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Social Development and the Rise of the Rest : A Scrutiny Pillai, Vijayan

and Rashmi Gupta. 2009. International Review of Modern Sociology.

35(2):241-258.

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND RISE OF THE REST :A SCRUTINY

Vijayan K. Pillai, Ph.D

University of Texas at Arlington

And

Rashmi Gupta, Ph.D

San Francisco State University

18 July 2009

Abstract:

Twentieth century brought about profound changes in the geo-political structure of power and

influence at the global level. The Rise of the Rest thesis provides an interesting United States

centered perspective on the shaping of the current geo-political structures. In this paper, we

espouse a social development perspective to account for the current positions various nationsoccupy in the geo-political order of power. Data from 142 countries are used.We point out that

policies promoting social development, healthy reproductive conditions, and gender equality are

needed to sustain the rise of the rest.

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT AND RISE OF THE REST :A SCRUTINY

Perhaps one the most powerful foundations of social transformation today is globalization.

Though the process of globalization began with the invention of communication and

transportation technologies, pundits mark its beginning with industrialization in the West

(Stiglitz, 2002). The Industrial Revolution became the source of yet another transformation,

namely modernization. These processes of modernization and industrialization supported by

strong capitalistic values have propelled several countries into world powers over the last three

centuries. During the latter half of the twentieth century, the United States emerged not only as a

world-class economy but also as a super power (Abrahamson, 2004). Nevertheless, the same

forces of modernization, capitalism and communication technologies have enabled many

societies to challenge the status of the United States as an economic power (Cohen, 2006).

Zakaria (2008) calls this phenomenon the rise of the rest.

The rise of the rest is a thesis mostly targeted at doomsday sayers and pessimists about

Americas ability to sustain its power, both economically and militarily. Zakaria (2008a, 2008b)

declares that we still stand tall as a superpower and that the prosperity and peace that we haveenjoyed in this century is American-made. Zakaria (2008) points to the influence that American

economic thought, scientific contributions and culture have exerted globally leading the masses to

a better today than yesteryears. The statistics are impressive and irrefutable. The success story as

told by Zakaria (2008a) is based on statistics and images that easily can become story lines for the

global media. However, we feel he misses the more important story of social development,

support for human rights, and equality that promoted social choices essential for realization of

human potential and necessary for building a great society. Most developed societies have

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archived power and prestige in the modern world by enabling their citizens to achieve their

potential where, when and how they wish. If the rise of the rest was not anchored on promoting

social choices in multiple ways, such as through social development and gender equality, the rest

may not have risen at all.

In this paper we look at the position of developing countries today from the point of view

of gender equality, social development and human rights, particularly reproductive rights.

Theoretical perspectives:

Gender Equality: The forces of modernization drive development efforts in the less developed

countries. Traditional social structures in developing countries are giving way to modern social

structures. Thus the joint family system in India is being replaced by the nuclear family. Such

systemic changes are often followed by value changes as well. The traditional nuclear family is

characterized by a clear division of labor between familial work and non-familial work. Womens

familial roles contributing to family well-being are less valued than mens roles with regard to

production of material goods and services for the family. Patriarchal family values have gained

acceptance in much of the developing world under conditions of poor social and economic

development. The acceptance of nuclear family structures along side with the approval of

patriarchal value systems have contributed to fundamental changes in the economic, social and

political roles of women in developing countries (Parpart, 1993; Marchland and Parpart, 1995).

Even in the Indian State of Kerala, which is now well known for having achieved high quality of

life under low levels of economic prosperity, womens social status has declined over time with

weak representation in political organizations and professional occupations (Parayil, 1994;

Saradmoni, 1996). In spite of the high level of social development in regard to gender, gender

inequality persists in economic and political realms. Gender inequality remains persistently high

compared with developed countries. This gap between the developed and developing countries

may prove to be a major hindrance in seeking parity with the developed world in social,economic and political spheres. We shall examine the differences in gender inequality between

developed and developing countries at the macro level first followed by an examination of social

factors that bring about gender inequality at the micro level.

