kubler, 1947, the neo-inca state (1537-1572)

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The Neo-Inca State (1537-1572)Author(s): George KublerSource: The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 27, No. 2 (May, 1947), pp. 189-203Published by: Duke University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2508415 .

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THE NEO-INCA STATE (1537-1572)The student of colonial culture in Latini Ainerica is repeatedlystruck by the disparities between the colonizations of Mexico andPeru.' In these areas the Conquista events were separated bylittle over a decade, but the work of extensive colonization did notbegin in Peru until the 1570's, or more than a generation after theinception of that work in Mexico. On the one hand, Spanishcolonial policy underwent significant changes between 1521 and

1533, and the quality of the leadership in the two Conquistas wasnotoriously unequal. On the other hand, the indigenous forcesof resistance to colonization were far better organized in Peruthan inlMexico.The present study is intended as a contribution to this lasttopic. It is also a continuation of earlier efforts to describe anddefine initial colonial processes in Peruvian Indian society.2 Weshall treat of the organized separatist movement of the disaffectedIncas in Peru, a movement to which the name, the Neo-Inca State,seems appropriate. It will be necessary to begin with a discus-sion of those Indian factions that preferred an alliance with theSpaniards to the doomed resistance initiated by Manco Capac inVilcabamba province. IUntil the death of Manco's younger brother, Paullu, two dis-tinct civil wars were being waged in Peru. At one level there wasthe conflict between Spanish factions, the first loyal to Pizarro andlater to the crown, the second sharing in the aspirations of thetwo Almagros and later in Gonzalo Pizarro's dream of an inde-pendent Peruvian kingdom. At the other level, in Indian lifeitself, civil war had torn Peru apart in the time of Huascar andAtahualpa; later on, it continued under cover of the Spanish Con-quest, in the steady strife between Manco Inca and Paullu. Infact, as long as the separatist Inca movement subsisted, this civil

1 George Kubler, "The Quechua in the Colonial World," in Handbookof South AmericanIndians (Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143, Vols. I-II, Washington, 1946),II, 331-410.2 Kubler, "The Behavior of Atahualpa, 1531-1533," THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORI-CAL REVIEW, XXV (November, 1945), 413-427; idem, "A Peruvian Chief of State: MancoInca (1515-1545)," THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW, XXIV (May, 1944),253-276.

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190 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWwar lasted, and one of its most intense and historical phases maybe traced in the career of Paullu.Of the multitude of members of the Inca caste residing inCuzco and other Spanish settlemenits, none achieved more dis-tinction as a collaborationist than Paullu, the son of HuaynaOCapac y the daughter of the lord of Huaylas. His early historyis confused. He was evidently born after 1520, for he was stillvery young at the siege of Cuzco in 1536.3 It is unclear whetherhe or another man by the same name was implicated in the mnaneu-vers of Quizquiz during 1533-1534 to control the Incaship.4 Hisfirst certain appearance upon the theatre of neo-Inca society waswhen, with Manco's permission, he was sent with Almagro toChile. It may even be that iVlancowas relieved to have a possiblerival drawn away from Cuzco; in any case, Francisco Pizarrowelcomed the opportunity to divide Indian strength, by sending12,000 Indian warriors along with Paullu and the Villac Umu.5That campaign, with its great hardships, was one in which Paulluprobably matured, passing from adolescence into the status of aseasoned Indian military commander, guiding Almagro, inter-ceding for him with hostile tribes, and facilitating his quest forprecious mnetal nd passable roads.6Paullu's hostility to Manco did not crystallize until after hisreturn from Chile with Almagro's men.7 During that expedition,in fact, he sent information about Almagro's movements to Man-

