dyson 1996. dido the epicurean

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Dido the EpicureanAuthor(s): Julia T. DysonSource: Classical Antiquity, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Oct., 1996), pp. 203-221Published by: University of California PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25011040 .

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JULIA T. DYSON

Dido the Epicurean

Felix qui potuit rerum cognoscere causasatque metus omnis et inexorabile fatumsubiecit pedibus strepitumque Acherontis avari.(Georgics 2.490-92)

Happy he who could recognize the causes of things, and cast all fears and inexorablefate and the screech of greedy Acheron under his feet.

Felix, heu nimium felix, si litora tantumnumquam Dardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae.

(Aeneid 4.657-58)Happy, ah, too happy, if only the Dardanian keels had never touched our shores.

THE De Rerum Natura tells us that the key to happiness is to recognize theindifference of the gods and the mortality of the soul. The Aeneid shows us a

world in which these principles are overturned, a world of inexorable Fate withgreedy Acheron at its center.1 Yet even as Virgil denies the truth of the Epicureanworld view, he recognizes its beauty. Lucretius postulates that humanmiseryis caused by religio, superstitious fear of divine wrath; by conquering religioEpicurusmade itpossible for humans to live in tranquillity (e.g.,DRN 1.62-79,This paper has benefited greatly from thehelpful comments of editorAmy Richlin, the anonymousreferees, andmany friends and colleagues. In particular, Iwould like to thankWendell Clausen,Cynthia Damon, Joseph Farrell, Denis Feeney, Ralph Johnson, JamesO'Hara, Christine Perkell,Richard Tarrant,Richard Thomas, CliffordWeber, and Susan FordWiltshire.

1. For an opposite view, seeWilliams (1983) 213.

? 1996 BY THE REGENTS OF THEUNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA?~f

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204 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume 15/No. 2/October 1996

3.1-30).2 In theAeneid, religio wins. The Dido episode belongs to a largerpattern in which Virgil employs Lucretian language and imagery to contradictLucretian doctrine:3 thewords of thequeen herself, of thenarrator,and of othercharacters continually remind us of the Epicurean ideal even as they show it to beunattainable. I shall argue thatVirgil portraysDido's fall partly as a clash betweenEpicureanism and the supernaturalmachinery of theAeneid.

This is not to say that Dido is an Epicurean, but rather that her shifting relationship toEpicureanism is an importantaspect of her character.Ancient "Epicureanism" is itself a slippery term: it seems that thephilosophy of temperanceand tranquillityoften degenerated in practice into sensualism and superstition.4InCicero's De Natura Deorum, an importantunsympathetic source for lateRepublican Epicureanism, Balbus the Stoic quips that the voluptuous variety ofsucculent birds and fishes suggests thatProvidence is "Epicurean"(2.160), whileCotta theAcademic insists thatEpicureans-even Epicurus himself-exhibit anextraordinarilymorbid dread of death and the gods (1.85-86). Dido embodiessuch ironies, mouthing apparently Lucretian sentiments even as she comes topersonify a Lucretian exemplummalum. She speakswords that recall ataraxiawhile engaging inpolitical activities; while her poet sings aLucretian song, shesuccumbs to thepassion Lucretius excoriates; she sarcasticallypoints to thegods'indifference a few seconds before she invokes their aid. Yet even an adherenceto the purest Epicurean principles could not have helped her. Her serenity andher madness, her love of Aeneas and her loss of him, and finally her suicide, arebrought about by thatdivine interventionwhich Lucretius declares impossible.

Readers since Servius have noted an Epicurean strain in Dido that contrastswith Aeneas' "Stoicism."5 While the latter has received some fairly elaborate

2. See Kenney (1971) 3-4 for a concise summaryof thisphilosophy andof how itdiffers fromthe common conception of "Epicureanism."3. Mentions of this Kontrastimitation (so called by Buchheit 1972) appear frequently indiscussions of Virgil's use of Lucretius; see, e.g., Farrell (1991) 169, Hardie (1986) 233 forbibliography.4. As Kenney (1971) 4 points out, "Nothing in fact could be more misleading than theequation of Epicurean doctrine with mere hedonism. Rather the reverse is the case: the troublewith Epicureanism, and the main reason perhaps why it never enjoyed the general success ofStoicism, was not that it was too easy, but that it was too difficult, too austere, too unworldly."Pease (1927) 248 regardsDido's material and emotional self-indulgence as similar to thatof "thosefollowers of [Epicurus]who won for the term 'Epicurean' its less favorablemeaning," though suchindulgence is "far from the temperateand almost austere life of Epicurus himself."5. On Aeneas' "Stoicism" see, e.g., Bowra (1933-1934) 366-76, Edwards (1960) 162-65,

Galinsky (1988) 323-40. Pease (1935) 36-37 notes that "Dido exhibits not a few characteristicsof the typical Epicurean, and as such stands in sharp contrast to the commonly observed Stoicismof Aeneas" (see p. 36 n. 285 for bibliography); Hahn (1931) 19 makes a similar observation andequates Dido's Epicureanism with impietas; Feeney (1991) 172-73 observes, "the urge to read anEpicurean Aeneid founders with Dido, who is herself a characterwith an Epicurean reading ofthepoem's action-a readingwhich is proved comprehensively wrong." Pease (1927) 246-47 alsopoints out some of theEpicurean "hints" I discuss below: the song of Iopas (1.742-46), Dido'ssarcasticEpicurean outburst (4.379-80), andAnna's question aboutSychaeus' shade (4.34).



