitute the fixed-telephone service with the mobile phone (see

63 Hereafter, this report is referred to as the ACMA report.


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Table 3). The report discerned between two cost views. Half of the participants, especially the

‗techno non-adopters‘, perceived mobile phone costs as prohibitive. The other half, the

‗enthusiastic embracers‘ thought that ―mobiles offer good value for money, especially the capped

plans‖ (ACMA, 2008, p. 11). Views expressed by the case study participants largely classify

these women under the first category. This further clarifies their restricted use pattern.

The retired women were most assertive in their comments about cost issues. Dorothy

(66), an American immigrant and the only participant who did not use a mobile phone noted:

We are retired now, so we don‘t have that much money. We need to be much more

careful about our expenses.… Just charge a bit more for monthly fee and let them have

unlimited calls. It is absurd. In the States it was very economical and convenient in

comparison to here. Why would you do this? I am not attracted to having a phone. We

might have had one if the costs were reasonable. Just for the convenience of it.

Seven of the 26 participants emigrated to Australia as adults. They all used mobile

phones overseas and reported a much heavier use pattern back then:

In Israel, where the mobile phone expense was lower, I used the mobile much more for

social needs and for much longer calls. The truth is that now I am limiting myself. I will

almost never call from a mobile to fixed-telephone line, only if I have to, and even then,

the call will be very short. Yeah, cost is meaningful. (Ella, 36)

Mobile phones were perceived as dearer than fixed-telephone services: ―mobile phone, I

think, is infinitely more expensive [than the fixed-telephone] ... mobile [phone], whichever way

you look at, is expensive‖ (Beverly, 76). This is why most of the participants reported using the

fixed-telephone for intrinsic calls: ―I think it's expensive to have a long conversation. So, there's

only very short conversations on there [the mobile phone]. For long conversations, I would use

the other [fixed] phone or send an email‖ (Olivia, 60).

Mobile service providers are viewed as exploiting the mobile phone users:

They [the mobile phone service providers] are making profits out of people's need to

communicate. I don't mind if they make profits out of luxury shoes, ‘cause I can choose

not to buy them. But we live in a society that requires us to have telephones. If it was as


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cheap to use the mobile as it is cheap to use the landline, I would use the mobile.

(Elizabeth, 58)

Laura (61) expressed similar thoughts:

I hate the way that telecommunication companies have used it [mobile phones] to win

vague privacy [allegedly what mobile users earn] and to make people … victims of their

[giggles] need to supply their share holders with lots of money. I think that they have

been very smart in devising methods of getting people to use [the mobile phones] and

marketing their products to encourage people to spend money.

Julia (69) adds her perspective on the mobile phone service providers marketing tactics: ―I think

that they [mobile phone service providers] suck you in with the ‗don't pay anything and here's

your lovely new phone‘ and then the cost become quite high‖.

Participants referred to payment calculations as a big vague riddle: ―I find there's too

many things—plans. It's really complicated. Too many plans, and if you don‘t use certain things,

you still need to pay that amount, so sometimes the cost is quite high‖ (Clair, 44). On the same

matter, Rebecca recalled a friend calling her on her mobile phone while she was skiing in New

Zealand. As they commenced the call, the friend said: ―quick, make it fast. One of us is paying a

lot of money‖, but neither knew who.

Participants reported techniques of using the mobile phone in cost effective ways. Julia

explained her policy when she had to contact people on their mobile phone:

Now a lot of people don't have a fixed line at all. If I have to make a call to them, I'll text

them before ringing, but if I don't get any answer, I have to ring them. But I know it's

cheaper to text them and say: ‗are you available?‘, or ‗when can you come?‘ (Julia, 69)

This highlights a motivation to use newer methods of communication such as the SMS by older

populations. A similar pattern was also observed in relation to email use by this age group. Cost

provided an incentive to overcome technical challenges and habits.

Ella (36) mentioned her learning curve with the prepaid system (which she didn‘t use

prior to emigrating to Australia):


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I have started to understand the prepaid boundaries. Like, for how long it lasts. In the

past, a month was passing by and I didn‘t get to use all the credit. Today I know how to

check my balance. I know how to use it better in order to use it throughout the month.

When specifically addressing the social aspect and asking participants whether they used

their mobile for socialising, Julia (69) replied: ―not so much socialising because I'm wary about

running up big bills. But, briefly, yes. If there was no cost issue, I wouldn't mind to discuss social

matters over the mobile‖. Julia‘s remark reflects a common perception among the case study

participants: social affairs require long interactions, hence are more expensive.

Elizabeth (58) reflected on the paradox between the accessibility and the affordability of

mobile phone use for emotional support purposes:

It's no good having great technology if you can't afford to use it.... It is also problematic

if someone is forced to use a mobile in a crisis and the whole time they're talking, as well

as dealing with the crisis, they're freaking out about how much this call is costing them. I

received a call from a distressed young woman on an overseas mobile who became even

more distressed later when she realised the call cost her $80. (Elizabeth, 58)

A similar cost related concern was expressed by Miranda (60): ―as mobile phones are in general

expensive I don't believe they are an effective way of communicating for deeply emotional

support as it's difficult to relax when you are worried about the cost of a phone call‖. In line with

these comments, most participants stated that if costs were lower, they would surely use the

mobile more specifically for social purposes. Due to high costs, these women limited their use

and prioritised their communication activities. When choosing between coordination and

socialising, Doris (49) explained: ―I only coordinate because of money‖.

If cost is a major concern, it would be interesting to examine emotional support

interactions over the mobile phone when not having to worry about expense. Such scenarios

might be common among mobile phone users who are subscribed to special plans: ―if you are on

plan where cost is not an issue then it would be a different matter‖ (Joy, 49). However, most of

the Ocean Shores case study participants did not use such inclusive plans This situation was

predicted by Moyal (1989b) in her fixed-telephone study and is discussed in further detail next.


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8.8 CONCLUSION

This chapter focused on mobile phones as one communication method practiced by the

case study participants. It described the adoption, use patterns and gratifications of the mobile

phone. All participants but one owned a mobile phone. This high adoption rate, in line with

national (ACMA, 2009b) and global statistics (ITU, 2008), has affected communication practices

and life routines of participants. Nevertheless, they were found to be lighter users than the

average Australian woman within their age range. Participants primarily contacted close family

members, especially partners and children. Friends were contacted less than close family

members, but proportionally more than reported in national surveys. Work-related contacts were

communicated the least. The most common use was for coordination purposes, followed by

socialising and work-related reasons. Participants primarily used the mobile phone for practical

rather than social matters, even when communicating with friends. This finding contrasts with

findings from Moyal‘s study of women‘s use of the fixed-telephone (Moyal, 1992), where most

practices were motivated by intrinsic considerations. Though socialising was an important aspect

of participants‘ life in Ocean Shores, their mobile phone use did not reflect this.

A few combined factors explain this basic practical rather than social use pattern of the

Ocean Shores participants. First, social motivations are practically embedded within any mobile

phone interaction64

(Lasen, 2004), or, more precisely, within any human interaction. Social

motivations are inevitably practiced while ‗doing‘ family or work (Wajcman, et al., 2009, p. 12).

Social motivations result in the production of immaterial labour and social capital (Fortunati,

2009). Mobile phone use led to the development of new forms of intimacy and labour (Hjorth,

2009a) which inherently encompasses aspects of social support. For example, any positive

interaction affirms that one is cared for and loved, even when that interaction is primarily driven

by instrumental or informative motivations. It might be worthwhile to highlight those few

interactions which exclude social support (such as depressing interactions), in order to realise

how such social support is so embedded in people‘s needs and practices. In other words,

socialising is an integral part of any communication interaction regardless of the platform or

medium of communication. Practically, socialising is a basic outcome of most interactions, so

people get to practice socialising in most interactions. Nevertheless, socialising is not necessarily

the prime motivation or purpose of interaction, as is found in this case study.

64 An exception to that are mobile activities which do not mandatorily engage another person, such as time and task management applications (alarm clock, reminder, calendar), games and browsing the internet for data.


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Second, lifestyle affects mobile phone use patterns. Frequent face-to-face interactions as

a part of a seachange lifestyle motivate people to socialise face-to-face, while using the mobile

phone mainly for unexpected, urgent, coordination-oriented interactions.

Third, population mobility, such as seachanging, reduces mobile phone use. Though,

intuitively, one might assume that since mobile phones support mobility they are of great use to

such populations. Quite the opposite was apparent in the case study. Participants reported

decreased mobile phone use following the move to Ocean Shores. Moreover, due to a more

peaceful lifestyle mobile phone use remained minimal.

Fourth, the fixed-telephone as a technology is different to the mobile phone, hence

interactions are practiced differently. The fixed-telephone can result in social interactions that are

more private and relaxed in nature than the mobile phone, which is mostly used for immediate

access on the move (Wei & Lo, 2006), and facilitating quick, brief, ‗bottom-line‘ interactions,

even when intrinsic in nature. Finally, age, gender and social roles also influence use patterns and

can explain why mobile phone usage is basic and practical rather than being oriented around

social matters.

However, it seems that the most significant factor in influencing the practical use of

mobile phones is cost. As was identified by Ann Moyal in her women and the telephone study

(Moyal, 1992), intrinsic (social) interactions take much longer than instrumental calls (average of

20 minutes versus 2 minutes). Most participants privately pay their mobile phone costs. Income

in Ocean Shores is 27% lower than the national figure (ABS, 2007a). Both factors influenced the

participants in prioritising mobile phone activities: more coordination (short) calls and SMS, less

intrinsic (long) mobile phone conversations. The cost concern also correlates with basic mobile

phone use, which was mostly limited to voice calls and SMS.

