dr. vicente alaÑo y serviÁ and the calaix de sastre

Anejos de DIECIOCHO 6 (Fall, 2020)

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DR. VICENTE ALAÑO Y SERVIÁ AND THE CALAIX DE SASTRE:

INTERSECTING THREADS

YVONNE FUENTES University of West Georgia

Introduction I presented a preliminary version of this essay at the 2019 International Congress on the Enlightenment (ISECS) in Edinburgh, Scotland. The theme was Enlightenment Identities and the organizers of the

congress reminded us in the call for papers that identities are individual or communal . . . local, regional, national . . . characteristically complex [and] forged by factors ranging from the personal to wider political, intellectual, cultural, social, and historical contexts.1 Our panel added the words “Peripheral in the Hispanic World” to that already intriguing idea of identities. The result was an invitation to question, perhaps even react against, not only the concept of Hispanic identity but also the long-assumed geographical and discursive constructs that maintained the notion that if the center was the canon, the traditional, and the norm, then the periphery represented the marginal and the unconventional, in other words, the exception.2 Recent scholarship on the Enlightenment and specifically on the Hispanic Enlightenment(s) reveals that those rigid parameters of center and periphery are, as Clorinda Donato posits, being reset and/or replaced by polycentric networks and new modes of engagement (3-4). In so doing, our fellow researchers are uncovering a variety of new conceptual spaces

1 The call read as follows: The question of ‘identity’ was much disputed in the eighteenth century, in ways ranging from the local, regional, colonial, national, federal, imperial, to the global. Identities are complex. They are forged by factors ranging from the personal to wider political, military, religious, intellectual, techno-scientific, cultural, ethnic, social, sexual, economic, class/caste, geographical, and historical contexts. The idea of Enlightenment was itself much debated. Given these interlocking complexities, ‘Enlightenment Identities’ constitutes an important theme for an international gathering in the Enlightenment city of Edinburgh, whose eighteenth-century denizens, like Adam Smith, were at once Scottish, British, and ‘citizens of the world’. 2 There are numerous studies, articles, books, conferences and websites on the topic of periphery v center, and identity v identities, among them Peripheral Identities project at Lancaster University https://www.lancaster.ac.uk/fass/projects/peripheral/index.html; Donato and López; Gies and Wall; and Astigarraga.

Fuentes, "Vicente Alaño and the Calaix de Sastre"

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from which to explore and focus on language choices, representation, locality, tensions, and recognition. If we agree that the Enlightenment was a process, rather than a project, during which ideas and innovations were circulated, adapted, filtered, and then applied, and if we also take into account the diversity of the Spanish empire, we must acknowledge that much of the Hispanic Enlightenment was not a one size fits all homogenous and court-centered set of instructions and behaviors. Most of what was discussed, debated, and finally put in practice in the Hispanic Enlightenment was nuanced, regional, local, and even autonomous in character, scope, and reach (see, for example, Sánchez Espinosa and Gordon). Daniel Gordon’s opinion regarding the French colonial code can also be applied, in this instance, to that of the Spanish whose: “impulse to systematize went hand in hand with the impulse to particularize” (19).

This essay touches upon a few intersections in Spanish and more specifically Catalan eighteenth-century contexts. If, in fact, we possess many distinctive social identity qualities simultaneously; and if these qualities interplay in unique ways; and most importantly, if identity is fluid, multifaceted, and shifts throughout times and places,3 then it would seem to make little sense to confine or fix an immutable and permanent label to many of our enlightened personalities and localities as if they were monolithic, flat, static, and singular political or cultural entities.4 My aim here is to look at some of these individuals as they created new designs, shapes, and configurations of identity much like the transversal threads that go over and at other times under tightly stretched longitudinal historic threads. As we will see, the image of connecting threads to compose a whole is, in this case, not only a visually rich metaphor but also quite literal, tangible, and a significant aspect of Barcelona’s and Catalonia’s

3 The term itself is used in different disciplines to name different concepts. For political scientists, the idea of “identity” is essential and goes hand in hand with discussions of nationalism and ethnicity; those who study multiculturalism explore the cultural and historical construction of “identities”; anthropologists who study kinship also pay special attention to terminologies of “identities”; and current conversations on race relations and policing in American cities include the idea of “identity” politics. The Spanish Law 3/2007 of March 25th regulates the procedure to change one’s gender “identity” in vital records and in the national identity card carried by each Spaniard. 4 The monumental work of Marcelino Menéndez Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos españoles, published between 1880 and 1882, is an excellent example of this either/or false identification of Spanish identity. In his case and that of his many followers, the options were categorically binary: Catholic and Spanish, or anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish. See Fuentes, “Don Ramón de la Cruz," for an example of a playwright who discussed and portrayed enlightened ideas and concerns while also appealing to the popular taste of his time and compatriots.


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economies and identities. A brief overview of local textile industries, and more specifically the guilds and corporations that contributed to them, can help us understand the many facets of these identities.5

Background of guilds and corporations

Pedro Molas Ribalta writes that while there were guilds in Europe around the thirteenth century, the widespread development of these associations did not occur until the fifteenth century in Spain (Los gremios barceloneses 34). Similarly, despite there being a confraternity of tailors in Seville by 1250, the guilds did not generally appear throughout Castille until somewhat later than in the rest of Europe (MacKay 15-16). In Catalonia, however, the guilds followed a faster rhythm of development, originating in the fourteenth century, and as suspected: “las corporaciones más antiguas fueron las relacionadas con la industria textil y de la confección del calzado . . .” (Molas, Los gremios 34).