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DYSON: ido theEpicurean 205

treatments,however, no parallel studyexists thatdoes justice to thecomplexity ofDido's Epicureanism. Ihope to show thatVirgil's Lucretian language, sentiments,and images in theDido episode, far from being isolatedmoments or incidentalreminiscences, form a consistent pattern. There is a paradox in thewidespreadappeal of Epicureanism among the elite of a society known for its pragmatism,political andmilitary prowess, and superstition.There are also paradoxes internalto Lucretius' poem: the idea of the "anti-Lucretius in Lucretius" holds sometruth,even if ithas been often misapplied.6 Virgil employs a series of Lucretianallusions to explore and expose these paradoxes. It is sometimes asserted thatVirgil ultimately rejectedEpicureanism because he objected topolitical quietism;7my sense ismore thathe found thephilosophy of ataraxia inadequate toexplain orcombat the reality of Evil.8With our first glimpse of Dido, Virgil begins to foreshadow the conflictbetween Epicurean calm and the role she is fated to play. It is notable that herfirstwords, which we might expect to soundHomeric orApollonian, insteadpointto thegoal of Epicurean psychology. She is confident and in control, counselingthe Trojans to put away fear (metus) and care (cura):

"Solvite corde metum, Teucri, secludite curas."(1.561)

"Loosen fear from your hearts, Trojans, put away your cares."A character's opening line often adumbrates his identity. While Aeneas' firstwords contain a clear allusion to thoseof Odysseus,9 Dido's injunction todispel

6. Segal (1990) 8 counsels against falling into the "appealing abyss" of the "anti-Lucretius inLucretius";Hardie (1986) 165 notes thatLucretius' technique of "writing deliberately contrastedand apparently irreconcilable passages...was one of the factors inviting theconstruction of an 'antiLucrece chez Lucrece'." It is not my aim to treat this subject fully. Lucretius' doctrine of purematerialism, however, does seem tome to clash logically with his assertion of the reliability of thesenses (1.699-700) and emotionally with his passionate repugnance at untimely death (5.221, andof course the plague at the end of the poem [6.1138-12861). Perhaps unconsciously, he assumesstandardsof right andwrong that cannot be generatedmerely by atoms and void.7. Michels (1944) 148 and Farrington (1963) 87, for instance, imply thatVirgil's "polemicalinversion"of Lucretius springs largely from objections tohis political views; Ferguson (1990) 2266notes, "The theme of the glory of Rome is impossible in Epicurean terms." Such observationscomplementmine, thoughmy emphasis is different.

8. See Johnson (1976) 152-53: "In his fear, in his vast Epicurean sensitivity to pain andsuffering, Vergil nevertheless turned from the calm, austere garden back to the world whereunreasoning power is a reality thatmust somehow be persuaded or suffered and where painmustbe inflictedor endured. The gardenwas impossible because he could not teachhimself not tohear thescreams and riot outside."

9. Both heroes call "three and four times blessed" thosewho died gloriously inbattle ratherthan ignominiously at sea (Aen. 1.94-96, Od. 5.305-306). Harrison (1992) 124 points out that thestrangediscrepancy between Aeneas' opening words and his opening gesture-lifting his hands toheaven, as if to begin a prayer-may be a clue that "there is something aboutpius Aeneas and hispietas that is out of joint."But that is another story.



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metus and cura employs thevocabulary of Lucretius' famous formulation of theEpicurean ideal:

nonne viderenil aliud sibi naturam latrare,nisi utquicorpore seiunctus dolor absit,mente fruaturiucundo sensu cura semotametuque? (2.16-19)Do you not see that nature barks after nothing else for itself than that painbe absent, separated from the body, and that it enjoy amind with pleasantsensation, removedfrom care andfear?

Dido is not, of course, enjoining upon Aeneas' men the sort of mental utopiaLucretius envisions; the Trojans' cura and metus are a rational response to theirsituation, not a general groundless anxiety to be dispelled by Reason. But thevery distance between theVirgilian and the Lucretian contexts gives her wordsironyandpoignancy.Dido's own serenityofmind is itself a resultof supernatural

manipulation,Mercury's fulfillment of Jupiter's command to soften theTyrians'hearts and create in thequeen a "calm spiritandbenignmind" (quietum...animummentemque benignam, 1.303-304). The emotional quietude so coveted by theEpicureans, a state predicated on divine indifference to human affairs, has inDido's case been implantedby gods obeying the dictates of Fate; thepathologicalcare and fear she is soon to experience will also be induced by the gods' poison.By echoing Lucretius' words inDido's first line,Virgil may be hinting alreadyat the impossibility of Epicurean tranquillity in theworld of theAeneid.'O

10. Certain phrases in the next few linesof her speech have a Lucretian flavor, strengthening thecase for aLucretian reference inher opening words:"solvite cordemetum, Teucri, secludite curas.resdura et regninovitas me taliacoguntmoliri et late finis custode tueri.quis genusAeneadum, quis Troiae nesciat urbem,virtutesque virosque aut tanti incendia belli?"(1.560-66)(1) secludite. Servius comments on the strangeness of the prefix: "'secludite' vero proexcludite: quod fit aut propter hiatum, aut propter suavitatem, ut a, 'silice in nuda conixa reliquit'

pro enixa." The OLD cites Virgil's secludite curas as the sole instance of a figurativeuse of this verb.Though Servius' explanationmay be rightas far as itgoes, these- prefixmay also be a subtle allusionto theseiunctus and semota in theLucretian passage just quoted.(2) res dura et regni novitas. The word novitas occurs only here inVirgil, but frequently inLucretius, especially in the famous novitas mundi passage (5.780-1135); though theword is toocommon to be called "Lucretian"per se, Virgil's res dura et regni novitas has some reminiscenceof Lucretius'

At genus humanummulto fuit illud in arvisdurius, ut decuit, tellus quod dura creasset(5.925-26)or