Cost concerns were among the motivations behind Moyal‘s study two decades ago, as

well as this current mobile phone case study. Moyal explained:

Reactions [of participants] embodied fear of personal communication lost through costs;

concern that the character of women‘s telephone communication … would be changed;

disquiet at the likely diminution of friendship contact and the supportive care this

sustained; and a wide concern from most respondents at the effect that timed local

charging would have on pensioners, the poor, single parents, the physically

disadvantaged and society‘s most vulnerable groups. (1989b, p. 83)


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Moyal‘s work led to keeping the untimed local fixed-telephone calls policy that still

applies in Australia. Retroactively, and compared with mobile phone use pattern, it is now

realised how this act influenced communication patterns and assisted in embedding intrinsic calls

as a dominant practice of the fixed-telephone use. Therefore, findings of this case study do not

contrast, but rather support Moyal‘s assumption that cost oppresses intrinsic communication.

Nevertheless, cost is also what keeps the fixed-telephone so popular for affective use.

Though fixed-telephone use is gradually declining (ITU, 2009), it is perceived as being cheaper

than the mobile phone (ACMA, 2008). In practice, it is difficult to come up with a clear,

comparative cost diagnosis due to the many payment plans available. Additionally, people often

fail to factor in the cost of line rental per month. However, as long as fixed-telephone tariffs are

perceived as being more transparent, if not affordable, people will prefer using it, especially for

long conversations, most of which are intrinsic calls. Therefore, keeping the untimed local calls

tariff is a strategic decision that gives a crucial advantage to fixed-telephone services. Exceptions

to this are cases of service providers offering competitive tariffs for long calls through specific

mobile cost plans, plans that provide fixed-fee service or financial incentives for interacting with

users of the same service provider.


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9Chapter 9: The mooring affect of friendworks in a mobile world

This thesis explores the social world of women. It investigates significant social concepts

by analysing communication patterns within friendworks. It is contextualised by a specific setting

of relocation in Australian seachange communities and focuses on adult women. In that respect,

it captures a particular experience that might be similar (or not) to experiences of other

populations. Nevertheless, its main contribution is in highlighting social practices and impacts of

friendworks among an under-investigated segment of adult women.

This thesis examines three interdisciplinary themes: population mobility, friendworks,

and practices of communication methods. This chapter incorporates these themes into one

coherent idea connecting and concluding findings discussed in the thesis. It directly applies to the

thesis research questions which address gaps in current literature of the investigated themes. This

chapter also emphasises how the thesis findings contribute to relevant theories and practices.

In response to the overarching research question of this thesis: what is the contribution of

friendworks to individuals in the mobile network society? The key findings of this case study

suggest that friendworks are an important social structure in the network society, providing

mooring relations in a mobile world. Friendworks are established, maintained and sustained by

practices of communication methods, which facilitate continuous relations regardless of spatial

and temporal constraints and assist in creating new local ties within social proximity in a present

life stage. This reinforces the fundamental and critical social role attributed to communication in

the network society.

The three themes are joined in this thesis to describe real life scenarios, challenges and

practices of adult women in social settings. Examination of a small, distinctive group of

participants enabled an in depth analysis of contemporary life situations while emphasising: 1.

the social impact of relocation, 2. the structure and significance of friendworks, and 3. practices

of communication methods within friendworks. Focusing this thesis on these issues highlights an

alternative, practical viewpoint of the significant social structure of the friendwork which

supports contemporary social challenges, motivates social interactions and generates social

capital.

The case study participants were found to be influenced by particular gender roles,

primarily as women, but also as mothers, wives and house-workers, contextualised by age. This

influence was expressed by gendered social practices, as reported in previous studies of women‘s

work (Staples, 2007), intrinsic communication (Moyal, 1989b; Rakow, 1992) and social and


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emotional support (Wellman & Wortley, 1990). This thesis further illuminates how such social

practices emerging from gender roles are significant as prime generators of contemporary forms

of labour and capital; that is, affective labour (Hardt, 1999), immaterial labour (Fortunati, 2007)

and social capital (Putnam, 2000).

The next sections of this chapter discuss and conclude in further detail the main findings

of each of the researched themes within this thesis and their implications, starting with population

mobility, moving to friendworks and concluding with communication practices within

friendworks.

9.1 TOWARDS INCREASED POPULATION MOBILITY

Mobility is an increasing dominant aspect in the modern world (Adey, 2010). People

physically move from one place to another, faster, further, more frequently and for more reasons

(Larsen, Urry, et al., 2006; Urry, 2002); on a daily basis as commuters for work purposes, on an

occasional basis for pleasure, or permanently due to life changing situations. Alongside the

physical aspect, virtual mobility, mediated by telecommunications, enables constant

communication with distant people, hence providing complementary options to stay in touch.

Both aspects of mobility, physical and virtual, are facilitated by technology.

This thesis draws attention to social aspects of mobility situations. In a reality of constant

movement, relocation processes require attention. With 42% of the Australian population

changing their place of dwelling in five years (Pink, 2006, p. 4), newcomers are no longer a

marginal phenomenon. This mobility trend calls for special consideration at all levels: individuals

who undergo such a change or experience a relocation of a close person (whether a family

member or a friend), population centres which expand and are subject to changes in social

composition and balance between newcomers and locals, and decision makers, at local, state, and

federal levels that are required to confront different aspects of mobility, including infrastructure,

services and, drawing on this thesis, social concerns. However, while infrastructure and services

gain the attention of most local government areas, as well as state and federal representatives,

they have limited awareness and resources to respond to the social needs of relocating

populations (Gurran, Hamin, & Norman, 2008). That is, social needs directly arising from the

move to a new dwelling place. The focus in such cases is not on cultural adjustment, as is the

case of overseas immigration, which is addressed to a certain degree (at schools or by offering

language courses for adults). This thesis highlights the social challenges of internal migration

populations. Due to the increasing numbers of relocators across Australia, this thesis suggests

that special attention and support is required to address issues of social integration while turning

social challenges into social capital opportunities.


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One way to turn such challenges in seachange communities to opportunities is by

utilising social proximity to other town residents and public spaces. In the case study site, Ocean

Shores, spatial proximity was a crucial feature of the seachange lifestyle. Participants associated

geographical closeness with familiarity with locals, friendly social atmosphere and frequent face-

to-face encounters. All of these positively influenced the nature of the local social relations

among the community and were particularly beneficial among local friends.

The research question that addressed mobility in this thesis focused on the seachanging

process and its social impact on seachangers. Within this broad issue, findings relating to

relocating, befriending, sub-communities and social challenges were of particular importance.

They are discussed in the next sections.

9.1.1 Relocating

None of the case study participants was born in Ocean Shores. They all relocated as

adults. Two-thirds of the participants moved to Ocean Shores out of an affordable lifestyle

choice. They wished to live in a coastal town and, unlike other close-by coastal destinations such

as Byron Bay or Mullumbimby, the desired lifestyle was financially possible in Ocean Shores.

This was frequently reported by pensioners, young families and single mothers. Supported by

weekly income statistics, which shows it is lower by 27% in Ocean Shores than nation-wide

(ABS, 2007a), this town attracts financially challenged populations. Affordable lifestyle as a

motivation to relocate in a seachange community reinforces previous Australian studies (Gurran,

et al., 2005; Marshall, et al., 2003).

One third of the case study participants moved to Ocean Shores because they knew

locals: family members or friends. This is an example of a ―chain migration‖ (Stimson &

Minnery, 1998, p. 207). It exemplifies how social capital (social connections with family and

friends) is translated into practical demographic changes in the relocation process. It also shows

how population centres can attract certain population segments that conform to the planned

growth for a locality (for example: particular age groups, families). Not only can friendworks

assist localities in targeting specific population segments by having familiar locals, they also ease

the newcomers‘ social integration process.

9.1.2 Befriending

Participants moved great distances from their social networks. This motivated

newcomers to befriend with locals. All participants reported befriending attempts. This was

motivated by their ―want to feel wanted‖ (Laura, 61), the need for companionship and a desire


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for belonging. The case study participants established new local ties while adjusting their

friendworks to their new place of dwelling.

Local friends took an active part in introducing newcomers to other locals, hence

extending newcomers‘ local social interactions. Those having local friends prior to the move

reported the mediated role that their local friends played in their befriending process. This was

contrasted with a longer and more challenging befriending stage for those who did not have local

friends prior to the move and who started their befriending attempts mainly with neighbours.

Moreover, friends were found to be the primary way of meeting new friends, regardless of

location. Based on the examination of the overall named friends in the case study, participants

met the highest number of friends through an existing friend; higher than via a shared activity

within organisations (such as school, youth movement, sports and cultural activities), higher than

the proportion of family members within their friendworks and much higher than within a

workplace or neighbourhoods. The high proportion of ‗friends via friends‘ within friendworks

highlights the major role of friends in shaping individual‘s social environment.

Two different social statuses of newcomers and locals were evident among the case

study sample. Newcomers sought to establish local friendships, as most of their friendwork was

comprised of distant friends, while locals were often passively open to new friendships and most

of their friendwork was local. The longer participants lived in Ocean Shores, the more local their

friendwork was. This is yet another evidence of the impact of distance of space and time over

social relations: spatial and temporal proximity promote social relations. This thesis regarded

participants as newcomers if their friendwork mostly consisted of distant friends, and locals if

most of their friends were local (up to five minutes drive). For most case study participants, the

transition in status from newcomer to local occurred within four years of living in Ocean Shores.

The first four years might be regarded as the socially challenging period that requires attention by

community and governmental organisations.