Although by the second half of the seventeenth century there was already a growing flexibility regarding regulations, there was still a three-tier hierarchy within the guilds: (aprendices) apprentices, (oficiales) journeymen, and (maestros) masters (Thomson 41). The fundamental right and exclusive privilege of the latter was to: “fabricar y vender los productos señalados en las ordenanzas gremiales,” and those with “casa y botica,” “fábrica formal,” or an “obrador” or “laboratorio” were considered first class masters. Following the implementation of the Real Imposición del Catastro, this recognition of status was no longer always accurate or advantageous given that the declaration of having one’s own place required payment of a cadastral tax.6 Many, it seems, did not declare ownership but instead held individual or joint tenancy in order to avoid paying the required taxes. As a result, there were: “maestros que tienen tienda, maestros que no tienen tienda pero alquilan un local, y maestros jornaleros que trabajan para otros.”

5 For a history of guilds and the formation of corporations, see Molas, Los gremios. More focused studies include Thomas; Molas, “La política del tinte”; and Molas, “Documentació gremial, among others. 6 The Real Imposición del Catastro, a general tax applied to all with the exception of those with privilege of hidalguía, was among the many changes in policies and laws that followed the War of Succession and its overall restructuring of Catalan governance and government as a result of the 1716 Nueva Planta. Everyone owed either personal income tax (based on the wages earned over 180 days in a year) or industrial tax, but the guilds were subject to both forms of taxation (see Molas, Los gremios 147-54.) Miguel Artola argues, however, that the fear that the new taxation would limit or shrink the local Catalan economy was proven wrong given that: “la fórmula inédita que buscó, simultáneamente, la equidad tributaria y un mejor reparto de la carga… [Resultó en] una fiscalidad más moderna y justa que la que pervivió en Castilla” (229).


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In some guilds, these last maestros could also be: “pobres de solemnidad, maestros que son como mancebos” (Molas, Los gremios 77).

Occupations changed according to the time of year, or as a result of a shortage of new raw materials during times of wars and peace, or depending on local or familial needs, as well as on the demands of the regional or national economy. By the eighteenth century, the roles and divisions between and among the groups were in most cases not fixed. Similarly, although some occupations were considered better or less desirable than others, because guilds were local or at least regional associations there was no set order in this aspect either. The result was that this loose hierarchy between guilds and crafts further contributed to the social diversity and adaptability of new social structures. As MacKay reveals, a group that might enjoy greater authority in one place could easily be considered subordinate in another. For example, while the hatters supervised the rope makers in Madrid, in Zamora the former were subservient to the latter. Another example cited by MacKay is that of shoemakers in Mexico City where they marched in first place during one of the processions of the Corpus only to be relegated, a few years later, to a less prominent position by the wealthy silversmiths. All of these examples demonstrate a fluidity in occupational and social standing depending on circumstances, but they do not imply superiority or inferiority because despite the fights in court between and among the guilds, they shared a “conviction that they were at least on equal ground” (104).

We know that before the overall restructuring of 1714, craftsmen and artisans had participated actively in Barcelona’s local governance. Although the original municipal Consell de 200 prohoms that governed throughout most of the Kingdom of Aragon and more specifically in Barcelona was reduced to 100 by 1265;7 by 1493 the Consell de Cent included: “144 jurats: 48 ciutadans honrats, i quatre grups de 32, cadascun format per membres d'un estament (mercaders, artistes i menestrals).” 8 Furthermore, the Conselleria or the executive body, was formed by “cinco consellers: 3

7 For a clear and concise background on the Consell de Cent from 1249-1462, see the text by Sebastià Riera Viader, historian from the Arxiu Històric de la Ciutat http://www.publicacions.bcn.es/bmm/49/ct_qc2.htm. See also Ciutat, monarquia i formacions estatals, segles xiii-xviii XIV (Congrés d’Història de Barcelona, 2015) for a list of menestrals and prohoms who participated in local governance http://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/arxiumunicipal/arxiuhistoric/sites/default/files/Arxiu. Additionally, see Florensa i Soler. 8 The Gran enciclopèdia catalana defines jurat as "membre d’alguns consells municipals catalans —com el Consell de Cent, de Barcelona—, anomenat també prohom (denominació que prevalgué en algunes poblacions, com Perpinyà, Tortosa, etc). O conseller (en les localitats en què el nom de jurat designava els magistrats rectors del municipi)."


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ciudadanos, 1 mercader y 1 artista o menestral que se alternaban el cargo anualmente” (Florensa i Soler 185).

It was not until January 1716 that the Nueva Planta de la Real Audiencia del Principado de Cataluña abolished local autonomous institutions and practices. Claiming a desire to: “dar para en adelante las más saludables providencias para que sus moradores vivan con paz, sosiego y abundancia,” Felipe V replicated and enforced on Catalonia many of the institutions and customs of Castille. Instead of a Virrey, there was a Capitán General assisted by the Real Audiencia; gone was the Consell de Cent and more importantly the right to elect the assembly members who were as of the Nueva Planta appointed by the Crown. And should any ambiguity remain, the decree explicitly stated that: “Todos los demás oficios que había antes en el Principado, temporales, o perpetuos, y todos los Comunes no expresados en éste mi Real Decreto, quedan suprimidos y extintos.” A major change that had occurred earlier and that had a long lasting effect on life in the Principado was the closure of all six universities

by order of Mariscal Berwick just days after the fall of Barcelona on September 17, 1714.9 In addition to the above, the Nueva Planta de la Real Audiencia del Principado de Cataluña also called for “prohibiciones de extranjería, porque mi Real intención es que en mis Reynos, las Dignidades y honores, se confieran recíprocamente a mis Vasallos, por el mérito, y no por el Nacimiento en una u otra Provincia de ellos.”