3Felipe Huam6n Poma de Ayala, Nueva cor6nica y buen gobierno (codex pgruvienillustr6), (Universit6 de Paris, Institut d'Ethnologie, Travaux et MFmoires, XXIII, Paris1936), p. 181; R6mulo Cuneo-Vidal, Historia de las guerras de los fCltimosncas peruanoscontrael poderespainol (Barcelona, 1925), pp. 149, 156-175; Antonio de Herrera y Tordesi-Ilas, Historia generalde los hechosde los castellanosen las islas i tierrafirme del mar ocdano(9 vols. in 5, Madrid, 1726-1730), V, 226; Bernab6 Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo (Mar-cos Jim6nez de la Espada, ed., 4 vols., Seville, 1890-1893), III, 203.4Francisco L6pez de G6mara, Historia de las Indias (Madrid, 1749), p. 116; IncaGarcilaso de la Vega, Historia general del PerA ... (Madrid, 1722), libro i, cap. xxxix.My friend Charles Gibson has recently provided proof in his master's thesis thatdistinct persons are involved (The Concept of Inca Sovereignty, MS, University ofTexas, 1947).Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 54.Villac Umu signifies "high priest"; in Inca society he was the main official of the statereligion (see John Rowe, "Inca Culture," Handbookof South American Indians, II, 299).

6 Garcilaso, op. cit., libro ii, caps. xx, xii.7Crist6bal de Molina (of Santiago), "Relaci6n de muchas cosas acaescidas en el Peru,en suma, para entender a la letra la manera que se tuvo en la conquista y poblazon destosreinos," in Horacio H. Urteaga and Carlos A. Romero, eds., Colecci6ndelibrosy documentosreferentesa la historia del Pert, 1st. ser., I (Lima, 1916), 157.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 191co, and misinformed the Spaniard by overestimating the peril inwhich Cuzco was held by the siege.,8 He is even reported to havetaken part in the planning of the rebellion with Manco Cipac andthe Villac Umu.9 Like Manco, then, Paullu's filiation lay withAlmagro rather than with Pizarro, but he secretly desired thedownfall of both factions. His loyalties were radically altered,however, when, in.1537, Almagro invested Cuzco. At that mo-ment, Almagro appeared to be master of Peru, and Paullu'spersonal problem became more complex. If he were to retainpower.under Almagro, he must keep Manco from joining forceswith the Spaniard.10 In effect, when Almagro invited Manco to.come to him at Cuzco in peace, the message was conveyed byPaullu,11who, instead of fulfilling his mission, is represented asworking to prevent the juncture, in order to maintain his ownposition.12 Later, in July, 1537, Paullu assisted Almagro in de-feating the Pizarrist force under Alonso de Alvarado.-3 When.Paullu captured a booty amounting to ten thousand pesos fromthe Pizarrist fugitives, Almagro elevated Paullu to the Incaship,'4investing him with a llautu, as Pizarro had invested Manco in1534 when he was nmasterof Peru. Paullu, who had taken thename of Paullu Tu'pac, then arranged to secure for Almagro theallegiance of those Indian forces which had fought for Alvaradoat the Apurimac bridge, and his own Indians guarded the.passesto prevent communication with the Pizarrists in Lima.Meanwhile, Manco had withdrawn from Ollantaytambo intoVilcabamba, and hoping to recruit new forces, he sent messagesto Paullu urging him to join the rebels.15 Paullu countered byoffering to renounce the Incaship if Manco would join Almagro.16Paullu later fought with six thousand Indians in 1538 for Almagro

8Gonzalo Fern6ndez de Oviedo y Valdds, IIistoria generaly natural de las Indias, islas ytierra-firmedel mar ocdano . . (4 vols., Madrid, 1851-1855), IV, 282-283.Garcilaso, op. cit., libro ii, cap. xxii; Bishop Valverde, "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco.," in Varias relacionesdel Per4i y Chile ... (Colecci6n de libros espaniolesraros y muycuriosos, XIII, Madrid, 1879), p. 7.15 L6pez de G6mara, op. cit., p. 135.11Valverde, op. cit., p. 115.12 Pedro de Cieza de Le6n, The War of Las Salinas (Works Issued by the HakluytSociety, 2nd. series, LIV, London, 1923), p. 60.13 Valverde, op. cit., pp. 123-124.14 Ibid., p. 124; Oviedo, op. cit., IV, 193. Cieza de Le6n (op. cit., p. 86 ff.) holds thatManco fabricated the story that Almagro had created Paullu Sapa Inca. Contrast Cobo,op. cit., III, 209; Molina (of Santiago), op. cit., p. 184.15 Cieza de Le6n, op. cit., p. 86 if.16Herrera, op. cit., VI, 42.