At the micro-level, the barriers that prevent women from enjoying equal

economic and social participation with men are rooted in several micro leveldeterminants of gender inequality. At the micro level, analysis of gender inequality has

focused on economic, social and legal aspects of inequality. Economic inequality focuses

on the differences in income and earning between male and female members of thehousehold. Legal inequality stems from unjust and unequal legal protection stemming

from gender considerations. These inequalities contribute to the extent of womenspower.

Economic inequality results from a number of factors which limit accessibility to

education and employment. One determinant of economic inequality is the significant

difference in the mean number of years of secondary school education between men andwomen. In South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa, the proportion of female students enrolled

in secondary school is less than 50 percent (Robert, 1998). High dropout rates among

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primary school girls contribute to poor enrollment rates among secondary school girls. In

the Kenyan district of South Nyanza, only 24 percent of the girls enrolled in grade 1 in

1983 completed secondary school about twelve years later (Achola and Pillai, 2000).

Economic inequality between males and females is maintained by the

organization of sustenance activities. Formal sector jobs are inflexible to the demands ofdomestic life on worker's time and energy. Furthermore, the emergence of dual labor

markets has contributed to the concentration of a high proportion of women in a few job

categories that are characterized by low wage levels and poor job security (Duraisamyand Duraisamy, 1996). A number of factors such as distance to work, labor market

discrimination against women, length of the working day, availability and acceptability

of child-care support, and whether children may or may not be with the mother at her

place of work (Oppong, 1987) influence women's participation level in the labor force. .Duraisamy and Duraisamy (1996) find that in India approximately 67 to 77 percent of the

male-female wage difference is due to discrimination.

Social inequality is also associated with the differences in the value attached toroles men and women play within the family setting. Women's roles within the family

tend to be influenced by family type. In developing countries, a large proportion offamilies are non-nuclear and involve active participation of kinship group members. In

particular, in agricultural societies, kinship ties are at times stronger than those between

spouses and seniors (Caldwell, 1982).

Sexual politics also plays a crucial role in the maintenance of gender inequality

within the house hold. . Sexual politics "consists in the use of sexuality as an item of

exchange to make social ties" (Collins et al., 1993, pp. 199). In Sub-Saharan Africa, thepractice of polygamy provides husbands a social context for not only generating new

political alliances to gain power and prestige, but also to extract labor from their wives

and children (Lloyd, 1992). Within customary marriages in Sub Saharan Africa womenshoulder the responsibility for providing food for themselves and their children. Thus,

husbands and wives are not equally involved in domestic responsibilities. Women are

expected to assume far more domestic responsibilities than men. One consequence of thisunequal division of domestic labor is that women are far less likely to be involved in the

labor force than are men, increasing their dependence on spouses and other men for

economic support. This in turn is likely to lessen women's influence and authority.

Gender inequality is maintained by gender ideologies. Gender ideologies is the

extent to which male and female spheres are regarded as different, and the extent to

which male or female culture is regarded as superior (Collins et al., 1993). Theseideologies bestow on women the responsibility for childbearing, child-care, and

household work. They also affect how women perceive their roles, often subservient to

those of men. In addition, at the macro level, gender ideologies provide justification forlaws which do not recognize similar rights and privileges for men and women (Pillai and

Wang, 1999). As a result, women's political participation in developing countries lags

behind that of men.

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Social Development, Reproductive Risk and Reproductive Rights: A second

dimension where there exists a great divide between the developed and the rest is

social. The term appears to be widely misunderstood. For some, social developmentmeans developing efficient social institutions which result in economic development. For

yet others, it is about achieving a desirable quality of life. In Bhutan, the concept of social

development is of paramount social and political significance as they attempt to measurequality of life in the Kingdom by Gross National Happiness. In developed countries,

social development has been closely aligned with political development. In the United

States, for example, there is strong support for a democratic form of governance,involvement and engagement in civil society, and promotion of human rights. In general,

we can view social development as a bi-dimensional concept with one being strongly

associated with the concept of material well-being and the other simply anchored in

widely shared ideas of extending social and individual choices though human rightsvalues.