As a result of greater centralization efforts, the guilds were no longer under the control of the local Municipal government but rather under the Real Audiencia de Cataluña. Interestingly, despite the changes brought about after the Nueva Planta and the aforementioned efforts to centralize control, the guilds played and enjoyed a twofold role under the new administration: on the one hand, they were seen and used as an instrument of control of the workforce, and on the other, as an important source of

9 The six universities that were closed were: Lleida, Girona, Barcelona, Tarragona, Vic and Tortosa. The small city of Cervera requested that a new university be located there, and three years later, as symbol of gratitud for its loyalty, Felipe V signed a royal decree, on May 11, 1717, ordering the construction of the only Catalan university, in Cervera. The Decretto de Ereccion de la Real Universidad de Cervera of 1726 read in part as follows “[. . .] teniendo presente mi gratitud [. . .] al amor y constante lealtad de le fidelísima ciudad de Cervera en todo tiempo que ocuparon los enemigos aquel Principado [. . .] la he elegido para Teatro literario único y singular de aquel Principado” (http://www.cervantesvirtual.com/obra/estatutos-de-la-real-y-pontificia-universidad-de-cervera-aprovados-por-el-rey-felipe-v-en-el-ano-1726--0/ Biblioteca de la Universitat de Barcelona. Fons de reserva, Sig. 07 Ms 2003).


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revenue for the state, thus placing them in a position to, at times, leverage their influence and resources. (Molas, Los gremios 135).

Changes following the riots of 1766

Important political developments to keep in mind as we reconstruct these peripheral and communal identities of the second half of the eighteenth century were the disturbances of spring 1766, known as the Riots of Esquilache. These were caused by the socio-economic, political, and cultural malaise perpetrated, at least in the collective imagination, by the Italian Marquis de Esquilache. For the common folk, he and the other foreign members of government were to blame for the food shortages and the rising prices. Since the political and economic grievances that produced the dissatisfaction and the subsequent riots are outside the purview of this essay, I will touch only briefly on a tangible and immediate trigger: the ban and attempt to enforce a dress code.

Bans on clothing were not new or limited to the eighteenth century. There had been earlier bans and restrictions on how to dress while in mourning: “Modos de traer los lutos; y personas por quienes deben ponerse” (Felipe II, 1565); on silk capes and other adornments “Prohibición de guarniciones de trages y vestidos, y de capas y balandranes de seda” (Felipe IV, 1623); and also on certain women’s dresses “Prohibición de guardainfante y otro tal trage, y de jubones escotados a todas las mugeres, menos las públicas” (1639).

Throughout the eighteenth century, the targets were the long capes and the wide brimmed hats: “Prohibición de andar embozados en la Corte con montera, gorro calado, sombrero u otro embozo que oculte el rostro” (Felipe V, 1716); the same ban was reissued in 1723, and again in July 1745. It was reworded by Carlos III in January 1766: “Prohibición de usar capa larga, sombrero redondo ni embozo los empleados en el servicio y oficinas Reales,” and published in March of that same year. “No habiendo bastado para desterrar de la Corte [. . .] el abuso del embozo con capa larga, sombrero chambergo o gacho, [. . .] las Reales órdenes y bandos publicados [. . .] mando que ninguna persona, de cualquier calidad, condición y estado que sea, pueda usar [. . .] del citado traje de capa larga y sombrero redondo para el embozo; pues quiero y mando, que toda la gente civil, y de alguna clase, [. . .] usen precisamente de capa corta (que á lo menos le falte una cuarta para llegar al suelo), de redingot ó capingot, y de peluquín o pelo propio, y sombrero de tres picos, de forma que de ningún modo vayan embozados, ni oculten el rostro: y por lo que toca a los menestrales, y todos los demás del pueblo (que no puedan vestirse de militar ), aunque usen de la capa, sea precisamente con sombrero de tres picos, o montera de las permitidas al pueblo ínfimo, y más pobre o Mendigo . . . .”10

10 Ley XIII y el bando publicado en Madrid a 10 de marzo de 1766, renovando otros anteriores. Prohibición de usar capa larga, sombrero chambergo o redondo,


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Perhaps seen as a measure to strengthen panoptic visibility, its publication served as flashpoint of the riots. The reaction against the ban was swift, violent, and widespread, and especially notorious was that of the rioting people of Madrid.11 Their demands included: a) that the king get rid of the hated Marquis de Esquilache; b) a price reduction on bread and other food staples; c) that the king rescind the ban on clothing; and d) that the junta de abastos be eliminated. The claims were at first granted by the king, but soon after rejected by the Special Council (Consejo extraordinario) arguing that “el bajo pueblo” had no legal standing since it was not one of the three representatives of the city: nobleza, clero, gremios.12 Despite the reversal of the majority of the concessions, the junta de abastos that was run by an oligarchy of nobles whose responsibility was to ensure supplies and deliver provisions, was not reinstated.

Similar wording was used yet again in 1770, “Prohibición de sombreros gachos o chambergos a todos los que vistan hábitos largos de sotana y manteo” and in May 1784. In each case the reasoning was that the wide brimmed hat and the long cape could be and were used to conceal identity and weapons. However, the last ban explicitly associated the use of these pieces of clothing with members of a social class and ethnic group: “los gitanos, contrabandistas, toreros y carniceros.”