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192 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWat the disastrous battle of Salinas, under Rodrigo Org6flez' com-mand.'7 There his orders were to slaughter all Spaniards-theAlmagrists if retreating, and the Pizarrists under all circum-stances.18 When defeat was evident, Paullu fled from the battle-field, only to be recaptured by Hernando Pizarro's men.19 Henow became the ally of the Pizarrists, who found him too valuableto discard, for fear that he might join Manco with his remainingeffectives.20In 1539, he was accepted by the pacified Indians of Cuzco astheir Inca.21 He wore a Spanish sword and pretended to main-tain the traditional state of his rank in the palace which had be-longed to Huayna Capac.22 He also participated with the vic-torious Pizarrists in the subjugation of the revolt in the Collao.23The Spaniardswere in hopes that Paullu, in defense of his position,might eventually undertake to crush Manco in Vilcabamba, andin 1539, plans were afoot for such an expedition under the com-mand of Hernando Pizarro.24Paullu's status seemed more secure than that of most Span-iards at this moment, for in 1540, the king ordered the newlyappointed governor, Vaca de Castro, to pay special attention tothe.good treatment of Paullu.25 Yet in 1542, upon the occasion ofthe rebellion staged by Almagro's son, the mestizo youth fromPanama, Paullu reverted to his old loyalty to the Almagrist cause,in the campaign against royal authority. He sent Indian spies toHuaraz to report upon the strength of Governor Vaca de Castro'sforce,26and he himself fought in the terrible battle at Chupas, inwhich the Almagrist faction was finally crushed.27 Once again,the victorious Spanish party found it expedient to maintainPaullu as its partisan, and Vaca de Castro, mindful of a royalorder, reinstated hinmn his holdings. In 1543, then, Paullu ac-17 Cieza de Le6n, op. cit., p. 195.

18 Herrera, op. cit., VI, 96.19 Valverde, op. cit., p. 168.20 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 159.21Bishop Valverde, "Carta del obispo del Cuzco al emperador ... [1539]," in Colecci6nde documentosneditos ... de Indias (42 vols., Madrid, 1864-1884), III, p. 115.22 Herrera, op. cit., VI, 20.2"TValverde,Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco .. .," loc. cit., p. 187; Fernando Montesinos,Anales del Perul (2 vols., Madrid, 1906), I, 114.24 Valverde, "Relaci6n del sitio del Cuzco ... .," loc. cit., p. 194.25 Herrera, op. cit., VIII, 107; Cobo, op. cit., III, 209.26 Cieza de Le6n, The Warof Chupas (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd. series,XLII, London, 1918), pp. 211; 282, n. 2.27 L6pez de G6mara, op. cit., p. 135.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 193cepted baptism in Cuzco, taking the name Crist6bal in honor ofhis protector, Governor Vaca de Castro. His status as Inca wasconfirmed by the crown, together with the grant of a coat of armsin 1544.28 He held important encomiendas near Arequipa andat Hatun Cana; he married a descendant of the Inca Roca,29andhis son Melchor Carlos Inca grew up as a gentleman, in a positionto maintain stables, with Spanish and Negro servants.Paullu died about 1550, and the Indians of Cuzco, followingthe ancient custom, made a statue of him, and adorned it with hishair and fingernails.30 This image was secretly adored by theIndians, as were those of other Incas in Cuzco and Vilcabamba.Paullu's other remains were buried in a small private chapel hehad caused to be built in his Cuzco residence.3II

The rule of Sayri Tupac (born ca. 1534) in Vilcabamba lacksthe impress of a firm historical personality such as that of MancoCdpac or Atahualpa. He was designated as Manco's heir inpreference to a slightly older son, Titu Cusi Yupanqui, who laterusurped the control of Viticos in 1558. Sayri Tiupac's residencein Vilcabamba was governed by a regent, whose name and charac-ter are poorly preserved. Cobo calls him Atoc Supa;32 Gascareferred to him as Pomisopa,33while C(ineo-Vidal confuses theregent with a collaborationist uncle of Cuzconamed Cayao Tudpac.34In any case, Titu Cusi was appointed as high priest of the cult ofthe sun. Being but a year or two older than the Inca, Titu pro-bably had no share in the regency. The regent himself, duringthe three or four years after Manco's death, continued the policyof guerrillaraids against the Spaniards and against pacified Indiansettlements.35 This activity was dropped after the opening of thenegotiations in 1548 for Sayri Tui'pac's onversion to Spanish life.36The course of these negotiations was interrupted by the gravecivil disorders that'marred Spanish life in Peru between 1546 and