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Dido's Lucretian words also stand in ironiccontrast to herworldly position.This contrast, however, well reflects the reality of Epicureanism in the lateRepublic andearly Empire:many who were designatedEpicureans by themselvesandothers played active roles in thepolitical, military, and religious spheres." Totake one notable example, C. Cassius Longinus the tyrannicide, a self-declaredEpicurean, "defended his and Pansa's devotion to the doctrine of pleasure asthe end of all action, while both were engaged in political andmilitary activityof the greatest importance, participationwhich according toEpicurean doctrineproduced the greatest disturbance of the soul."12Dido first appears doling outlaws and statutes to her subjects from her throne in the temple of Juno (1.504508). Her political activities are alien topureLucretian tenetsbut in linewith theactions ofmany RomanEpicureans. The religious setting points up adisagreementbetween Lucretius and themost influentialof these: thoughPhilodemus drew onthewritings of Epicurus and others "to argue for full participation in traditionalcults,"Lucretius'more "revolutionary"dogmamocked such participation."3Thedisjunction betweenDido's words andher situation could be said to represent thetension between Lucretius' poem andRoman practice.

multaque praetereanovitas turn loridamundipabuladura tulit,miseris mortalibus ampla.(5.943-44)(3) genus Aeneadum. Servius identifies this as something thatVirgil should have revised:"satis propere dixit Aeneadas, quamquam ab Ilioneo audierit 'rex eratAeneas nobis', nec haec in

opere inemendatomiranda sunt." The formAeneadum occurs only once in extant Latin literaturebefore Virgil: as the firstword, and hence in the title, of Lucretius' poem. Indeed, the use of genuswith a genitive plural is a favorite construction of Lucretius; I count 19 instances.Virgil uses thisconstruction in the beginning of themetempsychosis passage (inde hominum pecudumque genusvitaeque volantum, 6.728), generally regardedas hismost Lucretian in language and leastLucretianinmeaning (see Norden [1957] ad 723ff., Catto [1989] 60-69). Austin (1977) ad 6.728 connectsthis linewith thebeginning of the song of lopas, 1.742-43, discussed below.(4) tanti incendiabelli. This is reminiscent of Lucretius' description of theTrojanWar:

deniquemateries si rerumnulla fuissetnec locus ac spatium, res inquo quaeque geruntur,numquamTyndaridis forma conflatus amorisignis,Alexandri Phrygio sub pectore gliscens,clara accendisset saevi certamina belli,nec clam durateus Troianis Pergama partuinflammassetequus nocturnoGraiugenarum.

(1.471-77)11. See, e.g., Momigliano (1941) 151-53, Castner (1988) xix, Ferguson (1990) 2262 for listsof politically active or otherwise highly visible Epicureans. Nichols (1976) 45 notes that even theMemmius addressed inLucretius' poem was in all probability a "politically powerful and ambitiousman."

12. Castner (1988) xix. Cassius was not alone:Momigliano (1941) 153 observes thatdespitePhilodemus' "firm conviction" thatEpicureans should remain aloof from politics, "not only did hefail topersuadehis pupils and friends, but, as we saw, his escape frompolitical passions was narrowand incomplete."13. Summers (1995) 33.



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Similarly, her court is replete with precisely that luxurywhich Lucretiusdeclares unnecessary, but which would have been common among thosewhoused thedoctrine of "pleasure" to justify debauchery.14After stating that naturedemands nothing more than a few necessities and freedom from care and fear,Lucretius paints a vivid picture of extravagantopulence:

gratius interdumneque natura ipsa requirit,si non aurea sunt iuvenum simulacraper aedeslampadas igniferasmanibus retinentiadextris,luminanocturnis epulis ut suppeditentur,nec domus argento fulget auroque renidetnec citharae reboant laqueata aurataque templa ... (2.23-28)It ispleasing, from time to time,but naturedoes not go lacking, if therearenot golden statues of youths throughout thehouse carrying fire-bearingtorches in their right hands, that lightsmay be supplied to nocturnalbanquets; and thehouse does not gleamwith silver andglistenwith gold;and citharas do not bellow through paneled and gilded rooms ...

Equippedwith lighting for nocturnalbanquets (1.726-27), "huge" (ingens) silverand gold on the tables (1.640-41), golden laquearia ("paneled ceiling," 1.726),and golden cithara (1.740-41), Dido's patentlyHomeric palace ispepperedwithLucretian images of superfluous ornament.'5 Inparticular, the laquearia, whichappearsonly half a dozen times inextant literaturebeforeVirgil,'6 occursmainlyinpoetic and philosophical discourse describing unnecessary or ill-fated luxury.In an Ode steeped in Lucretian language and sentiment,'7 Horace uses the wordas Lucretius does to represent ornament that cannot dispel anxiety (2.12.11).

Undoubtedly the image harks back to Ennius' famous depiction of doomed Troywith its "barbarian wealth, embossed and paneled roofs" (ope barbarica, /tectiscaelatis laqueatis, Trag. fr. 90); Cicero twice quotes the Ennian lines in theTusculanDisputations, once to illustrate the fragility of greatness (1.85), once,interestingly enough, the bankruptcy of Epicureanism (in its more sensualistic

manifestation) as a consolation for extreme grief such as Andromache's (3.4446). In the De Legibus, the speakers express their preference for a riversidelocus amoenus (like thatof Lucretius, 2.29-33) as a place to discuss philosophy,scorningmagnificent villas,marble floors, and laqueata tecta (2.2).The only otherinstance of a laqueatum tectum before Virgil is in a temple (In Verrem II 1.133),the appropriate place for such ornament. Dido's laquearia, then, would seem to

14. See Castner (1988) xvii.15. As Gale (1994) 111observes, Lucretius' banquet scene is itself "reminiscentof thedescription of Alcinous' palace inOdyssey 7."16. Ihere take laquearia, laqueata tecta, laqueata templa,and laqueatum tectum as equivalent.17. See Nisbet andHubbard (1978) 254 for a discussion of Horace's debt to Lucretius, andespecially to theproem of DRN 2, in thishighly EpicureanOde.