Specific and central to this essay is the resolution dated May 5th, 1766 that called for elections of four diputados del común, thereby altering the elite system that had dealt with provisions, supplies, and prices. Their charge included: “tratar y conferir en punto de abastos, examinar los pliegos o propuestas que se hicieren, y establecer las demás reglas económicas,

montera calada y embozo en la Corte y Sitios Reales. Novísima Recopilación de la leyes de España, Tomo II, Libro III, 159-60. Digital copy in https://catalog.hathitrust.org/Record/007037081. 11 For studies of similar reactions following the political tensions of December 1765 and the subsequent riots and protests in spring 1766 in Madrid against the rising cost of bread and the dress code, see Corona, “Los sucesos ocurridos desde marzo a mayo"; Corona, “El motín de Zaragoza"; Corona, “Los sucesos de Palencia"; as well as Anes and Ferrer Benimeli. 12 See Coronas González 713. The legal arguments against those who rioted and demanded concessions concluded they were: 1. Nula, por no reunir los requisitos para celebrar concejo abierto; 2. Ilícita, por haber prescindido del corregidor; 3. Insólita, por ser los reclamantes, a diferencia de los miembros del Ayuntamiento, una numerosa concurrencia de vecindario compuesta de personas de diferente índole; 4. Defectuosa, porque el acto careció de autoridad legítima; 5. Oscura, porque nadie apareció representando aquel especie de gentes; 6. Violenta; 7. De pernicioso ejemplo; 8. Obstinada; 9. Ilegal; and 10, Irreverente (715-17).


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tocantes a estos puntos, que pida el bien común.”13 Some of the rules regulating who, how, where, and when, indicated that all secular and tax paying residents of parishes and neighborhoods would be eligible to vote; those who received a plurality of vote would serve as elected officials; no current municipal official or person related in the fourth degree was eligible to run for the posts; the diputados would serve two-year terms with staggered elections ensuring that experienced diputados served along with the recently elected ones; and they would enjoy respect, status, and consideration for their service. A quick look at the list of diputados del común elected between 1766 and 1808 in Barcelona shows that a number of them came from textile industries, i.e. tejedores-weavers;14 terciopeleros-velvet weavers; sastres-tailors; tintoreros-dyers; fabricantes de indianas-production managers in factories that printed on imported fabrics; or botigueros-draper shops (Molas, “Diputats i Síndics” 23-27).

Intersecting threads My interest in Vicente Alaño y Serviá stemmed from a manuscript, La muerte del Justo y Benéfico Monarca Luis décimo Sexto Rey el más Desgraciado de Francia y de Navarra, Tragedia sacada de la Historia de los verdaderos hechos de la revolución de Francia Por el Dr. en Sagrada Teología y ambos derechos Don Vicente Alaño y Serviá. The play is a five-act tragedy surrounding the days of the trial and execution of Louis XVI. The title and a quick reading led me to conclude that the playwright was against the regicide. For example, references to “Dios” (whether as a direct invocation to the Almighty, or as an interjection, i.e. Oh my god) can be found throughout the play on at least 38 occasions. A closer look, however, reveals that the language and arguments used for both sides are quite compelling and filled with “enlightened” terms. It contains mention of “ciudadano” on 16 occasions; “ley” on 10; “libertad” on 8; “derecho” on 7; “igualdad” on 4, and is also replete with classical references to Julio César, Roma and romanos, Bruto, Darío, Alejandro, Tito, among others. But because of the topic of the manuscript and given that I could find no mention of either the play or the playwright, I initially and erroneously assumed it could only have been penned by someone who I identified as, more than likely, another mid-nineteenth century conservative author

13 Novísima recopilación de las leyes de España. Tomo III, Libro VII, 440-42. See https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=pst.000032397680&view=1up&seq=3 14 See also, La casa de la seda, https://www.casadelaseda.com/es/inicio/, and https://www.museodelasedavalencia.com/vicente-enguidanos-cor-vellut/ for information on velluters in Valencia.


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celebrating the return of absolutism and warning against the dangers of modern ideas.15 Familial kinship and communal identities

I finally came across the family surname for the first time in the Diario de Barcelona’s lost and found section of August 5th 1794: “El día 31 de julio se perdieron dos llaves medianas, atadas con un retazo de grana: el que las hubiese hallado, se servirá entregarlas en casa de Matheo Alaño, sastre, que vive frente a la lotería de la Boquería, en donde se dará una gratificación.”16 A visit to the archives in the Diocese of Barcelona revealed that Matheo Alaño, “maestro sastre,” and his wife, Rosa Serviá, were parents to at least four boys:

*** Manuel claimed to be 35 years old at the time he married Francisca Alba in 1794. He died in 1822 at the approximate age of 64, and like his father, he too was a maestro sastre. This occupational identity proved to be problematic when his daughter planned to marry a Lieutenant Coronel, in 1817, who, because of his rank, was required to submit proof of her limpieza de sangre. Among the batches of documents in the Diocese labeled “enmiendas de partidas” is Manuel’s request asking that all mention of the father’s and grandfather’s trade be deleted from his daughter’s baptism papers: “pues aunque en esta provincia de Cataluña y mayormente en la presente capital tienen los artesanos una honorífica consideración, comúnmente no gozan de ella en otras provincias, ni aun en la capital del reino.”17