28 Cobo, op. cit., III, 209; C(ineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 173.29 Contrast Poma de Ayala, op. cit., p. 181.30Cobo, op. cit., III, 210; cf. Pedro Pizarro, Relationof theDiscovery and Conquestof theKingdoms of Peru (Philip Ainsworth Means, tr. and ed., The Cortes Society, Documentsand Narratives . . ., No. 4, 2 vols., New York, 1921), I, 203-205; 251.31Molina (of Santiago), op. cit., pp. 158-159; Herrera, op. cit., VI, 20.32 Cobo, op. cit., III, 209.33Roberto Levillier, ed., GobernantesdelPerib,cartasy papeles, siglo XVI; documentosdelArchivo de Indias (14 vols., Madrid, 1921-1926), I, 117.34 Cdneo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 191.35Ibid., p. 198.36 Levillier, op. cit., I, 116-117.



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194 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW1556. The Spaniards were far less concerned with the affairs ofViticos than in Manco's day, and it was only during periods ofrespite from civil war, in 1548-1549, and again in 1556, that anyaction was taken to settle the question of Inca separatism.37Thus the initiative passed into Spanish hands, for lack of appro-priate Indian force and adequate direction to replace Manco'sdirection of harrassing warfare.In 1548, after the president of the audiencia, Pedro de la Gasca,had crushed the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro which was provokedby the New Laws regarding encomienda tenure,38overtures weremade to Sayri Tu'pac'sregent.39 Gasca's purpose was to persuadeSayri Tupac's uncle, inducing him to send two of his servants toViticos bearing this invitation with assurances that the youngInca would be handsomely treated.40 In July, the messengers returned, accompanied by six emissaries from the Inca bearing giftsof rare birds and puma cubs. Their object was to discoverwhether Paullu's messengers had come in good faith and with theknowledge of Gasca himself. Gasca replied affirmatively, sendingreturn gifts of preserves and wines, with a Hispanicized Indiannamed Martin, who was to offer Sayri the choice of surrenderingpeacefully or of being driven out of Viticos by force. The menof Viticos temporized, replying that they could not emerge untilsummer, since winter was approaching. Paullu died shortlythereafter, and as the negotiations were in his hands, the matterwas dropped.Meanwhile, fresh disorders had arisen in the civil governmentof the colony, culminating in the rebellion of Francisco Hernan-dez Gir6n, which was not broken until 1555.41 But PresidentGasca, mindful of the moral effect upon Viticos, was at great painsto be partial in 1549 to Paullu's heir in the question of the greatinheritance involved.42 Thus an example was created for the pur-pose of indicating to the Inca that it would be possible for him toenter colonial society at a high level of rank and income. TheSpanish plan was no longer to tolerate the concept of Inca rule.43To the Indian mind, the problem was converted from one of resis-

37Cobo, op. cit., III, 210.38 Philip Ainsworth Means, Fall of the Inca Empire and the Spanish Rutle n Peru, 1530-1780 (New York, 1932), pp. 93-97." Levillier, op. cit., I, 116-117.40Cobo, op. cit., III, 210; Levillier, op. cit., I, 117.41 Means, op. cit., pp. 99-100.42 CGneo-Vidal,op. cit., p. 177.43 Valverde, "Carta del obispo del Cuzco al emnerador . . [15391,"in loc. cit., p. 115.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 195tance to one of mercantile character, in. which.the residual forcesof separatism had a market. value. In 1556, the negotiationswere reopened.