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recall both the Ennian description of the tragedyof Troy and the philosophicaltraditioncontrasting naturalpleasureswith useless luxury.If Dido has a weakness for luxury, her fatal weakness is for love.'8 HeretooVirgil shows Dido falling prey to the vice inwords that recall theLucretian

injunction to avoid it. Virgil implies that love and luxury are linked, showingDido succumbing equally to the charms of Cupid-as-Ascanius and to thoseof theominous Trojan gifts:praecipue infelix, pesti devota futurae,explerimentem nequit ardescitque tuendoPhoenissa, et pariterpuero donisquemovetur.

(1.712-14)Especially unhappy, doomed to theplague that is to be, the Phoenicianwoman cannot satisfyhermind, and starts toburn throughgazing, and ismoved equally by theboy and thegifts.

Though the fire imagery inardescitque tuendomay be derived from love poetry,the closest grammaticalparallel for this typeof lineend-an inchoativeverbwithan ablative gerund-occurs in a passage that, though about love, is far from lovepoetry. Lucretius counsels his readers to avoid love assiduously, describing itswounds in almost clinical terms:

ulcus enim vivescit et inveterascit alendoinquedies gliscit furoratque aerumnagravescit. (4.1068-69)

For the wound comes to life and grows inveterate throughnourishing,and day by day the furor grows and the sorrow becomes heavier.

This grammatical figure occurs only once more inVirgil's works, this time ofthe violence of Turnus:haudquaquamdictis violentia Turniflectitur; exsuperatmagis aegrescitque medendo. (12.45-46)

The violence of Turnus is turned not at all by the words; it rises up themore andgrows sick throughremedying.Though love is not explicitly stated as the cause of Turnus' violentia, his responseto Lavinia's blush makes clear the connection between amor and arma: illumturbatamorfigitque invirgine vultus; /ardet in armamagis ("Lovedisturbshim,he fixes his glance on the maiden; he burns all the more for arms," 12.70-71).'9

18. Segal (1971) 342: "LuxuryandDido's love are virtually inseparable."19. That the violentia of Tunus owes something both to the Lucretius passage (4.1068-69)and to theDido passage (1.712-14) is perhaps confirmed by the line ending theopening simile ofBook 12 (4-9), inwhich Turnus, balancing the comparison of Dido to a wounded deer (4.68-73),



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Virgil also alludes to theLucretian lineswhen describing theplague inGeorgics 3(454), alitur vitium vivitque tegendo ("the fault is nourished and lives throughcovering").20With thesememorable phrases-ardescitque tuendo, aegrescitquemedendo, alluding toLucretius' inveterascitalendo andperhapshis own vivitquetegendo-Virgil plays brilliantly on theLucretian image.Lucretius spokeof loveas a dangerous wound; Dido burns with it,Turnus sickens, and both are as doomedas theplague-stricken animal of theGeorgics. Unlike Lucretius' pupil, however,Dido has no possible defense against thewound inflictedby a god whose poisonscan subdue even Jupiter. The evils that Lucretius warns against have no remedy intheworld of theAeneid.

In the midst of Dido's suffering comes the song of lopas, mysterious andcomplex, with multiple layersof allusion:21hic canit errantem lunamsolisque labores,unde hominum genus et pecudes, unde imberet ignes,Arcturum pluviasqueHyadas geminosque Triones,quid tantumOceano properent se tingere soleshiberni, vel quae tardismora noctibus obstet. (1.742-46)He sings the wandering moon and the labors of the sun, whence comesthe race of men and beasts, whence rain and fires, Arcturus and the rainyHyades and the twin Triones, why the winter suns hurry so to bathethemselves inOcean, orwhat delay hinders the late-arrivingnights.

Though Homer's song of Demodocus (Od. 8.266-366) andApollonius' song ofOrpheus (Arg. 1.496-511) are themain epicmodels for thispassage, Lucretius liesbehind it in several ways. Iopas conspicuously omits any mention of the divinemachinations that characterize the other two songs, but sings instead a didactic

iscompared to awounded lion: "haud secus accenso gliscit violentia Turno" (12.9). The word gliscitoccurs only here inVirgil; it seems likely that there is ingliscit violentia a reminiscence of Lucretius'gliscitfuror, and the fire imagery inaccenso Turno recalls theburningof Dido inardescitque tuendo.Theremay also be a reference toLucretius' "ignisAlexandri Phrygio subpectore gliscens" (1.474),as Putnam (1965) 225-26 suggests: "Love leads towar, andTurus, thinkingof war, finds its causein love."

Virgil probably had several Lucretian passages inmind. As Clausen (1987) 163 notes,"Aegresco, a Lucretian verb (see TLL s.v.), isnot foundelsewhere inVirgil, and theLucretian gerund(seeMunro on Lucr. 1.312) is suggestive." He cites DRN 3.521-22:

ergo animus sive aegrescit,mortalia signamittit, uti docui, seu flectituramedicina."Turnussuffers,Virgil seems to imply, from a latentdisposition toviolence, a sickness of the soul"(89-90).20. Thomas (1988) ad loc. See also his commentary on the end of Georgics 3 (452-566) fornumerous other connections between love and disease, "the twincalamities of Book 3" (ad 452).21. See Segal (1971) 348: the song is "an example of Virgil's complex, integrative art in itsrichest form."



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poem on natural philosophy, de rerumnatura.22The end of the description ofthe song is a verbatim quotation from a passage in theGeorgics (Aen. 1.74546 = Geo. 2.481-82) in which most readers see an allusion to Lucretius.23Finally, lopas' choice of a scientific subject alludes to the scholiastic traditionthat interpretedDemodocus' storyas "scientific," anEmpedoclean allegory of theforces of love (Aphrodite= philia) and strife (Ares= neikos) in theuniverse;24thisallegorization was itself "translatedback into poetic termswith especial felicityby Lucretius in theproem to book one of theDe RerumNatura."25Thus lopas'poetic and philosophical predecessors, in addition to his subjectmatter, pointdirectly or indirectly to Lucretius. The contrast thatemerges between the songand its context is not so much between the "calm, remote heavenly bodies andthe immediate tumult inDido's breast"26-for the sun and moon wander and labortoo27--as it isbetween the assured rationalismof Lucretian poetry and themalignsupernatural orces that are destroyingDido's reason.28