15 See Fuentes, Mártires y anticristos for a list of texts that dealt with the topic of the French revolution. The research revealed that it was mainly after 1808, and not before, that there was a remarkable increase of anti-French and anti-Napoleon sentiment accompanied by writings that attempted to establish a causal relationship between the French Revolution and Napoleon’s invasion of Spain. By the time Fernando VII managed to overturn the liberal constitution and reign with absolute power, nineteenth-century revisionist historiography was in full swing. Many of these new writings were situated in the context of the French Revolution and anathematized as anti-Spanish not only French revolutionaries but also the enlightened, the liberals, and the Spanish Enlightenment, thus reinforcing the terrible schism between “us” and “them.” See also Fuentes “The French Revolution’s Echo in Spain." 16 I searched in the Libros de grado of a number of universities that conferred the degrees of doctor in “sagrada teología y ambos derechos” in the eighteenth century and found no record of this student or of his surname. 17 This reminds us that while Charles the III was forced to issue a Royal Edict in Madrid in 1783 in favor of those who practiced the art and occupation of tailors, cobblers, carpenters and others of similar trade, declaring them honest and honorable, these same craftsmen had held prominent social positions and had been members of the Consell de Cent of Barcelona at the turn of the century and before.


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*** The reverend father friar Matheo Alaño, of the Trinitarian order was another son, and practically all information about him came from the baró de Maldà’s Calaix de Sastre, mostly within the context of his pastoral duties as either preacher or participant in religious services attended by the baron. However, on one of the occasions that Father Alaño appeared in the diary he did so as a member of a large party of friends and acquaintances out for a stroll in Sarriá. By 1808, the same P. Lector jubilado Fr. Mateo Alaño was labeled “revolucionario” in Raymundo Ferrer’s account.18

*** The youngest son, Joseph Alaño (born 1777), was a 20-year old joven sastre at the time of his marriage in February 1797 to Rosamunda Nadal (born 1774). She was the 23-year old daughter of the late Felipe Nadal, tintorero de seda, and his widow Margarita.19 Their only surviving child, Vicente Alaño Nadal, would become a presbyter in 1830 and name his uncle as character witness.

(Novísima recopilación de las leyes de España. Tomo IV, Libro VIII, Tit. XXIII, ley VIII). 18 Barcelona Cautiva, o sea diario exacto de los ocurrido en la misma ciudad mientras la oprimieron los franceses… desde el 13 de febrero de 1808 hasta el 28 de mayo de 1814… por el R.P.D. Raymundo Ferrer, Presbítero… Barcelona: Antonio Brusi, 1815. Ferrer mentions that on July 14th, 1808, “A las 5 de la mañana una compañía de granaderos franceses ha rodeado el Convento de PP. Trinitarios calzados y … se han metido por la Iglesia, preguntando por el Superior. Este, que es el P. Presentado Fr. Miguel Vintró, estaba diciendo Misa, y en el ínterin han mandado reunir a toda la Comunidad en la Sacristía. Se ha apoderado luego de dicho P. Provincial el Capitán, quien secamente le ha intimado, que él y el P. Ministro debían ir presos á Monjuich [. . ]. por la licencia que disteis ayer a dos Religiosos para irse a sus casas. . . ." (149). The prisoners were then released on the 20th of that same month in exchange for payment, “Han bajado hoy de Monjuich al P. Ministro de Trinitarios Calzados, y a dos Religiosos de la misma Orden, cuya libertad se ha logrado (como la de todos los demás) a fuerza de onzas. Es muy curiosa la respuesta que ha vuelto Lechi al P. Presentado y Rector del Colegio de la misma Religión, al P. Joseph Carbonell, y al P. Lector jubilado Fr. Mateo Alaño, cuando han ido a interceder por los tres Religiosos presos, pues les ha respondido: Mas religión tengo yo, que todos vosotros; la tengo impresa en mi corazón; vosotros sois unos revolucionarios. Quería también mandarlos al castillo, pero habiéndole llegado la noticia, que el Coronel Foresti tenía ya 70 onzas en oro, todos han ido libres” (154). 19 Letters, wills, and church documents revealed that Joseph abandoned his wife and child. Despite this, Rosamunda stipulated in her will that their son would care for his father should he ever return to the family. The son himself had many problems as shown by the 159 pages of sworn testimonies and depositions taken from the dozens of witnesses called during the church´s investigation and trial of the presbyter Vicente Alaño Nadal.


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*** Vicente Alaño y Serviá doctor en Sagrada Teología y en ambos derechos is the name on the cover of the play, and on his marriage license dated April 1797 when a 39- year old Vicente wed a 47-year old Margarita Nadal, viuda de Felipe Nadal. She was “habitante antes y después de viuda en la Parroquia de Santa María del Mar,” while the groom was “habitante en la Parroquia de Santa María del Mar desde algún tiempo, y antes siempre en la del Pino.” The reference to these two parishes indicates more than just locality given that both places were closely connected to merchants, guilds, and trade associations as opposed to the Cathedral, a place of worship strongly favored and supported by the nobles and the king.

At this juncture, however, the individual and communal identities (master tailors, silk dyers, members of parishes clearly linked to merchants and trade associations) forged by economic and class factors will also intersect within a larger historical context when in May 1781 Matheo Alaño, maestro sastre, was elected diputado del común for Barcelona, and four years later, in May 1785, Felipe Nadal, tintorero de seda, was also elected to serve as diputado del común. Interestingly, Matheo’s signature appears in many of the decisions and documents leading us to conclude that he was not only present but also an active participant in local matters during his term as diputado del común.20

We know that by 1782 while Matheo was diputado del común, Vicente already had degrees in Filosofía y Teología, and, at least at that time, he was considering a career in the church, a career for which his father had requested a benefice.21 He must have received his degree "de doctor en ambos derechos" sometime between 1782 and 1797, which indicates he was approximately 31 years old when the Fall of the Bastille occurred in July 1789, 34 years old when France declared itself a Republic in 1792, and when Luis décimo Sexto Rey el más Desgraciado de Francia y de Navarra was executed early 1793. We know that by 1797, the year of Vicente’s marriage