Midgley (1995) defined social development as a process of planned social change

designed to promote the well-being of the population as a whole in conjunction with a dynamicprocess of economic development. Social development refers to all processes leading to

development of social institutions and organizations which promote community effectiveness in

resolving their problems. Social development is believed to be necessary for neutralizing some of

the undesirable outcomes of economic development such as social and economic inequality, and

social disintegration (Zuvekas, 1979). Economic development tends to accelerate the social and

economic mobility of groups with attributes that are socially valued and marketable. On the other

hand, social development tends to facilitate broad level participation spanning all levels of social

institutions. To this extent, social development programs are guided by a social justice framework

and incorporate plans for dealing with the positive and negative consequences of economic

development

At the individual level, social development is purported to promote quality of life (Haq,

1993). An expansion of choices that people enjoy in order to improve their own welfare require

vast social institutional development over and above mere economic development. Sen (2000)

presented this pattern of broad development of choices as freedom. Social participation is

enhanced with increases in opportunities which impact on individual substantive freedoms or

capabilities. Lack of democratic freedoms, the press, and the absence of agencies that represent

peoples voices are all characteristic of unfreedoms which citizenship theorists suggest are

associated with poor citizenship rights. A broadening set of opportunities for social participation

is a function of social development (Mohan, 1996, 2007). The presence of well-developed social

institutions, effective communication systems and organizations are associated with higher levels

well-being (Midgley, 1995; Ruger, 2004a, 2004b, 2004c) and social development.

It is found that progress in the social development, results in the support for human right

principles (Reichert,2007). These rights involve every aspect of socio-economic and political life.

More fundamentally, the extent of support and commitment for rights principles in any society is

no where better reflected than in the sphere of reproduction. The divide between the developed

and the rest is also a divide along the extent to which there exists civil and political support for

human rights principles. The gap between the developed and the developing, and the likelihood

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of developing countries catching up with the developed, may be measured in terms of the extent

of support for reproductive rights and the level of risk women face during child birth. The level of

reproductive rights in any society is an important aspect of healthy reproduction.

There are mainly two theoretical perspectives on the development of reproductive rights.

One perspective attributes it to active promotion of human rights values by western countries and

the diffusion of these values to developing countries. These values are additionally strongly

infused into the development activities financed and guided by developed countries and the

United Nations (Uvin, 2002). The second perspective suggests that support for reproductive

rights is dependent on two structural conditions, the level of social development and the level of

gender equality (Clark, 2006). The latter perspective underlies the theoretical model of

reproductive health developed in this paper.

Analysis and results.

The variables and their data sources are presented in Table 1. The names of all countries

in the analysis along with their respective regional affiliations are presented in Table 2.

Table 1 and Table 2 about here.

Gender inequality is often measured by the differences in average education, income and

level of political participation between men and women (Pillai and Gupta, 2006; Pillai and Wang,

1999). In this paper, the measures of gender inequality are: Life expectancy at birth; Life

Expectancy at age 60 ;Net enrolment ratio in primary education; Net enrolment ratio in secondary

education; and adult (15+) unemployment rate, and percentage of parliamentary seats occupied

by women. Life expectancy variables are not often included in measuring gender inequality.

However, prior literature on social exclusion supports the use of life expectancy as a valid

indicator of social advantages over the life course (Braverman, 2006).

The difference in life expectancy at birth between men and women in developingcountries is nearly four years, in favor of women. See Table3. The same difference appears to be

slightly

Table 3 about here

greater, about five years in developed countries. The life expectancy at birth difference between

women in developing countries and developed countries is remarkably similar to the difference

between men in developing and developed countries. Thus, it appears that the distribution of life

expectancies is affected by gender rather than by level of development.

At about 60 years of age, the difference between men and women becomes slightly

higher. (See Table 4.) The difference in life expectancy 60 years of age between men and womenis nearly four

Table 4 about here

Years, in favor of women. However, the same difference appears to be slightly greater, about six

years, in developed countries. The difference in life expectancy at 60 years between women in

developing countries and those in developed countries is at least a year more for women than for

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men. Thus, it appears that the distribution of life expectancies is affected by both development

and gender.