22. Knauer (1964) 168 observes thatVirgil has replacedHomer's divine farce with "de rerum natura";Little (1992) 16 states that the song "is Virgil's summary of a comprehensive Lucretian account of the 'natureof things', from the origin of life andmatter"; Hardie (1986) 58quotes the comment of Tiberius Donatus that Iopas'mentor Atlas teaches things "quae omnia adrerum naturam pertinent" (i, p. 143 Georgii); Brown (1990) 318-21 demonstrates how both thesong of Iopas and theGeorgics passage (2.475-82) are modeled on Lucretius and other didacticpoetry.23. InGeo. 475-94 the poet presents two options-singing scientific poetry and enjoying abucolic idyll-and says that he would prefer the first but would settle for the second; he thenbeatifies thosewho were able to attain these as felix and fortunatus respectively. Merrill (1935)258 uses Georgics 2.490-92 (felix qui ...) as an epigraph for his commentary on the De RerumNatura. See Klingner (1967) 271; Buchheit (1972) 71; Dyson (1994) 12;Conington (1881), Page(1898),Williams (1979), andMynors (1990) ad loc. For adifferent view seeRoss (1987) 228-31 andThomas (1988) ad loc.24. See Knauer (1964) 168, discussed by Hardie (1986) 62 and Farrell (1991) 258-60, forthe idea that the traditionof interpretingDemodocus' song as Empedoclean allegory was partlyresponsible for lopas' natural-philosophical subjectmatter.25. Hardie (1986) 62.26. Clausen (1987) 31.27. The "wandering" (errantem) moon anticipates Dido's request to Aeneas to narrate his

wanderings (errores, 755; errantem, 756); the "labors" of the sun recall the labors imposed onAeneas by Juno (tot adire labores, 1.10). (The view of Richter [1977] 104 thatVirgil is using theword labor here in a scientific sense does not preclude such symbolic resonance.) See Poschl (1962)151-54.28. Many interpretationsstress the importanceof contrast bothwithin thesong itself and between

the song and its context: Eichholz (1968) 108 notes the "contrast between impersonal song andpersonal feelings"; Hannah (1993) 128-29 argues thatoppositions between the stars named in itfit the themeof "similarity andopposition" also evident "in thegroupings of sunandmoon, mankindand animals,water and fire,winter sunsand late (summer)nights, Carthaginians andTrojans, perhapseven Aeneas andDido"; Segal (1971) 344 notes that "the content of the song stands in an ironictensionwith its setting";Kinsey (1979) 79 states, "Amid thegood cheer of thebanquet, lopas singsof aUniverse of toil and uncertainty";Brown (1990) 321-22, noting the parallel between Iopas'indirectquestions andDido's direct ones, points out that the "effect of this stylistic connection isto draw attention to and sharpen the contrast between the song of lopas and Dido's interrogationof Aeneas."



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Recognizing something of Lucretius in Iopasmay help to explain an odddetail for which there is no known epic model. At the climax of her banquet,immediately before lopas' song, Dido takes just a sip from her ceremonial cup,"barely touching itwith her lips" (summo tenusattigit ore, 1.737). Her restrainthere contrastswith her imprudentimbibingof destructive love,which occurs afterthe song:29

nec non et vario noctem sermone trahebatinfelixDido longumquebibebat amorem ... (1.748-9)Nor did unhappyDido not also draw out thenightwith various conversation, and drink a deep draught of love ...

This juxtaposition of temperanceand sensualism is emblematic of the ironiesandcontradictions thathave characterizedDido from thebeginning. But there ismoreto it than that.Lucretius twice explains his strategyof sweetening his salubriousphilosophy with theMuses' honey, likening his readers to children who must bedeceived into drinking bitter medicine (1.936-50 - 4.11-25):

sed veluti pueris absinthia taetramedentescum dare conantur,prius oras pocula circumcontinguntmellis dulci flavoque liquore,ut puerorum aetas improvida ludificeturlabrorum tenus, intereaperpotet amarum 940absinthi laticem, deceptaque non capiatur,sed potius talipacto recreatavalescat,sic ego nunc, quoniam haec ratioplerumque videturtristioresse quibus non est tractata,retroquevulgus abhorretab hac, volui tibi suaviloquenti 945carminePierio rationemexponere nostram,et quasimusaeo dulci contingeremelle,si tibi forte animum tali ratione tenereversibus innostris possem, dum perspicis omnemnaturam rerumqua constet compta figura. 950But as doctors, when they try to give bitterwormwood to children, firsttouch the rimsaround thecupswith the sweet andgolden liquorof honey,that the unsuspecting youth of the childrenmay be deluded as far asthe lips, butmeanwhile drink down thebitter liquidof wormwood, and,thoughbeguiled, be not harmed,but ratherrefreshed in such fashion growstrong; so I now, since this reasoning often appears to be rathergrim tothose by whom it has not been handled, and the crowd cringes back fromit,wished to expound our reasoning to you in sweet-speaking Pieriansong, and as itwere touch itwith theMuses' sweet honey, if perchance I

29. See Brown (1990) 333-34.



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DYSON:idohepicurean 213might in such away hold your attention inmy verses, while you perceivethewhole nature of things, inwhat shape it stands arranged.