20 I have no evidence that Matheo and Felipe coincided in their service, but it is more than likely that they were at least somewhat acquainted given that Barcelona had four diputados del común, and that staggered elections were held for one half of the seats, every two years, furthermore, a quick glance at the list of diputados del común elected between 1766-1808 shows that a number of them came from textile industries. See Casa de la seda, https://www.casadelaseda.com/es/inicio/; also https://www.museodelasedavalencia.com/vicente-enguidanos-cor-vellut/ for information on velluters in Valencia. 21 Barrio Gozalo argues that throughout the eighteenth century in Spain 68% of those proposed as bishops had a degree of doctor, and of those, the immense majority were in Sagrada Teología. Furthermore, “hasta mediados del siglo XVIII prácticamente no existe separación entre lo que podemos llamar carrera eclesiástica y civil, pues con frecuencia pasan de una a otra sin más motivo aparente que la esperanza de mejorar su estatus social o económico” (44-46).


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to Margarita, she was a 47-year old widow whose late husband, Felipe tintorero de seda, had also been diputado del común. Moreover, as mentioned earlier, Margarita and Vicente were parishioners of Santa María del Mar, a neighborhood known as “el centro de acción de[l] gremio de mercaderes de lienzos; un gremio [que] se convirtió en un centro de promoción social…” (Molas, Los gremis 310).

The will drafted by Felipe Nadal in 1794 and a 1798 inventory of belongings gives an account of the properties he and his then wife owned. There was a three-story house in Carrer de la Tapinería with numerous bedrooms, living rooms, maids’ quarters, and pantries, as well as cellars and a shop, all beautifully furnished with silverware and silver candelabras, wooden chairs, tables, armoires, silk and satin curtains, and tapestries. Additionally, they had houses in Carrer de les Moles, and Carrer de Roig, in the Barrio Gótico and the neighborhood of el Ravel, respectively. However, it was the summer house known as Torre Nadal that revealed the extent of these new forms of social representation, and much about their identities.

The inventory of properties and belongings made shortly after the Alaño brothers married the Nadal mother and daughter duo in 1797, described and itemized the property and its furnishings in detail throughout 11 pages. For example, after entering a small foyer with six large chairs and two smaller ones, one entered a salon furnished with “45 sillas color de perla con asientos de boga poco usadas, cuatro candelabros poco usados, cuatro columnas de madera pintadas con una estatua grande de yeso barnizada en cada una. En el cuarto de la chimenea, dos canapés, treinta sillas grandes de boga, sobre la chimenea un espejo grande, dos jarros de cristal dorados al fuego, dos relojes magnéticos, una brújula, un barómetro y termómetro, . . . un piano de maneta con tres cilindros, cornetas, clarines y flautas.” Besides bedrooms, cellars, pantries, and a chapel, there was “un patio interior, un anfiteatro y un teatro. En el patio hay siete bancos de madera sin respaldos, otro banco de madera con respaldo para los músicos, cuatro atriles de madera para la orquesta, una caja con dos violines, un contrabajo con su caja, y dos guitarras. En el anfiteatro hay un tablado de madera con su grada y barandillas cubiertas de tela pintada, además de una araña de metal. [Dentro hay] un tablado de madera con sus correspondientes bastidores, telones y demás utensilios correspondientes a toda especie de representación. En el cuarto de vestir se encuentran algunos vestidos de época.” But the inventory mentions only a handful of religious artifacts other than those found in the chapel: “una imagen de yeso de Nuestra Señora de la Concepción pintada con óleo, un Cristo de bronce y una cruz de madera,” along with a painting of St. Anthony, a crucified Christ, and an image of St. Joseph in another part of the house. Felipe’s will, drafted four years before the inventory, did not add much more, but it did disclose the names of his trusted executors: “Margarita Nadal y


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Ambrús, mi amadísima mujer; Francisco Nadal (perxer22), mi hermano; Pau Respall (abaixador23) y el Dr. en derecho Vicente Alaño, . . . ciudadanos de Barcelona, a los cuales dono todos los poderes que en derecho me son permitidos para que de mis bienes cumplan y satisfagan mi funeral.”

The baró de Maldà, self-proclaimed Catholic, Apostolic, Roman and Catalan, and the Calaix de Sastre

Don Rafael d’Amat i de Cortada, baró de Maldà, was born into an aristocratic Catalan family in 1746. Although his uncle Manual d’Amat i de Junyent was Viceroy of Peru from 1761 to 1776, don Rafael himself was a “típico representante de una nobleza mediana un tanto provinciana. Tenía propiedades y unas buenas rentas [. . .] pero no era un terrateniente, tampoco fue [. . .] poderoso e influyente en la esfera política catalana. Hombre de mentalidad conservadora, muy apegado a sus privilegios, a las costumbres de su clase y a los principios jerárquicos de la sociedad del Antiguo Régimen. Devoto de la tradición [. . .] participaba de una cierta curiosidad por las novedades, siempre que no amenazaran sus valores” (Pérez Samper 434-5).