Participants recalled that when moving to Ocean Shores they wished to develop their

sense of belonging to the local community. This thesis‘s findings show that one of the social

processes that address this motivation is befriending with locals. Befriending situations

contextualised by a new place of dwelling enhanced newcomers‘ connection to the local

community and their social identity, in addition to reinforcing their self identity. Individuals who

made local friends, felt more connected to the local community. A sense of belonging to the local

community was perceived and practiced differently by locals and newcomers. Locals‘

testimonials depicted a developed sense of community through local friendworks. They actively

participated in community events, volunteering for and promoting local community issues. In

contrast, newcomers‘ local knowledge was very restricted. They generally did not feel that there


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was a community in Ocean Shores, and certainly did not feel a part of what was there. Their

sense of belonging was towards the geographical location (sense of place), as they were all

charmed by the area‘s beauty.

9.1.3 Sub-communities: A case of bonding social capital

Sense of belonging was examined through two main aspects: sense of place and sense of

community. While most locals and newcomers expressed an attachment to the wider locality and

the Northern Rivers area in general (sense of place), a sense of community was more often

expressed in relation to particular sub-communities within Ocean Shores.

Participants mentioned three local sub-communities, two were geographical (residents of

South Golden Beach and New Brighton65

) and one was cultural (the Israel-born community).

Participants who belonged to one of these sub-communities expressed a stronger sense of

belonging to the sub-community than to the wider Ocean Shores group, whether geographically

or culturally oriented. Residents of smaller and older population centres within town (residents of

South Golden beach and New Brighton) exemplified greater social solidarity and shared

environmental goals within their sub-communities, while having minimal interest in the overall

population of Ocean Shores. This sense of belonging to sub-communities was evident among

locals but also newcomers.

Similarly, Israel-born participants tended to befriend others of the same ethnicity.

Included in this research were five Israel-born participants. This allowed a close examination of a

particular ethnic group of mainly newcomers. Four of them reported following a local who was

Israel-born to the area, someone they knew prior to the move (a family member, a friend or an

online acquaintance66

). This person was their point of contact with locals. However, in all cases,

this person was a point of contact to the local Israel-born community. Through this person,

Israel-born newcomers got to know others from the Israel-born community. Overall, these

participants reported primarily befriending Israel-born locals rather than establishing local ties

with the wider population. Connecting with local Israel-born people was reported ―easy‖, a

―natural thing‖, ―basic‖, and ―obvious‖. Nonetheless, most of the immigrant women reported

some disappointment in this befriending pattern, perceiving it as a failure to establish ―truly local

65 As mentioned in Section 4.2, Ocean Shores in this thesis relates to a conglomerate of three population centres: Ocean Shores, South Golden Beach and New Brighton.

66 For a detailed discussion regarding online acquaintances, see Section 2.3.3.


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ties‖. It seems as if they did not know how to bridge the cultural gap to reach into the wider local

community. The many challenges associated with the immigration processes led them to choose

the easier option of befriending people from a similar ethnic background. Even after five years in

Australia, the local friendworks of Israel-born participants were almost exclusively composed of

Israel-born locals. However, the longer they lived in Australia, the more ―Australian‖ their

friendwork became. Importantly, they learnt to accept their situation and to celebrate their unique

ethnicity as members of the sub-community.

Israel-born locals played an active mediation role in welcoming Israel-born newcomers

to the place and to their sub-community, with the unintended consequence of making the

belonging process to the wider community more challenging. It would be worthwhile to further

examine the motivations of people with similar cultural background in taking an active role in

welcoming immigrant newcomers. This would better address social challenges faced by

immigrants and would help in actively welcoming people to communities.

The limited sense of community evident in local sub-communities suggests that Ocean

Shores as a locality concept is an imagined community (Anderson, 1983). Locals perceived

themselves as a part of the local community, though in practice they had face-to-face contact

only with limited numbers of locals, especially within their sub-communities. The three

discussed sub-communities exemplify bonding social capital (Woolcock, 1998), social relations

between similar people that tighten the inward sense of the sub-community. However, from the

point of view of the wider local community, such sub-communities pose social challenges in

relation to bridging social capital (Woolcock, 1998), social ties between different types of people

which tend to develop an outward sense of belonging to the wider community. Participants who

felt they belonged to one of these sub-communities primarily identified with their sub-

community rather than with the wider local community. Therefore, when in need of choosing

where to put effort and time, they were more likely to become active members of their sub-

community. Generally, residents of the wider Ocean Shores area did not express a strong sense of

belonging to their wider local community. This situation was mirrored in the social relations

between the case study participants (Figure 18). A strong sense of community would have

resulted in a highly clustered social network among the participants, whereas the actual diagram

exemplifies occasional relations between the case study women.

9.1.4 Facing social challenges in seachange communities

As newcomers increase in number and in proportion within the global population, they

highlight a new sphere of attention: a sense of belonging and, especially, a sense of community.

This has been an important aspect of localities (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003) indicating the social


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strength, hence the social capital, of population centres. This significant process of developing a

sense of belonging and a sense of community is largely motivated by the personal interests of

newcomers, sporadically, spontaneously and voluntarily supported by socially mindful (mostly

similar) individuals.

While newcomers‘ numbers grow, locals are not motivated to actively welcome them as

they are not interested in extending their network. It is also a challenge to reach all those who are

seeking to establish local ties as there are so many of them. Additionally, newcomers become

weary of ongoing befriending situations following frequent relocations. Overall, the results in the

case of Ocean Shores showed a growing gap between locals and newcomers in association with

sub-communities and in a sense of belonging to the general community. From the community

point of view, mobility produced a lack of connection, commitment, trust and emotional

nearness, as has been indicated in previous studies (Albrow, 1997; Cresswell, 2002). From

newcomers‘ point of view, lack of a sense of belonging is unfortunate, but might also ease the

move to the next location.

The Ocean Shores case study highlighted a strong sense of sub-community and a lack of

overall local sense of community to Ocean Shores, or in Woolcock‘s (1998) terms; bonding

social capital among smaller groups was common, while bridging social capital within the wider

local community was scarce. Nevertheless, it is the bridging social capital that is ―especially

important for reconciling democracy and diversity‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 279). Finding

ways of generating bridging social capital, which are harder to build, is essential in such cases.

As size is also a matter of concern, and ―social capital is higher in smaller settings‖ (Putnam &

Feldstein, 2003, p. 275), as was evident in the Ocean Shores case study, Putnam and Feldstein

(2003, p. 278) suggest that bridging social capital could be generated by federations that would

nest small groups (the local sub-communities) within larger groups (the wider Ocean Shores or

the overall Byron Shire area) around a new dimension of similarity within which bonding can

occur (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 282).

As has already been identified by Putnam and Feldstein (2003), a sense of belonging, as

well as social capital, were evident among the case study participants when community members

gathered around particular goals (protecting the natural habitat, preserving cultural values), and

not for their own sake. Ocean Shores probably lacks these kinds of goals, or its residents lack

awareness of such goals. However, as was evident among the sub-communities, once goals are

set, ―society as a whole benefits enormously from the social ties forged by those who choose

connective strategies on pursuit of their particular goals‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 269).

Social ties between community members have "valuable spill over effects beyond the group itself


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... the 'process' [maintaining social ties] is crucial to the product [social capital]" (Putnam &

Feldstein, 2003, p. 270-271).

A few of Putnam and Feldstein (2003) recommendations address policy makers and

formal institutions, but which could inform the Ocean Shores social challenges. 1. background

structures such as education, public policy and government policy that support community

members in building social capital, and 2. constructing common spaces in urban planning and

local media and technology which ―foster redundancy and multi transcendences by creating

opportunities for encounters that knit together existing ties‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 291).

Following the proposition that local friendworks play a crucial role in enhancing a sense

of belonging to the local community, such friendworks and befriending situations might be

intentionally encouraged and supported by local community institutions. In order to do so, further

exploration of how and why friends and socially mindful individuals actively welcome

newcomers might enlighten this challenging affective process, especially within cases of

befriending individuals from different backgrounds, which consequently motivate the creation of

bridging social capital.

In line with a rich literature (for example: Bryan, et al., 2001; Dare, 2009; Fischer &

Oliker, 1983; Hardt, 1999; Schroedel, 2007; Trimberger, 2005), this thesis highlights female

friendworks as a fruitful source of knowledge of friendship practices. Women master this art of

befriending and friendship as a result of their traditional gendered social roles as mothers and

wives who are actively socialising within the community and the domestic arena. One way to

study these social practices is to explore communication practices within friendworks. This is

discussed in Section 9.3.

9.2 THE FRIENDWORK SOCIETY

The role of friendworks, becomes more significant in contemporary life (Gouldner &

Strong, 1987; Rubin, 1985), as they provide important benefits for individuals (emotional

support, instrumental aid, companionship and self-identity) in a world of increased mobility.

These benefits could explain the empathy, warmth, trust and appreciation that the case study

participants expressed towards their friends. Out of the social networks‘ sub-groups discussed in

Section 2.3.4 (family, friendwork, work-related, location based and online acquaintance), two

groups in particular provide most types of support to individuals: family and friendworks. Unlike

the family sub-group, which is pre-determined, limited in number and sometimes involves

involuntary relationships, friendworks are a larger group of chosen, voluntary social ties.


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Therefore, in order to sustain friendships, individuals must take an active role in these relations,

driven by responsibility, commitment and motivation.

Unlike relations with family members, friendworks are influenced by changes in life

over time and space, hence they provide a flexible structure of support synchronised with life

circumstances. Consequently, friendworks‘ composition is adjusted to individuals‘ contemporary

choices throughout life. Though dynamic, the friendwork as a social concept is stable. Most of us

will always have friends to rely on. This is the mooring effect within the mobile contemporary

world.

9.2.1 Friendworks‟ composition

All participants reported having a friendwork that varied in size subject to personal

preferences, characteristics and some socio-demographic variables. Women with children in the

same household reported, on average, fewer friends (22). Women working part-time, working

from home or engaged with home duties had, on average, the smallest friendworks in comparison

with full time workers. Unemployed and students had the largest friendworks (Figure 25).