An allusion to this famous Lucretian simile would help to explain the puzzlingelements in theVirgilian episode-Dido's just touching the cup with her lips,and the scientific nature of Iopas' song-and would reveal a deeper irony andsadness inDido's tragedy.As the children inLucretius' simile are beguiled anddeluded "as faras their lips"(labrorum tenus)by thehoney around themedicinalcup, soDido touches the cup "with the tipof her mouth" (summo tenusattigitore). But while the children "drinkdown thebitter"medicine (perpotetamarum),Dido "drinks a deep draught of love" (longumque bibebat amorem). The cupthatDido drinks is not healing philosophy but its opposite, the dangerous lovethatwill destroy her reason,her sanity, and her life. The ironyhere is exquisite,enhanced by an important pun thatwas a favorite with Virgil and Lucretius:amarus ("bitter")and amor ("love").30JaneSnyder, commenting on Lucretius'lines 1.939-41 quoted above, points out thatsuch a punmay have suggested itselftoLucretius:

The word amarum,echoing the amoremending line 924 [et simul incussitsuavem mi in

pectus amorem/musarum]and

placedin the context of

the etymological figure of line 941, may well be an intentionaldoubleentendre, implying thatwhat is amarus at first tastemay then becomea suavis amor (cf. line 924) when the "victim" has come to know thenatura rerum (line 950).31

We cannot say with certainty that Lucretius had such a double entendre inmind,or that Virgil would have noticed it if he had; but given Lucretius' proclivity forwordplay, andVirgil's capacity for careful and insightful reading, it is probablethat Virgil did see a pun-and, as so often, inverted it.32While Lucretius' boydrinks deep (perpotet amarum) the healing medicine, amarus but soon to turnto amor, Dido drinks deep (bibebat amorem) the love that seems sweet on thelips but will soon turn to wormwood when her amor becomes amarus.

The Lucretian strain in the song of Iopas adds an important dimension notonly to this scene but to the Dido episode as a whole. In an exaggeratedly epic

30. Snyder (1980) 114 points out that"punningon the twowords was standard"(see also 65),citingQuintilian's example of wordplay in theRhetorica adHerennium, "namamari iucundumsit, sicuretur ne quid insit amari" (4.14.20), andVirgil's Eclogues:

et vitula tudignus et hic: et quisquis amoreshaudmetuet dulces, haud experietur amaros.(3.109-10)See also Brown (1987) adDRN 4.1134.31. Snyder (1980) 115.32. The ancients were farmore inclined thanwe to see such puns as reflecting the "natureofthings."On theprevalence and significance of wordplay inLatin poetry, seeAhl (1985) 17-63.



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214 CLASSICALNTIQUITY Volume5/No./October996setting,33thereare hints of Epicureanism inDido andher court. But the venenum("poison," 1.688) of Venus-whom Dido innocently calls alma Venus ("fostering

Venus," 1.618), like the life-giving deity of DRN 1.2-destroys any possibilityof equanimity.Whereas Lucretius claims thathis philosophical song will healthe listener as bitterwormwood heals the boys, the song of Iopas, aminiatureDe RerumNatura, is powerless tohelpDido as she sickens with bitter love.The Epicurean referenceswe have seen inBook 1 are largely implicit,wordsor situations that invite comparisonwith Lucretius (andothers) and challenge usto recognizeDido's distance from-or ironic adherence to-Epicurean principlesand practice. Throughout Book 4, however, overt consideration of the status ofthegods and the soul comes to the fore, as characters fromAnna toIarbas toDidovoice questions or statements that touch on Epicurean theory. Servius is usefulhere in alerting us towhen it is thatVirgil speaks "according to theEpicureans."Anna attempts towin over her sister by implying that thedead have no concernwith the living: ofDido's contemplated infidelity,Anna asks,"id cinerem autmanis credis curare sepultos?" (4.34)"Do you believe that the ashes or theburied shades care about this?"

Servius comments,quiamarito iuraverat,ut "non servata fides cineri promissa Sychaeo." etbene extenuat dicendo non animam, sed cineres et manes sepultos. dicitautem secundumEpicureos, qui animam cum corpore dicunt perire.Because she had sworn to her husband, as in "the pledge promised tothe ashes of Sychaeus was not preserved" [4.552]. And Anna softens itwell by saying not "soul" but "ashes and buried shades." She speaks,moreover, according to theEpicureans, who say that the soul perisheswith thebody.

As Servius points out,Anna's Epicurean argument, though ithelps towin over thelovesickDido, ultimately proves tobe destructive:Dido's bitterest self-reproachis that she did not preserve her pledge to her dead husband. Indeed, our lastglimpse of her inHades shows her reunitedwith his shade (6.473-74), implicitly

33. In addition to the references toOdyssey 6-8 andArgonautica 3 throughoutDido's banquet,therearemore subtle allusions toother epics in her query at the endof Book 1(750-56). For instance,Dido asks tohear about the son of Aurora (1.751), aminor character in the Iliad but thehero of theAithiopis. Her question about thehorses of Diomedes (1.752)may allude to the cycle of Herculeanepics: while the reference recalls the Iliadic incident inwhich Diomedes snatches Aeneas' horses(I1.5.323-24; see Lyne [1987] 138-39), it also may recall theman-eating horses of Diomedes ofThrace, notorious for theirrole in the laborsof Hercules. (Servius ad 1.741 informsus thatHercules,not lopas,was theoriginal pupil of Atlas' "naturalphilosophy.")The ambushesof theGreeks (1.754)are of course the subject of the Iliad, and thewanderings of Aeneas (1.754-56) recall theOdysseyand other nostoi.



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refutingAnna's words. Not only isAnna's Epicurean argumentfalse, but it isusedto encourage behavior thatDido, Virgil, and the reader all know to bewrongbehavior thatwould accordwith seeingEpicureanism as self-indulgent sensuality,inopposition toLucretius' diatribe against immoderate sexual passion.The second passage that Servius (ad 210) identifies as "Epicurean"occursin Iarbas'complaint to his putative fatherJupiter:

"Iuppiteromnipotens, cui nuncMaurusia pictisgens epulata torisLenaeum libathonorem,aspicis haec? an te,genitor, cum fulmina torquesnequiquam horremus, caecique innubibus ignesterrificantanimos et inaniamurmuramiscent?" (4.206-10)"Omnipotent Jupiter, forwhom theMauretanian people, dining on embroidered couches, pours a libation of wine, do you see these things?Or,father,when you hurl the thunderbolt,dowe shudderatyou invain, and doblind fires in the clouds terrifyour spirits andmingle empty rumblings?"