He kept a diary, Calaix de Sastre, for over forty years, and though it may lack literary value the diary is still today a priceless source of information on everyday life. It is a Who’s Who of Barcelona during the second half of the eighteenth century; at times it reads like a tabloid full of gossip and insults, others as a gastronomical guide, but it is mostly a historical chronicle. As a self-identified “católico, apostólico, romano y catalán, enemigo de los que son currutacos o catalanes que desdeñen serlo” (October 5, 1800), Don Rafael expressed strong opinions about everything and everyone who did not conform to his ideas and values, and did so in Catalan.24 About Felipe Nadal, tintorero de seda, the baron wrote in December 1796: “se ha dado sepultura general en la Parroquia de Santa María del Mar al Sr. Felipe Nadal, tintorero habitante en la [calle] Tapinería, hombre de este siglo, que dio festines y diversiones en su Torre de Sarriá a muchas personas y de las primeras de distinción de esta ciudad” (562).

He did not trust the English but he hated “la desenfrenada libertad y depravadas máximas introducidas por los franceses, [. . .] la juventud currutaca, libertina que se mofa y burla de cualquier hombre de fe”

22 Menestral que fabricaba cintas o tejidos largos y estrechos de seda; también galoneros y cinteros. See Molas, Los gremios… 252. 23 Operario que “abaixa” las telas, i.e. faquín, ganapán, esportillero, mozo de cuerda. 24 All translations from Catalan to Spanish are mine.


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(February 8, 1801). He applauded the fall of “el Exministro Jovellanos, Exministro Urquijo y otros que se suponen Jansenistas y parciales del Sínodo de Pistoya” (March 31, 1801; see Saranyana and Mestre Sanchís), and believed the punishment fit the crime: “. . . el Sr. Jovellanos, Exministro de Gracia y Justicia [. . .] pasará a Mallorca a residir en la Cartuja de aquella Isla para purgar allí en compañía de Santos religiosos, sus principios Irreligiosos [. . .] y su carácter de filósofo [. . .] y le seguirán otros de igual condición que siguen máximas e ideas no conformes a la religión y sana moral [. . .] con la píldora dorada de Sociedad Económica de Amigos del País . . .” (April 14, 1801).

As many others of his social class, the baron left the city to spend a month or two in his casa de campo, and on a cool October morning he and a group of friends and acquaintances walked along a path of cypresses near “la deliciosa Torre de Nadal, o del tintorero de Sarriá”. A Trinitarian father who was with the group opened the gate and they all entered into “aquellas pintadas piezas; si buena una, mejor la otra, después de un salón con cuatro arañas de cristal, pasamos a un jardín, muy ameno al gusto filosófico del amo de la casa. Nos recibió el hermano del amo, y explicar los primores de cada aposento tardaría mucho. Vimos el teatro y el museo de historia natural con medallas antiguas de romanos, bustos y estatuas, piedras, mariposas petrificadas” (October 23, 1801). While narrating the return trip, he felt compelled to add the following observation: “no puedo dejar de notar que estaba muy impropia en dicho museo, la delicada pintura de Cristo Nuestro Señor, de lo más natural, que era lo peor, con todos aquellos figurotes y mascarones feos y profanos en medallas y estampas y los bustos de aquellos condenados [. . .] Voltaire y Rousseau, por tanto mal que hicieron, principalmente el primero, a la iglesia de Dios, según testimonio de toda Francia; [. . .] estatuas de yeso, bustos, medallas, tan indecentes que era prudente pasar y no detenerse [. . .] para no inflamar la concupiscencia [. . .] el doctor Alaño es de los modernos, y no de los antiguos…” (October 23, 1801).

After 1808

It seems that by the time Vicente’s nephew and namesake, Vicente Alaño y Nadal, had his first communion in 1810, the family like that of many others, had fled Barcelona and settled in Vich shortly after the French imperial forces took over the city. We know this from the sworn testimony and other documentation involving the nephew’s clerical tonsure in 1831: “habiendo presentado memorial al Illmo. Sr. Obispo, para que se dignara conferirme la tonsura Clerical, se me ha pedido en la Secretaría de Cámara acompañar a mi solicitud la partida de bautismo y la de mi confirmación. La primera la acompañé [. . .] pero no la segunda por haber sido confirmado en la Diócesis de Vich en tiempo de mi emigración a ella a causa de la


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ocupación de esta ciudad por las tropas de Napoleón en la guerra de la independencia.”25

In May 1830, “Don Vicente Alaño y Serviá, abogado, y vecino de Barcelona de 73 años,” appeared again as a character witness for his nephew. The signature on this declaration (1830) is almost identical to the one on the play and to the one on his marriage license issued in 1797. What is different is that the two earlier documents mention his degrees in “Sagrada teología y en ambos derechos” while the 1830 document only states name and profession, Vicente Alaño, “abogado.”

Las Cortes Generales de Cadiz

From the Diario de las Discusiones y Actas de las Cortes we know that Vicente Alaño y Serviá went on to participate in public life and was elected to be a member of the Juntas Provinciales de Censura for Catalonia in 1813 (Diario de las Discusiones y Actas de las Cortes, 15th of August 1813). The Political Freedom of the Press decree of November 1810 stated that in order to ensure freedom of the press while also containing any abuse: “las Cortes nombrarán una Junta suprema de Censura, […] compuesta de nueve individuos, y […] una semejante en cada capital de provincia, compuesta de