Women with a higher level of education named more friends on average (Figure 26).

Comparison of friendwork size with international studies was inconclusive due to extreme

variety in results (friendwork size between 2.1 to 35 friends). The Ocean Shores friendworks (25

friends) were larger than Fischer‘s American study results (Fischer & Oliker, 1983, 18.5 friends)

and smaller than a more recent American study (Boase, et al., 2006, 35 friends). The researched

friendworks consisted of a mixture of local and distant friends. Most friends were women (75%).

Seventy five percent of the friends were reported as close (strong ties).

Four types of friends have been specifically identified within the overall friendworks:

best friends, family members, spouses and neighbours. Most participants reported having all four

types of social relations within their friendworks. Most participants reported one or two best

friends, mostly females (88% of best friends), whom they have known for over 20 years and

most likely resided at a great distance (interstate or overseas). Participants said they met their best

friends during their early 20s when they were also spatially proximate and kept their best

friendship ever since. Best friends were commonly named at the top of the friendwork‘s list.

Participants expressed strong positive emotions towards best friends, indicating that they were an

important source of social and emotional support. Though 20 of the 25 participants reported

living with a partner, only two women instinctively regarded their partner as a ‗best friend‘.

Nevertheless, all partners were included within friendworks. Most commonly, participants‘

classified partners as a separate category to friends, based on their intimate relationship. Most

participants named some family members within their friendworks, usually parents and siblings.


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Neighbours were often mentioned within friendworks, highlighting the influence of spatial

proximity on social relations.

These varying groups within friendworks exemplify on the one hand the rich

connections and support that each individual maintains. On the other hand, from a scholarly point

of view, defining the friend concept is challenging. Nevertheless, most individuals intuitively

identified their friends and excluded others from their friendwork, subjecting this filtering process

to personal considerations and needs. Those titled friends were distinctively regarded as

supportive, influential and accessible individuals. Friends were measured by the benefit that

individuals gained (mainly instrumental aid, companionship and emotional support); therefore, a

strict definition of friend was secondary in this thesis to the impact of friendships on individuals.

The case study findings also indicated that existing (mostly distant) friends of

newcomers provided continuous support and connection, which is profoundly important in

sustaining a sense of self and social identity, while new (mostly local) social ties readjusted self

and social identity definitions to the current life stage. In this way, the overall friendwork

provides substantial social support regardless of time and space, or, more accurately, throughout

time and space.

9.2.2 The role of friendworks

In addition to the crucial role that friends play in supporting individuals, friendworks also

mediate between individuals and society. Friends who are associated with certain communities

bridge between individuals (their friends) and (their) communities (acquaintances and other

friends). These communities might be location-based, virtual, cultural, national, religion-based or

any other type. Therefore, the role of friendworks is twofold: they reinforce self identity and they

function as active agents of social identity. Friendworks influence self identity by projecting

experiences, feelings and meanings onto an individual‘s interior world and by doing so they

influence and reinforce self perception. They also link between individuals and the wider society,

hence expanding the individual‘s social networks and their interface with society in an informal

manner while also generating social capital. Both aspects contribute to the individual‘s well-

being and quality of life.

Local friendworks were found to be a connecting link between newcomers and the local

community. Participants reported joining local communities while following their local friends,

as was evident for example, in the case of the Israel-born community. There was also a

correlation between the local friendworks and a sense of community. Ocean Shores‘ participants

with extended local friendworks expressed attachment to, and affection for, a local community


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(or sub-community) and its values and members. This was not evident among women with only

a few local friends. Those with local friends prior to moving to Ocean Shores described quicker

and easier establishment of a sense of belonging than those who didn‘t know any locals prior to

the move. From a community perspective, smooth befriending processes with locals and the

ongoing maintenance of local friendworks are crucial in the social integration process of

newcomers as well as locals.

In the context of this thesis, the role of friendworks as social agents has been found to be

important in population mobility situations of seachange. While new local friends mediated

befriending situations with the local community members, old distant friends sustained familiar,

stable social relations, assuring continuous social support ‗anytime anywhere‘ (Licoppe, 2004).

Friendworks reinforce a spatial as well as a conceptual sense of belonging.

9.2.3 Affective labour and social capital

Participants‘ friendships involved affective labour and generated social capital. Relations

were voluntary, mutual, unrelated to paid work, and mostly revolved around intangible goods

such as communication, information, interaction and support, emphasising the affective nature of

friendships. Not only is affective labour produced within friendworks, it simultaneously fosters

the very same social relations. Moreover, affective labour also reinforces a sense of community

and is generated within communities. The case study which focused on affective labour within

social relations made friendworks and practices within friendworks visible.

A methodological concern relating to the invisibility of affective labour was addressed in

this case study by examining practices of communication technologies within friendworks, which

mirrored social relations and affective labour production processes. Analysis of the use of

communication technologies facilitated the tracing of affective labour, hence making it more

visible. Particularly in the Ocean Shores case study, the examination of mobile phone logs and

text messages provided electronic traces that enabled an empirical analysis of affective labour

activity. In addition, participants‘ testimonials contributed qualitative examination of affective

labour, its practices and its role within friendworks.

In conclusion, in response to the research question what is a friendwork of adult women

in a seachange community and why is this social structure important, the short answer is:

friendworks are a common social network of friends composed of local and distant, strong and

weak social ties. Their significant social support contributes to individuals‘ well-being and

community creation by generating affective labour, a sense of belonging and social capital.


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Friends are our chosen people through whom we experience, interpret, feel and

understand the world within a supporting, empathetic environment. Hence, friendworks

encompass unique social experiences and affective labour, different to and complementary to

those practiced within formal or traditional institutions such as workplaces, education systems

and the family. In this respect, friendworks are an alternative source of intelligence for social

needs. They are an important theoretical construction that can inform about social aspects of

individuals and networks within society while filling in current gaps regarding individuals‘ needs

and motivations in daily life.

9.3 COMMUNICATING FRIENDSHIPS

Communication is one of the main intangible goods of affective labour (Hardt, 1999, p.

93). It plays a foundational role in maintaining and sustaining social relations in the network

society (Castells, 2000b). Consequently, investigation of communication practices can inform

social networks and friendworks. This rationale directed this thesis to focus on a communication

perspective when investigating friendworks. The research question regarding communication

methods addressed practices of communication methods within seachangers’ friendworks. The

following section highlights findings and conclusions regarding this question.

This case study as well as other studies (for example: Baym, et al., 2004; Kim, Kim,

Park, & Rice, 2007; Wellman & Wortley, 1990) found that various communication methods are

used within friendworks to fulfill social support gratifications, including emotional support,

instrumental aid and companionship, primarily face-to-face, but also via telecommunications (the

internet, the fixed-telephone and the mobile phone). A communication model (Figure 38)

illustrates the relation within friendworks between social ties (strong or weak) and physical

proximity (local or distance) to social support type (emotional support, instrumental aid and

companionship) and the chosen communication method which mediates it.

The case study findings indicate that while more types of communication methods were

used more frequently between strong local ties, interaction with strong distant ties (for example,

distant best friends) was executed mainly via the internet and the fixed telephone. Weak local ties

were communicated mainly via face-to-face interactions while internet was the main

communication method to maintain weak distant ties. Overall, people constantly evaluated,

prioritised and chose which communication method to use based on a set of characteristics

adjusted to specific situations and relations.

Participants‘ testimonials reinforced earlier findings that practicing more communication

methods with local ties, originated redundancy of contact ―creating opportunities for encounters


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that knit together existing ties‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 291). The dominant role of face-to-

face interactions within participants‘ life routines left only a secondary role for communication

technologies when contacting local friends. This also reinforces the complementary approach of

communication in which communication technologies complement face-to-face meetings by

virtual mobility, facilitating efficient planning and coordination of direct interactions (Boase, et

al., 2006; Graham, 2004; Larsen, Urry, et al., 2006). Moreover, frequent face-to-face meetings by

the case study participants reinforce previous study indicating that spatial proximity motivates

face-to-face encounters (Mok, et al., 2007) and vice versa, due to spatial restrictions, greater use

of mediated communication methods was evident with geographically distant friends, while

participants reported mainly using the internet and the fixed-telephone.

From a community perspective and in line with Putnam and Feldstein‘s (2003)

conclusion, face-to-face interactions were found to be ―more effective at building relationships

and creating empathy and understanding, than remote, impersonal communication ... the more

extensive interchange that is possible in smaller groups makes it possible to discover unexpected

mutuality even in the face of difference‖ (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003, p. 276). This idea was

expressed by many of the participants. Nevertheless, this thesis shows also that all

communication methods can potentially facilitate the maintenance of relationships. By doing so,

communication also facilitates a sense of community by mobilising information and affections

within community members.

The following sections highlight findings of particular interest within the three

telecommunication methods of interest in this thesis: the fixed-telephone, the internet and the

mobile phone.

9.3.1 The fixed-telephone

Generally, participants reported using the fixed-telephone less frequently than the

internet but more often than the mobile phone (Figure 33). Testimonials show that the fixed-

telephone was perceived as less agreeable communication form than it used to be. When

participants compared the various telecommunication methods for interaction with friends, the

fixed-telephone was perceived to be more expensive, intrusive and time consuming than the

internet, mainly when using emails.

Nevertheless, when in need for long conversations, which mostly concerned emotional

support, participants preferred using the fixed-telephone over the internet, as it was perceived as

more personal. The fixed-telephone was consistently reported as being used more often than was

the mobile phone. This was also the case when in need for emotional support. The main reason


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being that the mobile phone was perceived as very expensive to use. Drawing back on Moyal‘s

findings (1989b), the fixed-telephone is still the most practiced telecommunication method for

emotional support among the case study women, mainly due to cost constraints.