Here the intent is the opposite of Anna's: while she embraces Epicureanism byimplying that the soul does not survive after death, Iarbas implicitly denies itby challenging Jupiter-in whom, as a hundred altars testify (4.200), he doesbelieve-to refute theEpicurean stance.34Lucretius goes to great lengths,withboth physical andmoral arguments, to prove thatwe do "shudder in vain" at thethunderbolt(6.96-422). And yet the resultof Iarbas' speech is to rouse thegod'sconcern, which Lucretius would say is impossible. The questions of both Annaand Iarbaspoint up theEpicurean position inaway thatdemonstrates its falsity.These passages prepare theway for theagon between Aeneas andDido, whereStoicmeets Epicurean in a climactic confrontation.Aeneas defends his actions byciting Fate and thegods (4.340-61), andDido respondswith furious sarcasm:

"amissam classem, socios amorte reduxi(heu furiis incensa feror!):nunc augurApollo,nuncLyciae sortes, nunc et love missus ab ipsointerpresdivum fert horrida iussaper auras.scilicet is superis labor est, ea cura quietossollicitat."

(4.375-80)"His lost fleet, his allies I brought back from death (oh, I am on fire,carriedby Furies!): nowApollo theaugur,now theLycian lots, now eventhego-between of thegods sent fromJupiterhimself carries the terrifying

34. The "Mauretanianpeople," asNadeau (1970) 341 points out, is a learned reference to theland of theWestern Aethiopians, recalling "the common Homeric motif of thegods being present atbanquets among theAethiopians." Jupiter is thuscharacterizednot only asHomeric but as interactingfreelywith humans, traitsopposed to the serene isolation of theEpicurean gods.



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commands through the air. No doubt this is a laborfor thegods above,this care troubles them in theirquiet!"This last sentence is quintessentially Lucretian in tone, language, andmeaning:his gods areplacida cum pace quietos ("calmwith placid peace," DRN 6.73),far removed from the cura inimical to ataraxia. Commentators note that she"ismade an Epicurean for themoment."35 Yet the rest of her speech abruptlyreverses this approach, as she appeals todivine justice topunishAeneas (si quidpia numinapossunt, "if thepious divinities have any power," 382) and declaresthather Shade will torment him eternally (omnibus umbra locis adero, "I willbe present everywhere as aShade," 386). Servius astutely observes this shift fromanEpicurean to a Stoic position:36

QUIETOS SOLLICITATCicero in libris de deorum natura triplicemdediis dicit esse opinionem: deos non esse, cuius rei auctor apudAthenasexustus est; esse et nihil curare, ut Epicurei; esse et curare, ut Stoici:secundum quos paulo post 'si quid pia numina possunt [4.382]': nammodo secundumEpicureos ait 'ea curaquietos'.TROUBLES THEM IN THEIR QUIET Cicero in his book about thenatureof thegods says that thereare threeopinions about the gods: thatthegods do not exist, theoriginator of which view was burned atAthens;that theyexist and do not care, as theEpicureans say; that theyexist andcare, as theStoics say: according to whom a little latershe says "if thepious divinities have any power": for now according to theEpicureansshe says "[No doubt...] this care [troubles] them in theirquiet."

This ambivalence onDido's partonce again reflects the tension in her relationshiptoEpicureanism,with her desire for aworld free of intrusivegods conflictingwithher desire for divine justice and her own immortality.The dissonance thatbeganwhen we met her, as she uttered Lucretian words from atop her throne in thetemple of Juno, here comes to a head.

35. Austin (1955) ad 4.379f. Edwards (1960) 158-59 notes the contrast between this "greatEpicurean outburst"and "her lastwords, an assertion thatshe has been following Fate's path all thetime." Pease (1935) 324-25 cites ancient parallels and remarks that thispassage is "anachronisticin attributingEpicurean doctrines to a lady of the heroic age." Ferguson (1990) 2266 observes,"The only expression of Epicureanism is put into the mouth of misguided Dido, and patentlyrepudiated."36. As Austin (1955) ad 382 points out, theremay be here an echo of Aeneas' "Stoic" responsetoDido's first speech:

di tibi, si qua pios respectantnumina, si quidusquam iustitiae est et mens sibi conscia recti,praemia digna ferant. (1.603-605)

On mens sibi conscia recti, Servius comments, "secundumStoicos, qui dicunt, ipsam virtutem essepro praemio, etiamsi nulla sint praemia."Thus their firstexchange, in a sense, foreshadows their last.



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When Dido's fury has settled into hatred, a Lucretian phrase once moreexpresses theconflict between Stoic andEpicureanwith precision. Before cursingAeneas she admits her defeat in thesewords:

"si tangere portusinfandumcaput ac terris adnarenecesse est,et sic fata Iovis poscunt, hic terminushaeret..." (4.612-14)"If it is necessary for his wicked head to touch the harbor and swim toland, and thus the fates of Jupiterdemand, here the boundary stone isfixed ..."