The net enrollment ratio in primary education for developing and developed countries is

presented in Table 5. While the gender difference in net enrollment ratio in developed countries is

Table 5 about here

almost negligible, the net enrollment ratio difference in the developing countries is about 3

percentage points. See Table 3. The difference in net enrollment ratio for women in developed

countries is about 10 percentage points higher than for women in developing countries. Almost

the same difference holds for men between developing and developed countries. Here again, it

appears that gender influences the distribution of net enrollment ratios across countries rather

than does the level of development.

The net enrollment ratio in secondary schools is presented in Table 6. The net enrollment

Table 6 about hereratio for men is about two percentage points lower than the ratio for girls in developing

countries. The magnitude of the difference between men and womens secondary enrollment

ratio in developed countries is very similar to the difference in secondary enrollment ratio

between genders in developing countries. There is a considerable difference in the level of

secondary ratios between developing and developed countries. While womens secondary

enrollment ratio in developing countries is about 59 percent, the level in developed countries for

women is about 88 percent. Thus, development level is clearly a factor that influences secondary

enrollment ratios. However, its effect is the same on both genders. In general it may be inferred

that there are gender influences on secondary enrollment ratio, even though it is weak and is in

favor of men. In general, secondary enrollment ratios are much lower for both genders in

developing countries than in developed countries. Thus, there appears to be enormous wastage

during the transition from primary to the secondary school.

Table 7 presents the adult (15+) unemployment rate for men and women. In general the

Table 7 about here

unemployment rates for both genders are higher in developing countries than in the developed.

The unemployment rate in developing countries, as expected is, greater for women than for men

while the rate for women and men are more similar in developed countries than in the developing.

Thus, gender likely has an effect on unemployment rates in developing countries.

Finally, Table 8 presents data related to Percentage of parliamentary seats in Single or

Table 8 about here

Lower chamber occupied by women in 2007 for developing and developed countries. Only about

15 percent of parliamentary seats were occupied by women. The percentage of seats occupied by

women is higher in the developed countries as expected.

In general, there is a gender effect in the distribution of a number of selected

indicators of gender inequality. Women certainly have an advantage over men with

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regard to life expectancy at birth and life expectancy at 60 both in developing and

developed countries. However, being female in developing countries reduces that

advantage considerably. Universal access to basic education is lacking in developingcountries and is more restricted to women than to men. During the transition to secondary

school, a large proportion of students is lost, though at the secondary school level, the

enrollment ratios favor women slightly over men. Women are also disadvantaged indeveloping countries compared to men with respect to employment. In addition to the

relative disadvantages women suffer in life expectancy, education and employment in

developing countries they also lack political representation clearly needed to addresswomens issues.

Table 9 presents the ranking of regions in terms of reproductive risk scores. The core

Table 9 about here

region composed of developed nations, had the least reproductive risk and therefore ranked first.

Europe and Central Asia ranked second with South Asia and the African region at the verybottom. East Asia & Pacific, Latin America & the Caribbean, and MENA occupied ranks inbetween. The average reproductive risk index scores of these three regions are similar.

Table 10 presents the ranking of regions on reproductive rights scores. The

Table 10 about here

reproductive rights scores were computed using three variables, Materind, Wosoc, and adopt. The

variable Materind is an index composed of two variables, leave and second. The variable leave

is the length of maternal leaves (days) and second is the percentage of wages paid in a covered

period. Both variables were standardized and added to create the index Materind. Wosoc is

extent of social rights. Finally Adopt is an additive index composed of whether or not a nationis signatory to the Hague agreements on adoption, the type of agreement and number of

authorities. The core region again is ranked first, with South Asia and the Sub-Saharan Region at

the very bottom of the ranking. Europe and Central Asia ranked second. The regions, East Asia& Pacific, Latin America & the Caribbean, and MENA occupied ranks in between. The rank

ordering of regions here is very similar to the ranking based on the reproductive risk index.