Although many Spanish rebels of Hernandez Gir6n's partyhad taken refuge in Vilcabamba, where they assisted the Indianraids,44the actual cash value of the Incaship had deteriorated,given the fresh advances made by the crown in the consolidationof the rule of Peru. The Indian raids were no longer highly de-.structive: a major attack upon the Apurimac bridge was repulsedabout this time by the militia of Huamanga alone.45 As in 1548,the civil.government approached the mienof Viticos via Indianintermediaries.46 Viceroy Hurtado de Mendoza (1555-1561)wrote to Beatriz Coya in Cuzco, asking her. to communicate toSayri T?pac the advantageous terms that, might be composed.Beatriz Coya was Huayna Capac's daughter; in Spanish-Indiansociety she enjoyed preeminent rank and authority. Beatrizagreed to the undertaking, and sent an uncle of Sayri's namedTarisca to Vilcabamba. After great difficulty with broken bridgesand obstructed roads, the envoy discovered that Sayri had notyet assumed the llautu, being still regarded as a minor, althoughhe was now at least twenty-two years old. His guardians weresuspicious of the envoy sent by Beatriz: detaining him, they;senta counter-embassy to Cuzco to confirm the messages and to re-quest an envoy of their own choosing.Finally, after prolonged delays staged by the regents, whodisplayed an almost pathological distrust of Spanish intentions,indicative of the weakness of their position and of the disinte-gration of their powers for action, an acceptable embassy wasreceived at Viticos. Sayri himself was glad to treat with theenvoys, but the decision as to his entry into Spanish life was re-served by his tutors. After consulting auguries, sacrificing ani-mals, and examining the sun, the guardians were of dividedopinion as to whether he should leave Vilcabamba. The finaldecision to allow him to emerge was taken in September, 1557; onthat day all fasted, no fires were lit, and the Indians ascended apeak where the Sun, the earth, and the huacasyielded affirmative

44Montesinos, op. cit., I, 242.46 Ibid.46 Diego (El Palentino) Fernindez, Primera, y segunda parte, de la historia del Perft (2vols., Lima, 1876-1877) II, 343-349; Garcilaso, op. cit., libro viii, caps. viii-xi; Antoniode la Calancha, Coronica moralizada del orden de San Augustin en el Peru, con sucesosegenplares en esta monarquia (Barcelona, 1638), xxix; Jos6 Eusebio Llano y Zapata,Memoriashist6rico-ffsicas-apolog6ticas e la Am&ricaMeridional (Lima, 1904), pp. 193-195.



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196 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWomens. In accepting the omens, Sayri, who had at last receivedthe llautu, made a speech, in which he rationalized the decision interms of divine will and of their common nostalgia for the landof Cuzco. A fast of eight days preceded the actual departurefrom Viticos, and Sayri arrived in Lima on January 5, 1558, ac-companied by a party of three hundred Indians. There he wasreceived by the viceroy and was granted his awards.47 They con-sisted of encomiendas expropriated from Francisco Herna6ndezGir6n, to the value of eleven thousand castellanosper annumnnthe Valley of Cuzco, two houses in Cuzco which had belonged toHuayna Capac, and the title of adelantado (lord lieutenant orcommander).48 Sayri had demanded all Vilcabamba as well; thiswas not granted in the final price.The Inca Sayri Tipac died in 1560 at Yucay, and his greatestate passed to his small daughter Beatriz Clara. This estatelater figured largely in the negotiations with Titu Cusi Yupanqui,Sayri's successor in Vilcabamba.

IIITitu Cusi, the eldest but illegitimate son of Manco left behindin Viticos, had no intention of fulfilling the contract paid for by

the Spaniards. Instead of dissolving the government of Vilca-bamba, he usurped it and had himself made Inca in 1560.49 InTitu Cusi, a powerful personality took charge of Indian affairsonce again. Like his father, Titu Cusi had little direct contactwith Spanish life, but his existence was governed by the will toresist Spanish dominion. His program was facilitated by thepresence in Peru of an impressionable and hesitant governor,Lope Garcia de Castro, of whose weaknesses Titu Cusi tookfull advantage.Part of the new Inca's childhood had been spent in Cuzco,after he was captured by Spanish raiders in Vilcabamba about1537.50 In Cuzco he was kept in the household of Fernando deOfiate, where he was well treated, receiving baptism as Diego.5