9.3.2 The internet

Four internet communication applications were examined within this case study: emails,

instant messages (IM), social network sites (SNS) and voice and video calls over the internet

(applications such as Skype). Together they offer a rich communication portfolio that potentially

substitutes other telecommunication methods, for example: voice calls over the internet provide

an almost identical experience to fixed-telephone or mobile phone calls (excluding the mobility

aspect), and instant messages or emails might function similarly to text messages over the mobile

phone (SMS). Participants reported that the varied internet communication applications available

combined with a monthly fixed use rate model resulted in an increased use of the internet for

interactions with friends. This is already evident when comparing the declining use of the fixed-

telephone worldwide with the opposite pattern of increasing internet use (ITU, 2009).

Thesis findings indicate that the use of different internet applications generates different

communication behaviour, which stimulates different types of support. Therefore, in addition to

examining an overall use of the internet, it is worthwhile to separately address online applications

based on their functionality and characteristics when examining needs and gratifications of

internet users. Of the case study sample, two population groups reported interesting internet use

patterns, those of older participants and immigrants, each is discussed in the following sections.

Older participants

The case study findings show that participants over 60 years preferred to communicate

with friends over the internet (mostly via email) more than any other telecommunication method,

including the fixed-telephone. This finding is unexpected since older people are perceived as

conservative with their communication choices (Haddon, 2000b), preferring old familiar methods

such as the fixed-telephone over novel (usually more complicated to operate) technologies, due

to an increasing challenge in learning and embracing new technologies. However, practically,

this challenge motivated older participants ―to keep some sort of tabs on technology to be able to

make most of what‘s they‘re offering‖ (Laura, 61).

Yet, some of the older participants mentioned that they favoured older communication

methods simply because they were used to using them. However, as a result of growing

technology awareness, it was evident that most older-participants knew how to use the internet,


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either learning this in recent years or because they were using it for a long time while being a part

of the labour force.

Older participants chose to use the internet, over the fixed-telephone, more often when

communicating with friends due to several reasons, including availability at home where most of

these participants spent most of their time, the non-intrusive nature of emails, the option to use

emails for reflective, thoughtful-through communication and due to time differences with

overseas contacts. However, the most significant consideration for using the internet over other

telecommunication methods was cost concerns. In this case, cost issues influenced their

communication behaviour, despite the fact that some of them were technologically challenged.

The internet cost model of fixed-monthly rate suited the older participants‘ life style. They chose

a monthly plan that fitted their needs and budget frame. This type of cost model provided older

participants with a comprehensive acknowledgment and a sense of control which they considered

as important, based on perceived financial restrictions.

When it came to fixed-telephone and, moreover, to mobile phone use, which offers a

variety of payment plans and options, older participants commonly perceived these as

overwhelming and too complicated to track. Due to this cost uncertainty, many of them restricted

fixed-telephone and mobile phone use, while using the internet more often. Therefore, it is not

that they reduced their communication volume with friends, they just knowingly chose to use a

more cost effective communication method available: sending email messages over the internet.

The immigrants

Use of more novel internet applications than email, including voice and video calls,

instant messages and social network sites was particularly popular among immigrants67

, those

who kept contact with family and friends abroad. Using these applications originated from the

need to communicate with loved ones overseas at an affordable cost. Not only that, international

calls over the fixed-telephone or the mobile phone were expensive, these interactions often

involved long conversations. Driven by financial restrictions, immigrants chose to use cheaper

communication solutions.

Emigration is the most extreme example of population mobility. It involves not only a

geographical move and often a change of language, but also a cultural shift, of places, people and

67 Eight participants were born overseas. All but one emigrated to Australia as adults. Their age ranged from 36 to 66 years: 36, 37, 39, 40, 42, 48, 62, 66. They all reported advanced internet applications use.


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shared history, to a foreign environment. The case study immigrants expressed a need to stay in

touch with family and friends overseas for two main reasons, to preserve their sense of

community, belonging and identity and to overcome feelings of loneliness and unfamiliarity

within the new environment.

Using the internet enabled migrants to frequently communicate with family and friends

overseas in an affordable way. By this virtual mobility they were able to hold on to some of their

old connections, habits and preferences. This has already been reported in previous diaspora

studies (Brah, 1996; Miller & Slater, 2001, p. 56). This communication pattern also makes the

social integration process within the new country more challenging, as some of the participants in

the case study reported, that most of their social needs were fulfilled by strong distant ties.

Borrowing a term originally used in media and diaspora studies (Cunningham & Sinclair, 1999),

telecommunications act as social agents cultivating existing social relations rather than

promoting the establishment of new local ties.

In line with these findings, the case study immigrants also confirmed that an internet

connection was one of the main considerations when moving to the new place of dwelling. Once

they had used the internet for international communication, immigrants expanded their internet

use to also communicate with local friends (mostly immigrants). The financial incentive of using

the internet motivated immigrants to examine additional Voice over IP services, some of which

offer cost effective communication even when communicating with fixed-telephone or mobile

phone users (local or distant). This reduced their communication expenditure and increased their

internet communication consumption at the expense of using the fixed and the mobile phone.

Immigrants, as well as older participants, exemplified change in communication patterns

resulting from cost concerns. The immigrants within the case study demonstrated an advanced

telecommunication use pattern. Due to cost motivations, this segment practically embraced

behaviour patterns of early adopters (Rogers, 1995) and, therefore, might be considered as an

interesting group to track when examining domestic use of new cost-effective media.

9.3.3 The mobile phone

Participants reported minimal mobile phone use, with a lower expenditure rate than that

of national figures. This distinctive behaviour pattern might have been influenced by age, gender,

residential location, lifestyle and social roles. Most participants used only the basic mobile phone

applications of voice and SMS. They were aware of some of the more advanced applications of

mobile phones, yet they rarely used them. These advanced applications did not fulfil the needs of

this group of women or were perceived as too expensive to use.


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The case study participants reported primarily contacting their partners and children over

the mobile phone, while communication with friends was reported as a second priority, more

frequent than communication with work-related contacts. This pattern was also reported in a

recent national survey (Wajcman, et al., 2008), nevertheless other national surveys (Mackay &

Weidlich, 2007, 2008, 2009) tended to examine communication purposes (personal or work

purposes), while referring to communication with both family and friends under the same

category. In line with the main proposition of this thesis regarding the growing importance of

friendworks, mobile phone research could benefit from exclusively examining communication

practices within friendworks. Moreover comparative analysis indicates that Ocean Shores‘

women proportionally contacted friends more frequently than women in the national sample

(Figure 44). This further emphasises a distinctive use pattern in which friends are more

frequently contacted within friendworks of adult seachanging women than they are nationwide,

and motivates comparative research with wider population segments to learn more about the role

of the mobile phone within friendworks as a dedicated interest group.

Some of the minimal mobile phone use patterns might be explained by taking into

consideration the context of population mobility and seachange communities. The case study

findings indicate that people mostly communicate with spatially close family and friends. When

relocating, the number of local contacts to communicate with over the mobile phone decreases.

Yet, even after settling in to the new location and getting to know new contacts to potentially

communicate with over the mobile phone, lifestyle in such places influences communication

methods. Spontaneous face-to-face interactions increase, fulfilling social ratifications. This

minimises the need for mobile phone use for either coordinating or socialising. Paradoxically,

mobile phones do not support this kind of mobility; seachangers do not extensively use mobile

phones.

Most participants reported having short conversations (or SMSs) over the mobile phone,

for coordination purposes. Participants reported that they restricted communication with friends

for intrinsic purposes of companionship and emotional support. These purposes were regarded as

long interactions and were translated into a high expense. Restricting their mobile use to short

interactions resulted in a use pattern dominated by instrumental interactions, mainly coordination,

even when communicating with friends. As was evident in the case of the older participants and

the immigrants when using the internet, that mobile phone use was manipulated by cost

concerns. Socialising and, particularly, emotional support was practiced via alternative

communication methods, primarily via face-to-face conversations.

The deficiency of communication with friends over the mobile phone for intrinsic

purposes supports Moyal‘s proposition (1989b) based on her study on women and the fixed-


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telephone, that cost oppresses intrinsic communication. The Australian fixed-telephone policy of

flat-rate for local calls on an untimed basis motivates users to prefer the fixed-telephone over the

mobile phone for long (intrinsic) local conversations. The lack of similar flat-rate policy of local

calls in mobile phone motivated the case study participants to refrain from long conversations

over the mobile phone.

Overall, the question of whether or not minimal use of mobile phone for intrinsic calls is

a problem remains open. On the one hand, users report getting emotional support in alternative

ways, while on the other hand, as people become more mobile and use mobile phones to interact

while on the move, intrinsic communication might be restricted to specific situations, while the

overall available emotional support for individuals might be limited. This might be a more

probable scenario among wider urban populations, resulting in a lack of emotional support when

it is most needed in a modern hectic lifestyle. However, among the case study participants it was

not perceived as problematic. This requires further investigation.

Following the modern hectic lifestyle ‗on the move‘ and due to cost issues of long

mobile phone conversations, it is worthwhile also to investigate to what extent short (cheaper)

forms of interactions such as SMS, short mobile conversations, online chats and social network

sites‘ ‗walls‘ provide emotional support especially for adults, and whether these new short-timed

forms of phatic communication (Geser, 2004; Srivastava, 2005) substitute or complement more

traditional communication patterns. Previous mobile phone studies mention phatic

communication as a way of intimacy (Wajcman, et al., 2009) which generates affective labour

(Hjorth, 2009a, 2009b). However, it seems that phatic communication, which is more around

announcing feelings and aims, fulfils different motivations than long emotional support

conversations. Though not included in this thesis, a comparative analysis of practices and impacts

of the two different interactive styles might better inform complementary versus supplementary

approaches concerning emotional support and would clarify related social issues.