25 For a detailed account of the invasión, see Ferrer, Barcelona cautiva. For example, by early February 1808: “llegó confusamente la noticia de que en el Rosellon habia tropas francesas dispuestas para entrar por Figueras á nuestro Principado. A los principios no se dio crédito, dudose despues, creyóse últimamente tal novedad, pues las noticias que venian volando no podian ser mas ciertas ni mas contestes, tanto, que ya se supo de positivo el 10 al anochecer que el 9 á la una de la tarde habian entrado en la Villa de Figueras, aunque no en el Castillo. Pero lo mas estraño era que tanto de allí como de Gerona, escribian que nada oficialmente sabian sobre tal entrada. ¡Qué misterio! ¡qué confusion! [. . .] Los que imbuidos por los papeles franceses tenian á Napoleon por el regenerador de la Europa, aplaudian su venida, otros se tranquilizaron quando entendieron que era con el objeto de pasar a Cádiz y costas meridionales de nuestra Península, para desde allí proyectar alguna expedicion contra los Ingleses; otros opinaban por el enlace de nuestro Príncipe Fernando con una Princesa de la familia del Emperador, creyendo así finalizada la escena de San Lorenzo del Escorial, sirviendo las tropas francesas para hacer mas solemne, . . .” (I, 17). Later that summer the city of Vich: “aunque no ha sido hollada por la planta Napoleónica, no está mano sobre mano mirando los peligros de sus hermanos con indiferencia, sino que continúa en hervir en aquel mismo patriótico fuego que se le pegó en Junio último, y que la excitó á levantar luego númerosos Somatenes, y no para la defensa de sus propios hogares, sino para que voláran al auxîlio de los que en Mongat y Moncada hacian frente al enemigo” (I, 128). Vich did fall briefly, but by June 1809, “los habitantes de la Ciudad de Vich y sus llanuras, están tan entusiasmados á favor de la justa causa, ahora que se ven libres, como quando estaban supeditados por los franceses. En efecto, abandonaron estos la Ciudad el 18 á la una de la mañana, habiendo cometido toda clase de robos y destrozos, aunque sin incendios, ni muertes (IV, 13).


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cinco.” Moreover, it stipulated they be: “sujetos instruidos y que tengan virtud, probidad y talento necesario para el grave encargo que se les encomienda.”26 For Manresa, the results were “en la primera clase ( i.e. eclesiásticos) á D. Jayme Comas, canónigo de aquella iglesia, y á D. José Alsina, id.; en la segunda (i.e. seculares) al doctor D. Vicente Alaño, abogado, al doctor D. José Soler, médico, y al doctor D. Joaquín Mensa, comisario de guerra de los ejércitos nacionales…” (August 15, 1813). During the Trienio Liberal, the December 2, 1822 issue of the Gaceta de Madrid carried the news that Vicente Alaño y Serviá was one of nine “jueces de hecho” in Barcelona, charged with the task of looking into and determining whether certain authors and texts had committed “abusos de libertad de imprenta.”27

Conclusion

The possible script for an ancestry.com television commercial that centered around these characters, probably would begin with Vicente’s father, Matheo Alaño, a successful master tailor who as an elected diputado del común represented the guilds and associations of Barcelona. It would then move on to Vicente himself, letting the viewer know that he received advanced degrees and that he showed pride by signing “Dr. en Sagrada Teología y ambos derecho,” on at least two important documents: 1) his marriage license issued in 1797, and 2) the cover page of his play, La muerte del Justo y Benéfico Monarca Luis décimo Sexto Rey el más Desgraciado de Francia y de Navarra, Tragedia sacada de la Historia de los verdaderos hechos de la revolución de Francia Por el Dr. en Sagrada Teología y ambos derechos Don Vicente Alaño y Serviá.

Vicente’s wife was Margarita, the widow of a prosperous silk dyer and mother of a 23-year old daughter, named Rosamunda. Here the kinship can get complicated because by virtue of Vicente’s marriage to Margarita, he became Rosamunda’s stepfather; but by virtue of his brother’s marriage to her, Vicente then became her brother-in-law as well.28 We know Vicente lived well because we know how his house was furnished and decorated. Furthermore, Don Rafael d’Amat i de Cortada, baró de Maldà, a self-

26 Article 14 further explains, “serán eclesiásticos tres de los individuos de la Junta suprema de Censura, y dos de los cinco de las Juntas de las provincias, y los demás serán seculares y unos y otros” (Decreto IX. Libertad política de la Imprenta, 10 de noviembre de 1810). An 1813 addendum called for two additional members as substitutes (suplentes). 27 Decree LV of 1820 deals at length and explicitly with the topic of freedom of press. 28 This reminds me of the important yet varying terminology of identities in Fox, Kinship and Marriage.


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proclaimed “católico, apostólico, romano y catalán” left us his own writings in which he claimed that doctor Alaño was undoubtedly a modern man, a man who displayed with pride the statues and busts of two enemies of the church. But we also know that though Vicente may have held in great esteem the two French intellectuals and writers, he penned a play in which he clearly opposed the regicide of Louis XVI.

Like Jovellanos and other ilustrados who later served in the Cortes, Vicente did not agree with either the Bonaparte invasion of Spain or the myth of a backward Spain that could not be modernized from within. By 1810 he was in Vich witnesing his nephew’s confirmation along with his friends the Barón de Ortafá and the Illma. Sr. D. Francisco de Veyán y Mola, Obispo de Vich, the same Bishop Veyán who on July 23 1808 wrote and circulated a pastoral letter to his diocese urging resistance and celebrating the glorious Spanish insurrection against the Imperial forces.29 Vicente then served again in 1813 and 1823 as part of the Freedom of the Press initiative, ensuring freedom of press while also impartially investigating cases of abuse. In sum, like those transversal threads that interweave, at times under and at others over the fixed and tightly held ones as they create different designs, so too did Vicente and other “pequeños ilustrados” contribute to local manifestations and accents of an indigenous Enlightenment (see Paquette).

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dr. vicente alaÑo y serviÁ and the calaix de sastre

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