47 Cobo, op. cit., III, 212.48 Levillier, op. cit., III, 81; Cuineo-Vidal,op. cit., pp. 199-200.49Juan de Matienzo, ed., "Gobierno del Peru. Obra escrita en el siglo XVI por ellicenciado don Juan Matienzo oidor de la Real Audiencia de Chareas," Publicaciones dela Secci6n de Historia de la Facultad de Filosofia y Letras (Buenos Aires, 1910), p. 193.50 Diego de Castro Titu Cusi Yupanqui, "Relaci6n de la conquista del Peru y hechos delInca Manco II .. ,"in Horacio H. Urteaga, ed., Colecci6nde libros y documentosreferentesa la historia del Peru, 1st. ser., II (Lima, 1916), p. 82. Hereinafter cited as "Relacion."51 Ibid., p. 83; Cuineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 226; Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa, Narrative... the War of Quito (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XXXI, London,1913), p. 192.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 197As an adult, however, he was unable to recall the name he hadbeen given at this ceremony. In 1541, his father, Manco C.pac,arranged for him to be repatriated to Viticos.52 Thus Titu's lifeamong Europeans was limited to three or four years as a smallchild between five and eight years of age. During this period hemay have learned the rudiments of reading and writing. He alsosurely became acquainted with Christianity, with a money econo-my, and with the Spanish concepts of rank and status.As a young boy in 1545, Titu Cusi witnessed the assassinationof his father, receiving a wound in the scuffle.53 In his biographyof Manco, composed and dictated as one of the pices justificativesin his difficult dealings with the brilliant and skeptical ViceroyToledo,54Titu revealed a deep admiration for his father. He por-trays him as a man of high moral integrity, gifted with idealism,and hesitant in action. Titu, moved by his father's example,attempted to continue a campaign of resistance; the obejetive,however, was different, and the effort itself was made difficult bythe dwindling forces available in Vilcabamba, and by Titu's ownlimited comprehension of Spanish culture. He fought againstSpain, but he was no longer animated by the vain hope of expel-ling or exterminating or destroying Spain in Peru. Thus, ifManco began his career in negotiation and ended in rebellion, hisson Titu reversed the process, offering resistance which graduallywas metamorphosed into a technique of diplomatic bargaining.One of Titu Cusi's immediate objectives was to arrange themarriageof his eldest son, Quispe Titu (born 1550), with the boy'sdouble first cousin, the daughter and heir of Sayri Tuipac.55 Ifthis marriage with Beatriz Clara (born 1556) could be arranged,Quispe Titu would then be sure to enter Spanish society at a higheconomic level. In 1565, her holdings were already considerable,and Titu communicated with Governor Garcia de Castro to theeffect that he would cease resistance providing (a) the marriagewere arranged, (b) the encomiendas concerned were granted inperpetuity, and (c) an income were provided for his youngerbrother, Tupac Amaru. He also indicated that he was a poorman himself, and that he could not afford to travel or maintainan establishment in Cuzco.As these negotiations languished, Titu redoubled the violence

52 Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit., p. 91.$3 Cieza de Le6n, The War of Quito (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd series,XXXI, London, 1913), p. 165.54 Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit.55Levllier, op. cit., III, 82-83; CGneo-Vidal, op. cit., p, 226.



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198 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWof the daily raids upon Jauja and Huamanga,56 and by incitingother revolts in Chile and Tucuman,57 made it impossible for anyeconomic activity to flourish in those areas. In these operations,Titu confined his attacks to the Indian populations alone. Henever caused Spaniards to be killed, nor did he burn or desecratechurches, because of his ultimate desire for Spanish recognitionof his sovereignty in Vilcabamba.58Meanwhile, Beatriz Clara, who, with her widowed mother,had been placed with a family in Cuzco named Maldonado, inorder that the little girl mighit more rapidly be Hispanicized,became the object of a strange intrigue.59 At the age of eight shewas raped by a relative of the head of the household, with thelatter's connivance, so that Beatriz might be forced to marry herattacker and thus keep her fortune in the Maldonado family.60Upon learning the situation, Titu Cusi repeated his earlier de-mands, requesting an annulment of this union, and a papal dis-pensation for the marriage of the two children, since both of themissued from parents who were brothers and sisters of the samefather, Manco Caipac.6'Governor Castro obliged as soon as possible,62and continuedthe negotiations, regardless of the increasingly presumptuous de-mands made by Titu, in the belief that appeasement And negotia-tion cost nothing, but that a military campaign at that momentmight involve expenses of forty thousand pesos or more.63 At thistime, late in the decade of the 1560's, Titu Cusi did enjoy a certainpower. He dominated not only Vilcabamba itself, a rich provincecapable of economic independence, but also the territories of the"Manaries, Sinyane, Chucumachai, niguas, Opatare, Pancormayo,Pilcomu, to Ynparupa, guarampu, Peati, chirinapa, ponaba,"receiving tribute from them all.64 To the southeast, his dominionpossessed definite natural boundaries at the Urubamba and Apuri-mac rivers; between them lay Vilcabamba itself, bounded on theeast by "Curamba, Pingos, Marcaguasi, and Mollepanta."65 Tothe north and west lay a vast, unexplored hinterland as far as