Table 11 presents the ranking of regions on social development. Social development

Table 11 about here

is measured using the United Nations Human Development Score. The core region ofdeveloped countries is ranked first with the African region at the bottom. The South Asian region

which was ranked at the bottom on reproductive risk, and reproductive rights index, respectively,

is now ranked in the middle with Latin American and the Caribbean moving lower from their

earlier ranks. The European and central Asian countries maintained their second position.

The regional ranking on the three indicators suggest that the European and the Central

Asian regions are likely to emerge closer to the developed core from among the rest. The

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African region is clearly at the far periphery with South Asia ranking closely behind. Latin

American & the Caribbean, MENA, East Asia and the Pacific are all in the middle ranks and

share attributes of poor reproductive health conditions. In general, the inability to produce healthy

offsping perpetuates social and economic disadvantage across generations which is likely to slow

the tempo of ascension to the status of core developed countries.

The European and Central Asian regions are similar to the East Asian as their ranks ontwo of three indexes are alike. The Latin American & Caribbean and the MENA countries also

have similar regional rankings on two out the three measures. For this reason, we decided to put

them in one bloc now comprised of Latin American & Caribbean and MENA countries. The

South Asian and African countries are together in a peripheral bloc among all the regions

constituting the the rest.

The Latin American and East Asian regions, together form a heterogeneous block with

diverse social, economic and cultural resources. Given this diversity, there is also likely to be

competition within a bloc. The two regions may experience differential access to power. It is

likely that our analytic strategies at the macro level, using indexes, may have failed to identify

differences within the Latin/East Asian regions. To address this issue it is appropriate to identify

differences among countries in the region using all available information from variables in

tandem, rather than using a weighted composite of all the variables.

To align with the concept of rise of the rest, the methodology should seek to identify

how similar the various regions are with respect to the core developed countries. High levels of

similarity with the core countries on selected indicators are expected to indicate the likelihood of

joining the core countries, the ascension to power in the world system. We employed a method of

ranking all the countries along the variables used in this study, such as reproductive rights index.

The six variables used in the ranking are: Materind which is an index of maternity support;

Wosoc an index of womens social rights and Adopt; an index of support for international

adoption; reproductive risk index, Human development index (used to measure social

development above) and gin, a measure of inequality.

All the countries were ranked from 1 to 180 in an ascending order along the six variables.

When there were ties, they were broken, rearranged and reordered in a random manner. Each of

the 180 positions yielded a group of 6 countries. For example, position 72 yielded a group of

countries: Libya, Oman, Indonesia, Singapore, Portugal and Yemen, with each country

possessing a value on any of the six variables such that the value fell into position 72. The

countries at the end of the ordering secured high scores. All countries were also identified by their

geographical regional status. After ranking all countries, we examined their regional composition

at each position. If two or more among the six countries at any given ascending order --position

belonged to a geographical region, that region was assigned to that position. A nominal variable

was created with four different values coded as follows: 1 for the rich core developed countries, 2

for European & Central Asian, and East Asian & Pacific countries, 3 for Latin American & the

Carribbean and MENA countries, and 4 for South Asian and Africa countries.

The objective of ranking countries and identifying regional composition at each rank was

to assess the likelyhood that certain geographical regions (a bloc of countries) such as the East

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Asians are more like the rich core developed countries compared with the rest. From eyeballing

the ranking table it could be seen was gathered (as expected) that most of the core developed

countries are at high ranks at the end of the table. For example, countries such as Germany and

Italy were at ranks like 172 on human development, and reproductive rights index respectively. In

order to assess if a given bloc such as Latin American, Middle East and MENA countries were

more likely to be in the group of top ranking rich countries, we created a group of top rankingcountries. In this study, it was arbitrarily decided to identify all countries in ranks 120 (one third

of all the countries in this study) and above as belonging to the top tier. A binary variable coded 1

if the six countries in a given position belonged to the top tier of 60 countries, and 0 other wise.

The independent variables are four regional groupings: South Asia and Africa; Latin America

and the Carribbean, Mena; East European, Central Asian, East Asian & Pacific countries, and

finally the developed countries. The South Asian/ African bloc is used as the reference group.

The results are presented in Table 12.