Commentators notice the unmistakable Lucretian signature in hic terminushaeret,37but do not seem to notice theprofound ironyof thisphrase in itscontextin theAeneid. ForLucretius, itoccurs first ina triumphant eclarationof Epicurus'victory over the tyrannyof religio:

unde refert nobis victor quid possit oriri,quid nequeat, finitapotestas denique cuiquequanam sit ratione atque alte terminushaerens.quare religio pedibus subiecta vicissimobteritur,nos exaequat victoria caelo. (1.75-79)

Whence he brings back forus, victorious, what can happen,what cannot,in what manner, in a word, each thing has its power limited, and theboundary stonefixed deep.Wherefore religion, in turn,cast down underhis feet, is crushed; thevictorymakes us equal toheaven.The idea of the terminus haerens, the unalterable law of what can and cannothappen-specifically, the impossibility of supernatural intervention in humanaffairs-is at theheartof Lucretius' philosophy.When Dido uses thephrase, thecontext is inverted: it sums up her defeat by supernatural orces, the unalterablewill of the gods. The Lucretian song of Iopaswas powerless against themalignforces of love, supernaturally implanted;Dido's Epicurean argument toAeneas,with its sarcastic implication that the gods scorn to intervene, can do nothing tocounter the (within theepic) very real interventionof thevery human gods.Whenshe finally concedes, she calls on thegods, declares the immortalityof her Shade,and in her passion commits suicide-the climax of the Lucretian catalogue ofhuman folly (3.79-84). Moreover, asA.-M. Tupet demonstrates, ritual languageand actions mark her death as a devotio, making her both priestess and victim in a

37. So Austin (1955) ad 4.614: "Virgilhas adaptedLucretius' alte terminushaerens (usedof thefinitepower of things, i.77,&c.-one of Lucretius' great signature-phrases, likeflammantiamoeniamundi)." Nothing like terminus haerens occurs elsewhere inextantLatin literature.



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human sacrifice38-the climax of theLucretian exposition of the evils of religio(1.82-101). In hermanner of death, she succumbs to thevery evils thatLucretiusseeks to combat.Her finalmoment on earth, like her opening line (solvite cordemetum, Teucri,secludite curas, 1.562), is a last reminderofEpicureanism. Thismay seem strange,given theunquestionably supernaturalelements in her demise. Juno,pitying herlong suffering, sends Iris to cut the fatal lock thatwill release her from life:

ergo Iriscroceis per caelum roscidapennismille trahensvarios adverso sole coloresdevolat et supracaput astitit. "huncego Ditisacrum iussa fero teque isto corpore solvo":sic ait et dextra crinem secat, omnis et unadilapsus calor atque in ventos vita recessit. (4.700-705)Therefore dewy Iris,with her saffron feathers dragging through the skya thousand colors varying as the sun hits, flies down and stands above herhead. "On command, I bring this sacred [hair] to Pluto and loose youfrom this body": thus she speaks and cuts the hair with her right hand,and all at once the heat slipped away and life receded into the winds.

Commentators compare theunforgettable andmarkedly Homeric linesdescribingthedeath of Turnus, ast illi solvunturfrigoremembra/vitaque cum gemitu fugitindignata sub umbras ("but his limbs are loosed in cold and his life flees witha groan, resentful, down to the Shades," 12.951-52). Dido's tiradesbefore herdeath lead us to expect similar sentience from her Shade: she makes a great pointof her immortalitywith hermemorable threat toAeneas, omnibus umbra locisadero. dabis, improbe, poenas. /audiam et haec Manis veniet mihifama sub imos("Iwill be present everywhere as aShade.Wicked one, youwill pay thepenalty. Iwill hear, and this reportwill come tome deep among theShades," 4.386-87). But

what is remarkable about Dido's death is that we do not hear of her soul fleeingresentfully to theShades. Turnus' escaping vita exhibits a strongpersonality (cumgemitu, indignata) and a clear direction (sub umbras); the stateof Dido's vita, bycontrast, is left ambiguous, with nothing in the final line of Book 4 tocontradictEpicurean dogma.39Lucretius states that theprimordial seeds responsible for lifeare those of heat (calor) and wind (ventus):

38. Tupet (1970) 242-55. duBois (1976) discusses Dido's role as a sacrificial victim, notinginparticular that themyth of Iphigeneia isa "sub-text of theDido episode" (19) andpointing out thepassage inwhich Dido herself alludes to thatmyth (4.425-30). The description of Dido's nuptialbed soon to become her funeral pyre (4.645-48), and her final curse uponAeneas' fleet (661-62),recall and reverse Lucretius' description of Iphigeneia's abortive "wedding" to ensure safe sailingfor her father's ships (1.95-101).39. If anything, in ventos recessit implies dissolution: the only other object in theAeneidsaid to recede in ventos is Acestes' flaming arrow, which is explicitly "consumed" (tenuisquerecessit/consumpta in ventos, 5.526-27). The imagoof Creusa, on theother hand, is said to recede



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noscere ut hinc possis non aequas omnia partiscorporahabere neque ex aequo fulcire salutem,sedmagis haec, venti quae sunt calidique vaporissemina, curare inmembris ut vita moretur.est igiturcalor ac ventus vitalis in ipsocorpore qui nobis moribundos deserit artus. (3.124-29)So that from this you may know that not all bodies have equal parts norequally supporthealth, but rather those seeds which are of wind and ofhot vapor take care that life stays in the limbs. It is therefore the heatand wind of life in thebody itself which deserts our dying limbs.

While Virgil's calor atque in ventos is not quite Lucretius' calor ac ventus, thephrases are similar enough to suggest that, inDido's death,Virgil has chosen tosound one lastLucretian chord.

The epilogue (6.450-76) leaves no doubtwhere Dido's spirithas gone. Herresentful Shade undermines her Epicureanism as clearly asAeneas' fierywrath(12.946-47) undermines his Stoicism. But Virgil reminds us inher death, as inAeneas' moment of hesitation (12.940-41), what might have been if Fate andhuman nature were not as they are.Felix, heu nimium felix, si litora tantum

numquamDardaniae tetigissent nostra carinae.

University of Texas atArlingtonWORKS CITED

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IV, 1030-1287 with Prolegomena, Text, and Translation. Leiden.. 1990. "The Structural Function of the Song of Iopas." HSCP 93: 315-34.Buchheit, Vinzenz. 1972. Der Anspruch des Dichters in Vergils Georgika: Dichtertumund Heilsweg. Darmstadt.Castner, Catherine J. 1988. Prosopography of Roman Epicureans from theSecond CenturyB.C. to the Second Century A.D. Frankfurt amMain.Catto, Bonnie A. 1989. "Vergilian Inversion of Lucretius in Anchises' Exposition of theSoul." Vergilius 35: 60-69.

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