While teens research suggests that such forms of phatic communication are emotionally

effective and common among young audiences (Sørensen, 2006), the case study implies that

adult women did not perceive short interactions as emotional support and scarcely used SMS or

other quick communication methods for this purpose, with one exception: using the mobile

phone (and particularly SMS) as a coordination method and a means to the ‗actual‘ support: face-

to-face interactions. The consistent mobile phone use of the case study participants for micro-

coordination among friends highlights the role of the mobile phone as a mediator resulting in

face-to-face meetings. This way, mobile phones indirectly facilitated emotional support.


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9.4 LIMITATIONS

This thesis is based on a case study. As such, it highlights particular individuals, their

behaviour and thoughts in a particular setting. The case study findings underline new ideas and

insights about population mobility, friendworks and communication methods that might apply to

wider population segments. However, as the scope of the study is limited, it is acknowledged that

findings in this thesis cannot be generalised to a wider population but rather offer directions for

further wide-scale studies, which must take place if inclusive conclusions are to be drawn. In

other words, this thesis paints a very rich, location-specific picture. The extent to which findings

can be generalised is highly constrained. While they provide a basis for further research into the

generalisability of the findings, most of the conclusions only hold true for Ocean Shores at this

stage.

Additionally to the limited number of participants (26) and their restricted characteristics

(women over 35 years recruited by a snowball sampling), findings from this study are primarily

contextualised with the life of adult women in a small seachange community. This might assist in

explaining the variation from conclusions that come from national surveys mentioned in this

thesis, especially in relation to communication use, and the mobile phone in particular. The

significance of the case study findings in this aspect is to highlight that communication use varies

between different groups of populations, influenced by many factors and should not be

generalised. However, this also requires detailed examination of defined population segments to

determine whether certain findings apply to wider groups.

The recruiting method of snowball sampling was appropriate to provide the type of

information needed to inform the research questions. Within this sample, age distribution

proportionally similar to local census figures assisted in providing realistic representation of the

population composition within Ocean Shores. Moreover, the snowball sampling was highly

relevant to the researched theme of friendworks. In that respect, the snowball sampling follows

natural friendworking patterns of ‗friends via friends‘ approach. Nevertheless, it is important to

acknowledge that the same recruiting method also resulted in an inclusion of a particular group of

women, not necessarily in line with local demographics.

Lack of generalisability is the main drawback of this thesis. Attempts to ameliorate this

limitation include a clear description of the research design, which consists of a discussion of the

methods used in this study, enabling other researchers to replicate the study. Additionally,

triangulation of qualitative and quantitative data strengthened the thesis findings. For example,

the mobile phone log provided quantitative data on use patterns while qualitative mobile phone

data collected throughout in-depth interviews supported these figures. Finally, comparative


Page 224

analysis with national studies highlighted similarities and differences between the case study

findings and the national figures which marked issues for further research.

9.5 FURTHER RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

There are a few areas in which the researched themes could benefit from further study.

One of the main concerns would be to investigate the researched topics among wider and

different population groups, as population mobility, friendworks and communication practices

concern many contemporary societies. This will allow generalising the thesis findings beyond the

specific location of Ocean Shores or sea change communities. Most of the thesis findings are at

variance with national study findings for the general population and for this segment. What

factors might explain this variation? To what extent does location figure as a factor? Until further

work has been done the extent to which Ocean Shores‘ findings will be similar in other

seachange communities in Australia or elsewhere in the world or other regional urban locations,

remains unknown.

Population mobility is a growing field of interest beyond Australian coastal settlements.

Many migration situations share similar social concerns regarding social and self identity, sense

of belonging and community and social capital, within specific contexts. Among these situations,

immigration might be of particular interest, implying a dramatic change in individuals‘ lives.

Though this thesis included immigrant participants, this was not the focus of this study.

Migration, as well as other population mobility situations might be informed by this thesis and

contribute to the theoretical as well as practical understanding of complex social processes of

befriending, sustaining and maintaining friendworks and creating a sense of community.

Population mobility is of particular importance to decision makers and local government

areas constantly undergoing demographic changes. Their attention to social challenges is crucial

when searching for social integration and social capital. Therefore, further studies that address

policy makers‘ dilemmas by examining additional case studies can assist in prioritising social

concerns of population mobility within localities.

Friendworks, though a new term, have been long-time researched as the object of many

studies. The main novel outlook on this network originates from the recognition in its unique

growing influence on individuals and communities, which requires particular and exclusive

research attention, rather than investigating individuals‘ overall social networks. Focusing solely

on friendworks could be useful in many socially oriented fields of interest, including

communication, psychology, sociology, economics, geography, health and politics (Ben-Harush,


Page 225

2009). Therefore, further research of friendworks within different schools would provide a fresh,

informal and concrete perspective while informing varied areas of interest.

There is an important distinction between friendships and friendworks. The thesis

focuses on how friendships are mediated. It identifies the existence of friendworks as a particular

type of social network and considers the contribution of friendworks to community building. The

thesis considers how friendworks are implicated in the experiences and perceptions of social

inclusion and exclusion. It does not analyse the dynamics of friendships, their tightness or

friendly and unfriendly behaviours. These issues are outside of the scope of this thesis.

Nevertheless, further study on dynamics of friendships including the use of quantified methods

such as social network analysis, could contribute to existing knowledge about friendworks.

This case study focused on four communication methods: face-to-face, internet, fixed-

telephone and mobile phone, all scholarly investigated. One particular communication area

would mostly benefit from further study: comparative analysis of across media practices and

dedicated applications within each communication method. Examination of an array of

communication methods and applications instead of focusing on one communication method

would bring research closer to real life situations. Unlike the examination of one specific

communication method, looking into people‘s choices when preferring one method over another

highlights comparative aspects of relevancy of communication methods. This also acknowledges

human behaviour patterns as motivating communication use, in line with the approach of the

social shaping of technology.

Of particular interest is a further study of social and emotional support over mediated

communication and especially over the mobile phone, among different age groups, gender and

social roles. New communication technologies generate new social support practices which

require further scholar attention while repositioning old forms of social support within

contemporary lifestyle.

Finally, women‘s work (J. Butler, 1999; Plumwood, 1993) as an overarching concept of

affective labour (Hardt, 1999), intrinsic communication (Keller, 1977), social and emotional

support (Wellman & Wortley, 1990), social capital (Putnam & Feldstein, 2003) and sense of

belonging (Marsh, et al., 2007) are under recent scholarly attention (Fortunati, 2009; Hjorth,

2009a, 2009b; Lasen, 2004). Nevertheless, these areas of interest are far from being

comprehensive. There are many invisible strings within this fabric of women‘s work that need to

be untangled. Further research on these areas of interest will inform motivations, practices,

significance and impact of mundane, yet obscure, human behaviour, influencing individuals as

well as societies.


Page 226

9.6 CONCLUSION

The case study reported in this thesis provided a comprehensive examination of an

under-researched interdisciplinary area of seachange friendworks and their communication

practices among an under-investigated population segment, adult women. The aim of the thesis

was to answer the overarching research question of the role of friendworks in contemporary

society. The case study applied different research methods to investigate aspects of this

overarching question, while addressing the three main themes of population mobility,

friendworks and practices of communication methods derived from identified gaps in mobility,

sociology and communication knowledge in academic literature.

The integration of the network society theory and the new mobilities paradigm provided

a solid conceptual framework to situate this thesis within contemporary studies of modern

society. It also combines interdisciplinary areas into one coherent proposition that suggests

friendworks are an important social structure in the contemporary network society, and that it

provides mooring relations in a mobile world in which communication plays a critical social role.

Findings from the case study provide a significant contribution to research, methodology

and practice of social needs, in this case of adult women in seachange communities and their use

of communication methods to fulfil their needs. While there are acknowledged limitations in the

case study undertaken, the research findings provide a solid foundation for further research into

friendworks and communication practices.

Decision makers interested in population mobility, sense of community and social

capital, have the opportunity to translate findings from this thesis into a practical agenda to

address similar population challenges in additional locations, physical as well as virtual.

Researchers interested in these areas might use this thesis as a basis for further research that can

conceptualise and theorise this emerging area of social challenges within mobility situations in

order to inform theory and practice.

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Page 227

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Appendices

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Appendices

Appendix A : Contact details form (the online survey)

Hello,

Thank you for agreeing to take part in my research ‗friends, communication and mobile

phones‘. Participation in this study is voluntary and you may withdraw at any time.

I would like to contact you in the next 2 weeks to schedule convenient time for you to be

interviewed. The interview will take place in your house and will last approximately an hour and

a half.

I will appreciate your cooperation in providing your contact details:

Name:

Address:

Telephone number:

Mobile number:

Email address:

For any questions or clarifications, please feel free to contact me.

Thank you

Orit Ben-Harush

Telephone: 6680 5680

Mobile: 0415 415 126

Email: [email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

Appendices

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Also, I would highly appreciate it if you will be able to fill in the following

questionnaire. It is totally confidential and will be used as background information fir the

upcoming interview. Thank you very much!

1. What year were you born in? _____________

2. Where were you born? Australia Overseas ____________ (please specify

your country of birth)

3. How would you best describe your current living situation (circle the relevant answers):

Single married widowed separated divorced

living alone living with husband and/or with family single parent

sharing accommodation living with elderly parent(s) living with and caring for ill, or elderly

4. How many people live in the household? ________. Who (partner, daughter, son…)?

and their age: ___________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________________

5. Please indicate close family members (son, daughter, mother, father, brother sister, etc))

that live outside the household, their age and place of residence?