Table 12 about here

The East European and Asian countries had much higher odds of being in the

first tier of countries than the Latin American. Thus, it appears that the East Asian and European

bloc is more homogenous than the Latin American bloc. The results presented here suggest that

the South Asian and African countries are far more at the periphery among the rest than the

Latin American and Middle Eastern. The East Asian and European bloc is similar to the

developed countries on the six characteristics considered than is the Latin American bloc.

The emergence of the East Asian countries as fast developing countries has been

attributed to several social and political events which lead to co-operation and commencement of

strong trade relationships among East Asian countries. A few others have also been attributed to

geopolitical advantages that selectively favored East Asian regions in the development of trade

and regional co-operations.

Conclusion

The Rise of the Rest thesis is embedded in the process of globalization which many view as a

counterforce against imperialistic and hegemonic forces that shaped a highly stratified world

economically and politically (Wade, 2004). A few have claimed that in this new age of

globalization, Americas role as a super power is being challenged by new rising powers, East

Asia and Europe (Madhubani, 2008). Such claims are usually based on the economic

performance of national states and regions and in the field of international trade. This over

reliance on economic and military indicators of power cross-nationally contradicts the approach

to development at the nation-state level. Most national development policies programs and

projects rely on development activities that are rights- based and promote individual and

community-level freedoms. Though there is general agreement that national-states will not

wither away in the wake of globalization, macro level analysis of power appears to offer scant

attention to determinants that improve peoples well-being at the intra-state (individual) level.

Perhaps this lack of attention to the intra-nation state characteristics (while analyzing

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international and cross national characteristics that contribute to power), reflects limitations on

methodologies used in cross-national research. Recent methodological advances such as

Hierarchical Linear Modeling will be of immense value to cross-national researchers interested in

intra-state as well as interstate determinants of power.

The focus on intra-state characteristics and their influence on inter state relationships in

the modern world system is also supported by the emergence of new trade relationships and

economic relationships not entirely predicted by the traditional core periphery and dependency

models. Maswana (2009) argues that the China-Africa trade relationship during the last three

decades or so may mark the beginning of new South-South co-operation. In addition he argues

that the China-Africa relationship has been most mutually beneficial economically. Whether

these terms of mutual exchange and equality can be maintained in the long run will depend upon

the composition of skilled labor and the pace of technological innovations, among others. Within

China and Africa there must be massive investment in education and development of research

infrastructure. Thus, intra-state level characteristics are likely to play a key role in determining

the nature of emerging inter-state relationships in the modern world system.

The rise to developed status may need social and cultural transformations (Hopper,

2007). We point out that policies promoting social development, healthy reproductive conditions,

and gender equality are needed to sustain the rise of the rest. The rise of the rest projects an

image of developing countries acquiring economic, social and political status in par with the

developed world. It is indeed true that nations such as Oman, Hong Kong, Bahrain, Qatar, Saudi

Arabia, Brunei, Israel, Singapore ,Japan, South Korea, Kuwait, Trinidad and Tobago, and Macau

(World Bank, 2009) are developed whereas economies such as India, Brazil and China are seen

as belonging to the rest.Even though the tempo of economic growth in these countries isimpressive, their experiences are not generalizeable. Very few countries in the Asia and the Sub-

Saharan region are among those believed to be rising. Thus, excluding a few countries in the

developing world, the rest have not risen. So far, lack of social development and a high level of

gender inequality characterize most of the countries that have not risen. Under these conditions,

the likelihood of the developing world emerging into the centre stage of world economic and

political power appears to be far less than anticipated.

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Table 1: Variables and data sources

Variable Data Source

Life Expectancy at Birth United Nations, Department of Economic and SocialAffairs, Population Division (2007), World Population

Prospects: supplemented by official national statistics

published in United Nations Demographic Yearbook

2003 and Demographic Yearbook 2004.

Life Expectancy at age 60 United Nations, Department of Economic and Social

Affairs, Population Division (2007), World Population

Prospects: supplemented by official national statistics

published in United Nations Demographic Yearbook

2003 and Demographic Yearbook 2004.

Primary Education UNESCO Institute for Statistics, table 5: Enrolment

ratios by ISCED level, available from UIS website,http://www.uis.unesco.org (accessed June 30, 2009).

Secondary Education UNESCO Institute for Statistics, table 5: Enrolmentratios by ISCED level, available from UIS website,

http://www.uis.unesco.org (accessed June 30, 2009).

Adult (15+) unemployment rate International Labor Office, Table 8a. Unemployment

(LFS), published in Key Indicators of the Labour Market

(KILM). Fifth Edition.

Percentage of parliamentary seats Inter-Parliamentary Union. Women in National

Parliaments. Situation as of 31 July 2007, available from

IPU website, http://www.ipu.org/wmn-e/classif-arc.htm

(accessed June 2009).

Reproductive risk index A World of Difference: Sexual and Reproductive Health

& Risks, by Population Action International, Accessed

10 July 2009.

http://www.populationaction.org/Publications/Reports

/A_World_of_Difference/Summary.shtm

Leave United Nations. (2007, June). Statistics and indicators onwomen and men: Table 4d Tertiary education.

Retrieved 15 June 2007, from

http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/

tab4d.htm
http://www.populationaction.org/Publications/Reportshttp://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab4d.htmhttp://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab4d.htmhttp://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab4d.htmhttp://www.populationaction.org/Publications/Reportshttp://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab4d.htmhttp://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab4d.htm

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Materind United Nations. (2007, June). Statistics and indicators on

women and men: Table 5g Maternity leave benefits.

Retrieved 15 June 2007, from

http://unstats.un.org/unsd/demographic/products/indwm/tab5g.htm

Wosoc1 CIRI Human Rights Data Project (2006). :Womens

Rights. Retrieved 12 December 2005, from

http://www.humanrightsdata.org.

Adopt Hague Conference on Private International Law. (1995,

January). Status table 33: Convention of 29 May 1993

on protection of children and co-operation in respect of

intercountry adoption. Retrieved Date, 12 June 2007,

http://www.hcch.net/index_en.php?

act=conventions.status&cid=69

Table 2: List of all countries by region

Region 1:

Antigua Argentina Barbados Belize Bolivia Brazil Chile Colombia Costa Rica Cuba

Dominica Dominican Republic Ecuador El Salvador Guatemala Haiti Honduras Jamaica

Mexico Nicaragua Panama Paraguay Peru Saint Kitts Saint Lucia Saint VincentSuriname

Trinidad & Tobago Uruguay Venezuela

Region 2: Cambodia China Fiji Hong Kong Indonesia N.Korea Lao People's Malaysia

Mongolia Myanmar Papua New Guinea Philippines Solomon Islands Samoa(Western)

Thailand Timor-Leste Tonga Vanuatu Viet Nam

Region 3: Albania Armenia Azerbaijan Belarus Bosnia Bulgaria Croatia Czech Republic

Estonia Georgia Hungary Kazakhstan Kyrgyzstan Latvia Lithuania Macedonia

Moldova Poland Romania Russian Fed. Slovakia Slovenia Tajikistan Turkey

Turkmenistan Ukraine Uzbekistan

Region 4: Algeria Djibouti Egypt Iran Iraq Jordan Lebanon Libya Morocco Oman Syria

Tunisia Yemen Afghanistan

Region 5: Bangladesh Bhutan India Maldives Nepal Pakistan Sri Lanka Angola

Region 6: Benin Botswana Burkina Faso Burundi Cameroon Cape Verde Central AfricanRep. Chad Comoros Congo Congo Dem. Rep Cote d'Ivoire Equatorial Guinea Eritrea

Ethiopia Gabon Gambia Ghana Guinea- Bissau Guinea Kenya Lesotho Liberia Madagascar

Malawi Mali Mauritania Mauritius Mozambique Namibia Niger Nigeria Rwanda Sao Tome

Senegal Seychelles Sierra Leone South Africa Sudan Swaziland Tanzania Togo Uganda