__________________________________

_______________________________________________________________________

_______________________________________________________________________

6. What is the highest level of education you have completed? (circle your response)

Up to 10 years schooling 12 years of schooling Undergraduate degree (Bachelors)

Postgraduate degree Professional qualification Other (please specify)

___________________________

7. How would you best describe your current work situation? (circle your response)

Home duties work part time work full time retired

Paid work from home (part-time, full-time) self employed Employee

student unemployed Other _______________________________

8. Are you satisfied with your family level income?

It is more than I need It is enough It is not enough for me and my family needs

9. What types of transport are you using? Car public transport bicycle

Appendices

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10. How would you describe your general health condition?

Excellent good fair poor

11. Do you do volunteer work? No yes.

11.1. For what venues? Church community cultural

school

support work sport organisations disabled.

11.2. How many hours a week? ______________

12. What are your hobbies? Gardening weaving art work

writing discussion groups sports reading cooking

other __________________________________________________________________

Mobile phone use

13. Who owns the phone you are currently using? _____________________________________

14. Currently, I am a (please circle) mobile subscriber prepaid customer

15. How long have you been using a mobile phone? ___________________________________

16. Do you share your mobile phone with anyone else? No Yes

16.1. Who? ________________________________________________________________.

16.2. What is the usage percentage of each? Mine___________ the other _____________

17. Who pays the mobile phone bill? Me my employer other __________________

18. What is your average monthly mobile phone expenditure? ___________________________

19. Who is the most dominant mobile user in your family? ______________________________

19.1. What might be the reason for that? __________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

20. How would you rate your usage of your mobile phone? Heavy Medium Light

21. How many times a day / per week you are generally usually using your mobile phone?

____________________________________

Appendices

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22. What is the primary use of your mobile (sort by importance)

Coordination Life

saving

Work

Related

All sorts

of social

purposes

Emotional

support

Companionship Personal use

other than

communicating

with others

(calendar,

alarm clock,

internet

browsing,

games...)

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Fifth

Sixth

Seventh

23. How important is the role of the mobile phone in the following aspects of your daily life?

Very

important

Important Not so

important

Not

important

at all

NA

building and maintaining friendships

being able to contact friends

being able to locate close family

members

sustaining family relationships (for

example discussing family issue)

Working through personal feelings

child-caring or for your children's

purposes

Coordination of activities with

friends

Reinforcing self-confidence

Coordination of family related

activities

Interactions with people for work

purposes

Getting emotional support‘

Appendices

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24. Which features do you use on your mobile phone, and how often? Please choose only one

answer, the most appropriate one.

Quite a

few

Few

times a

day

Once a

day

A few

times a

week

Once a

week

Few

times a

month

I never

used this

feature

I don‘t know

what this

feature is about

Voice calls

SMS

Alarm clock

Calendar

Voicemail

MMS

Photo Shooting

Internet

browsing

Email

Video calls

Moblogging

Instant

Messaging

Music (MP3…)

Games

25. What is your most common communication method for emotional support interactions? sort

by frequency

Face-to-face The fixed-

telephone

The internet The mobile

phone

First

Second

Third

Fourth

Appendices

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Appendix B : The consent form

“Social networks and mobile phones”

Research Team Contacts: Orit Ben Harush, PhD Student,

Tel: 02 6680 5680, Mobile: 0415 415 126, Email: [email protected]

Hello,

My name is Orit and I am a doctoral student at Queensland University of Technology. I am

researching Australian women and their mobile phone usage.

Description

I would like to ask for your assistance in learning more about women and their mobile phone

usage as a mobile phone user.

You will be asked to take part in two activities, as part of the research:

Fill in a basic questionnaire - This can take up to 10 minutes

Interviewed in person - you will be asked questions about your mobile phone use. This

can take up to an hour and a half.

The mentioned activities will take place in your own dwelling.

Participation

Your participation in this project is voluntary. If you do agree to participate, you can

withdraw from participation at any time during the project without comment or penalty.

Your decision to participate will in no way impact upon your current or future relationship

with Queensland University of Technology.

Your participation will involve two activities: filling in a questionnaire and personal

interviewing by me.

PARTICIPANT INFORMATION for QUT

RESEARCH PROJECT


Appendices

Page 259

Expected benefits

No financial benefit is offered as part of the research. The expected benefit is information on

women and mobile phone usage, which will be shared with you throughout the interview. In

a broader outlook, it is expected that your participation will benefit the overall understanding

of women‘s personal benefit from using mobile phones, the role of mobile phones in

women‘s friendships and social implications of mobile phone usage.

Risks

There are no risks associated with your participation in this project.

Confidentiality

All comments and responses will be treated confidentially. Names of individual persons are

required for internal research purposes and will not be exposed in any identifiable way in

public.

Full confidentiality is guaranteed also when interviewing other participants, whom you

might have relations with.

Interviews will be audio recorded by me. I and my two university supervisors are the only

people who will have access to the recordings. They will be saved and might be used by me

for additional purposes.

It is not possible to participate in the project without being audio recorded.

In case you wish to verify the content prior to final inclusion in the report, please make sure

to approach me and mention this clearly, prior to participating in the research.

Consent to Participate

I would like to ask you to sign a written consent form (enclosed) to confirm your agreement

to participate.

Questions / further information about the project

I would love to share with you further information regarding the research. Please feel free to

approach me anytime, anywhere, if you have any questions

Appendices

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Concerns / complaints regarding the conduct of the project

Queensland University of technology is committed to researcher integrity and the ethical

conduct of research projects. However, if you do have any concerns or complaints about the

ethical conduct of the project you may contact the Queensland University of technology

Research Ethics Officer on 3138 2340 or [email protected]. The Research Ethics

Officer is not connected with the research project and can facilitate a resolution to your

concern in an impartial manner.

Statement of consent

By signing below, you are indicating that you:

have read and understood the information document regarding this project

have had any questions answered to your satisfaction

understand that if you have any additional questions you can contact the research team

understand that you are free to withdraw at any time, without comment or penalty

understand that you can contact the Research Ethics Officer on 3138 2340 or [email protected] if you have concerns about the ethical conduct of the project

agree to participate in the project

understand that the project will include audio recording

Name

Signature

Date / /



Appendices

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Appendix C : In-depth interview schedule

The in-depth interviews consist of nine components: introduction, Ocean Shores, friends,

mobile phone log, communication methods, mobile usage, personal effects and affects of mobile

use, wider implications and conclusion. In order to maximise the interview experience, closed-

ended background questions, relating especially to socio-economic and mobile phone usage, are

asked via an online survey prior to the interview (see Appendix A ). Therefore, the interview

mainly consists of questions that might benefit from a dialogue and interaction between the

interviewer and the interviewee. All interviews are audio recorded. Below is a detailed

description of the interview layout. Specific forms and sheets are separately exhibited as

additional appendices.

1. Introduction (2 minutes)

The interview opens with introductory information about the research and the

interviewer. The research design and the expectations from the research as well as the participant

(take part in a one hour and a half interview, optional follow up interview), are presented. The

participant is requested to sign a consent form. The interview agenda is outlined (personal

background, mobile phone usage, network of friends, methods of communicating with friends,

attitude towards mobile phone usage).

2. Ocean Shores (5 minutes)

The aim of this section is to smoothly get the participants into the interview mode, while

learning about their choice to live in Ocean Shores as well as pointing potential friendship

relations that will be revisited in the following interview sections

Tell me about the move to Ocean Shores (when, why, where did you move from,

how did she hear about the town)?

What‘s Ocean Shores like? (What do you like about Ocean Shores, what don‘t you

like?)

Did you know anyone in Ocean Shores before moving in? How did you get to

know each other in the first place? How would you define your relation before

moving to Ocean Shores? Did your relationship play a role in the decision to move

to Ocean Shores? In what way? What was the nature of your relation soon after

moving to Ocean Shores? Are you still in contact with these people? What is the

nature of your relationship today?

How did you make new friends once moving to Ocean Shores?

Are you still looking for new friends?

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Do you feel you have a sense of belonging to ocean Shores? Why? How?

Generally, do you feel you there is a sense of community in Ocean

Shores? Why? How?

Personally, do you feel connected to the Ocean Shores community? How?

Do you feel connected to Ocean Shores as a place (rather than a connection to its

community, the people)? How? Why?

3. Friends (20 minutes)

Once location aspects have been addressed, social relations are examined through a

concrete set of questions regarding the best friend and friends in general.

Tell me about your best friend (how did you meet, when was it, why is she a ‗best

friend‘, what do you like to do together – and is it via face-to-face, telephone,

internet or mobile phone, how is your relationship today).

o Do you feel you have enough, not enough or more than enough interactions

with your best friend? If this situation is unsatisfactory, what would you do in

order to change it?

How many friends do you think you have? (ask them to suggest a number)

o Do you feel you have enough, not enough or more than enough – friends? Why

do you feel this way?

Is getting emotional support important for you? who do you usually communicate

with for this matter? Are your supporters accessible enough for you for emotional

support matters? Why?

Please name your friends (the my network of friends sheet, Appendix E , is handed

to the interviewee. First, interviewee is asked to name her friends, then she is asked

to fill in complementary information regarding each friend as detailed in Appendix

E )68

.

When the interviewee is done writing friends‘ names, I ask for the sheet in order to fill in

additional information regarding each friend. Based on this sheet, it is possible to map

communication methods of each interviewee within her friendwork.

68 Along the interview, whenever names of additional friends are mentioned, they will be added to this sheet.

Appendices

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4. Mobile phone log (15 minutes)

Participants are asked to fill in mobile phone log based on their last ten mobile activities.

The requested data is stored within the participants‘ mobile phone devices. I take an active part in

documenting responses, to make sure that relevant information is drawn in the most efficient

way. The actual mobile phone log form is attached as Appendix D . The completed form is used

by the interviewer in the next part of the interview which discusses networks of friends.