Zambia Zimbabwe

Region 7: Australia Austria Bahamas Bahrain Belgium Brunei Canada Cyprus Denmark

Finland France Germany Greece Grenada Iceland Ireland Israel Italy Japan S. Korea Kuwait

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Luxembourg Malta Netherlands New Zealand Norway Portugal Qatar Saudi Arabia

Singapore Sweden Switzerland Spain United Arab Emirates United Kingdom United States

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Table 3 Life Expectancy (years) at birth by gender for developing and developed countries

Developing Developed

Countries Countries

Women Men Women Men

Mean Median n Mean Median n Mean Median n Mean Median n

67.43 71 157 63.04 66 157 80.25 82 55 74.95 76 55

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Table 4. Life Expectancy at age 60 (Years) by gender for developing and developed countries


Countries Countries

Women Men Women Men


19.09 19 144 16.38 16 144 23.29 24 51 19.43 20 51

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Table 5: Primary Education by gender for developing and developed countries

Net enrolment ratio in primary education

Developing DevelopedCountries Countries

Women Men Women Men


82.70 89.0 120 85.08 90 120 93.82 97 44 94.11 96 44

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Table 6: Secondary Education by gender for developing and developed countries

Net enrolment ratio in secondary education


Countries Countries

Women Men Women Men


59.27 68.0 107 57.51 62.0 107 86.18 90.00 39 86.18 88.00 39

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Table 7: Adult (15+) unemployment rate by gender for developing and developed countries

adult (15+) unemployment rate

Developing DevelopedCountries Countries

Women Men Women Men


13.73 11.0 106 10.93 8.0 107 7.94 8.0 47 6.32 6.0 47

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Table 8: Percentage of parliamentary seats in Single or Lower chamber occupied by women in

2007 for developing and developed countries

Women:

```Developing ``````Developed```Countries ``````Countries

Mean Median n Mean Median n

15.08 13.00 142 `` `19.90 18 42

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Table 9. Average reproductive risk index scores by region in ascending order

Region Score Rank

Core 12.19 1

Region (High Inc)

Europe and Central

Asia 18.89* 2

East Asia & Pacific 33.65* 3

Latin America &

Carribbean 34.63* 4

MENA 38.82* 5

South Asia 52.96* 6

Africa 59.96* 7

* - significantly different from the value of the core nations at 0.5 level

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Table 10. Average reproductive rights scores by region in descending order from the core

Region Score Rank

Core 50.50 1Region (High Inc)

Europe and CentralAsia 45.51 1

East Asia & Pacific 44.81 1

Latin America &

Caribbean 40.13* 2

Mena 35.72* 3

South Asia 30.00* 4

Africa 27.91* 5


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Table 11.: Average social development scores by region in descending order from the core

Region Score Rank

Core 6 2 1

Region (High Inc)

Europe and Central 1Asia 52.92

Mena 51.05* 2

South Asia 48,29* 3

East Asia & Pacific 48.19* 4

Latin America &

Caribbean 47.83* 5

Africa 35.98* 6


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Table 12 : Likelihood of a selected region being in the Top Tier of Sixty countries category

Regions Odds Ratio

Latin American, 0.452*

Caribbean

Mena

East Asian, 2.199*

East European,

Central Asian

Pacific

Developed 1.199*

Countries

* significant at .05 level

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BIO

Dr Vijayan K. Pillai is a demographer with research interests in adolescent

fertility, womens health and welfare issues, HIV/AIDS in Africa, womens

reproductive health in developing countries, and gender issues. His research

work has focused on the determinants of adolescent fertility in Zambia,welfare and teenage moms in the United States, and the relationship

between womens rights and reproductive health at a cross national level in

developing countries. He is currently engaged in investigating the impact of

stigma on psychosocial health of children living with parents with HIV in

Botswana.

Rashmi Gupta is an Assistant professor of Social Work at San Francisco State

University She received her doctorate and a Masters in Social Work from the

University of Texas at Arlington. She is a co founder of Aging in Asia informal

group of the Gerontological Society of America. She is now involved with

Institute of Civic and Community Engagement where she works with a team

on a project for -In Home Support Services and Disaster Preparedness in Bay

area.

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