―We will now turn to check the 10 recent activities on your mobile device. I would like

to write down details regarding recent calls, sent or received, and text messages‖.

Next, the names of friends on the mobile phone log are compared and marked within the

my network of friends list, if new names come up, they are added to this form (Appendix E ) and

information about the relation with them is to be completed.

The aim of this section of the interview is to provide quantitative data regarding people

with whom the respondent was recently in contact with and to infer the proportion of friends

from the overall list.

5. Communication methods (20 minutes)

In this part, based on the ‗my network of friends‘ sheet, participants define the frequency

and the way they communicate with their friends. Each respondent was asked to stick named tags

on the ‗network sociogram‘ sheet (Appendix F ) as a reference to her friends, while indicating

most used communication method and communication frequency.

When completing the sociogram and based on it, the interviewee chooses three names

(one of each most frequent contact cycles). Then she is asked about the nature of the relationship

with each of the three friends and their communication pattern.

What‘s ________ like? (What type of person, what do you like about her?)

What do you get out of your friendship? (the aim is to get the respondent provide

the reason for their friendship: emotional support, instrumental aid, companionship,

coordination, work-related)

Why do you choose to mainly communicate with _____ via _____?

What other ways of communication are used between you and ____?

Who usually initiates the communication?

Where are you usually located when communicating with _____? Where is she

located during the communication session?

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When do you usually communicate with _____? (time, day) and for how long?

Would you like to communicate with ____more/less? (yes / no). If yes - Why don‘t

you?

This set of questions is repeated three times about three chosen friends.

The last part of this section includes general questions regarding communication

methods:

How many years have you been using the telephone and the internet for

communication with friends?

What is the difference when communicating with friends face-to-face, via

telephone, mobile or internet?

When is it best to use each?

What is your favourite way of communication with friends? What is the one most

commonly used? Why?

Where do you keep your most up to date contacts list? (mobile phone, computer,

internet application, address book…)

6. Mobile use (10 minutes)

The purpose of this part of the interview is to collect information about the respondent‘s

mobile phone usage.

Could you share a special personal story about the mobile phone?

Could you share a special text within your SMS archive?

How was using the first mobile phone like (just when started to use it)?

How did you use your mobile phone when just moving to Ocean Shores?

Is it different to the way you use your mobile phone today?

Who do you usually communicate with over the mobile phone (Partner, kids, other

family members, friends, work colleagues, errands related, other) and how often

(few times a day, once a day, few times a week, once a week, less than once a

week)?

Appendices

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7. Personal effect and affect: Attitudes and perception of mobile use (10 minutes)

In this section I aim to grasp the respondent‘s attitudes towards the mobile phone, as a

way to better understand perceived effects and affects of mobile phone usage. Quite a few of the

questions were originally used in Moyal‘s study on telephone usage (1989b). Their context is

customised to mobile phone usage.

The questions are offered as pointers to the discussion in order to encourage the

interviewees to describe how they feel about the mobile phone and what it means in their lives

including, if appropriate, negative views. Therefore my intent is to stimulate the interviewee's

thoughts on her experience of mobile phones. Some responses may already be evident from

earlier discussions and therefore are modified in this part of the interview

What is the primary use of your mobile (sort by importance: coordination, life

saving, work-related, social purposes, other – explain)? Why?

What do you mostly like about your mobile phone? Why?

What do you mostly dislike about mobile phones? Why?

What animal represents the mobile for you? Why?

Did using mobile phone change your way of life? How?

What do you think about the following aspects of mobile phone usage in your daily

life?

o being able to freely communicate with others

o building and maintaining friendships and being able to contact friends

o looking fashionable

o being able to reach people directly (not through other home or office members)

o being able to locate close family members

o doing errands on the run

o being reached 24/7 and everywhere

o sustaining family relationships

o alleviating loneliness

o contributing to your self-esteem, sense of person and self-worth

o offering a sense of security and safety

o child-caring or for your children's purposes

o In your work/business

o giving you access to information (specify)

o (In cases where English is not a first language) as an opportunity to speak in

your own language

Do you use the mobile phone for emotional support?

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Do you find it problematic that women do not make emotional support interactions

over the mobile phone (yes/no)? why?

In what ways the mobile might be considered as a substitute for face-to-face

contact?

In what ways the mobile phone serve as a medium for the discussion of personal

and intimate questions, feelings, experiences

does it enable you to talk more freely

or are you more constrained when talking on mobile. (Cases would be, for

example, a young mother with a new baby

a woman recently widowed or someone in the break-up or trauma of a relationship,

etc.)

Is the mobile sometimes a source of conflict in the family, e.g. husband objection to

too much use, or other?

Have your mobile ever been unavailable for hours or days (forgotten at home,

stolen, battery was over, etc.)? If so, how did this ‗mobile deprivation‘ affect you?

How do you feel about people you can‘t reach because they are unavailable on their

mobile phone?

(If doing volunteer work) Would you use the mobile phone as part of your

volunteer work? Why? How many calls per week, and their duration?

What additional services would you like to have on your mobile phone, and are

currently missing? In relation to social activities?

8. Wider implications (5 minutes)

This part is mainly for brain storming purposes, in order to expose the researcher to

potential wider implications of mobile phone usage, from the respondent‘s point of view. These

questions tend to be more theoretical and philosophical.

Do women use mobiles differently? How? Is this behaviour can be found in other

activities? Where?

Do mobiles change the way we socialise? In what way?

What do you think about the cost of mobile phone usage?

Are there any other wider implications you would like to suggest?

Is there anything else that I didn‘t cover and you think is important?

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9. Conclusion (3 minutes)

If appropriate, I ask for contact details of the interviewee‘s friends who reside in Ocean

Shores, in order to approach them and include them in the research. Their phone number is then

added to the My network of friends form (Appendix E ).

Finally, I asked for the participant‘s consent to take a photo of her (for research analysis

purposes only) and her mobile phone

The researcher thanks the participant for her time and effort.

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Appendix D : Mobile Phone Log Form (within the in-depth Interview)

Please have a look at your mobile phone and fill in details about your 10 most recent activities, both made and received.

Name or

phone Date time modality

sent/

received

Length

of call Your Location Engaged Person

Engaged

Person‟s

gender &

Age

category rationale Necessity of

call/SMS

1 □ voice Call

□ SMS

□ internet

□ video call

□ sent

□ received

□ Home

□ Car

□ Work

□ Leisure related

□ Kids related

□ Errands related

□ Work related

□ Spouse/partner

□ Parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ Work related

□ Errands related

□ Acquaintance

□ Other

□ Female

□ Male

Age ____

□ Paid Work

□ Unpaid

work

□ Life saving

□ coordination

□ socialising

□ work related

□ Other:

____________

□ Vital

□ Nice to

have

□ Indifferent

□ redundant

2 □ voice Call

□ SMS

□ internet

□ video call

□ sent

□ received

□ Home

□ Car

□ Work

□ Leisure related

□ Kids related

□ Errands related

□ Work related

□ Spouse/partner

□ Parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ Work related

□ Errands related

□ Acquaintance

□ Other

□ Female

□ Male

Age ____

□ Paid Work

□ Unpaid

work

□ Life saving

□ coordination

□ socialising

□ work related

□ Other:

____________

□ Vital

□ Nice to

have

□ Indifferent

□ redundant

3 □ voice Call

□ SMS

□ internet

□ video call

□ sent

□ received

□ Home

□ Car

□ Work

□ Leisure related

□ Kids related

□ Errands related

□ Work related

□ Spouse/partner

□ Parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ Work related

□ Errands related

□ Acquaintance

□ Other

□ Female

□ Male

Age ____

□ Paid Work

□ Unpaid

work

□ Life saving

□ coordination

□ socialising

□ work related

□ Other:

____________

□ Vital

□ Nice to

have

□ Indifferent

□ redundant

* The actual form included 10 records (using a hard copy).

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Appendix E : My network of friends (within the in-depth Interview)

For each of your friends, please fill in the mentioned information:

Name Sex Age Ways of knowing

her/him

How

many

years?

Especially

close to

Where does s/he

live?

Choose to

„hang out‟

with?

Same line of

work?

Same

ethnicity?

Same

religion?

1. □ Female

□ Male

□ spouse/partner

□ parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ co-worker

□ neighbour

□ organisation

□ other

□ Yes

□ No

□ Walking distance

□ 5 mins drive

□ up to hour drive

□ over hour

□ abroad

□ Yes

Where?

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

2. □ Female

□ Male

□ spouse/partner

□ parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ co-worker

□ neighbour

□ organisation

□ other

□ Yes

□ No


□ 5 mins drive


□ over hour

□ abroad

□ Yes

Where?

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

3. □ Female

□ Male

□ spouse/partner

□ parent/sibling

□ child

□ other Family

□ friend

□ co-worker

□ neighbour

□ organisation

□ other

□ Yes

□ No


□ 5 mins drive


□ over hour

□ abroad

□ Yes

Where?

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

□ Yes

□ No

* The actual form included 20 records (using hard copy).

Every day

Few times a week

Few times a month

Once a week

Once a month

Less than once a month

Appendix F : Friendwork sociogram sheet (within the in-depth Interview)

10. Choose sticker colour for each of your friends:

o Red – if you mainly contact her/him in person

o Yellow – if you mainly contact her/him via fixed-telephone

o Green - if you mainly contact her/him via mobile (call or SMS)

o Blue - if you mainly contact her/him via the internet (email, chat, voice/video calls, or

social network sites)

o Pink - if you mainly contact her/him otherwise (specify next to the sticker)

11. Name the appropriate sticker for each of the people within your network of friends.

12. Stick it in the relevant frequency circle defining how often you communicate: everyday,

few times a week, once a week, few times a month, once a month or less than once a

month

communicating friendships case study of women in an...

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