56 Levillier, op. cit., III, 98-100. 17 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 231.58 Matienzo, op. cit., p. 193. 59Levillier, op. cit., III, 263.60 Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., pp. 210-215.61Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," loc. cit., p. 102; Levillier, op. cit., III, 265.62 Matienzo, op. cit., pp. 196-197. 63 Levillier, op. cit., III, 265.64Antonio VAzquez de Espinosa, Compendium and Description of the West Indies(Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 102, Washington, 1942) p. 552.65 Tristin Sinchez, "Virey D. Francisco de Toledo," in Colecci6n de documentos nhditos... de Indias, VIII, 270.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 199Hiuanuco province, within which Titu Cusi was the effectiveruler.66 All surrounding pacified Indians lived in terror. Insudden raids upon their lands, his men destroyed crops and carriedoff the population.Within Vilcabamba, Titu maintained an elaborate guard. Allentrances to the area were manned and fortified by patrols, com-municating with Titu by means of a system of runners, like thechasquisof the pre-conquest era. The Inca's person was surroun-ded by a bodyguard of cannibal Antisuyu archers, and he con-sorted with a dwarf and a mestizo secretary named Martin Pando.In 1565 he was visited by Governor Castro's envoy, Rodriguez deFigueroa, who wrote a circumstantial account of the life of theInca at that time.67 His commanders wore face-masks and plum-ed diadems, and were armed with lances. Many of them wererenegade Christians who remembered their given names. OtherIndians seemed unfamiliar with Spanish swords and daggers.In Viticos, the severed heads of Manco's murderers were still ex-posed to public view, and Titu flared angrily when Rodriguezfirst mentioned Christianity.Titu received the envoy only after long delays, and not atViticos, but near Bambacona, where the Indians prepared a forti-fied hilltop house for his use, and a kind of theater surfaced withred clay. At the meeting, Titu wore only the traditional Indiangarments, and all his followers ceremonially saluted the Sun be-fore the beginning of the conversations. Titu offered Rodrigueza cup of chicha, while joking with Pando about the consecratedwine of Jesus; and at the feast eaten later, the diet consisted ofmaize, potatoes, beans, boiled and roasted venison, fowl, macaw,and monkey meat. All ate on the ground, excepting T;tu, whotook his food from silver vessels set out on green rushes. Rodri-guez noted his age as near forty (actually he was but thirty-twoin 1565), and observed that his face was pitted by smallpox.Later on, the negotiations were conducted in an alcoholic haze,and the Indians, including Titu, indulged in bravura expressionsof hatred for the Spaniards. At the same time, lavish exchangesof gifts marked the proceedings, interrupted by spear-dances andfulminations against the bastard descendants of Atahualpa. Nextday, in a more sober mood, Titu displayed his arsenial,consistingof twenty-five arquebuses, and he explained to Rodriguez that hewas a poor man, incapable of assuming any decent status in

66Rodriguez de Figueroa, op. cit.67Ibid.



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200 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWCuzco. Some in-terest was displayed in the possibility that theIndians might make money through the sale of coca and wood.When Rodriguez insisted that Titu leave Vilcabamba to settlein Cuzco, the Inca finally refused all offers, broke off the discussion,and withdrew from the meeting to Viticos, forty leagues distant.Rodriguez' account suggests that Titu was willing to be at peacewith the Spaniards, but that he wished to be left to his own devicesin Vilcabamba, free from governmental supervision. The shadowof his father's intransigeance was still with him; there was also theprospect of being able to create an Indian economy through theexploitation of the rich silver mines of Vilcabamba.68 It is there-fore understandable that Titu did not at this moment accept theextraordinarily advantageous terms offered by Governor Castroand ratified by the king. He did not relish the prospect of a ser-vile and monogamous existence in Cuzco, and he hesitated torelinquish the Incaship to the incompetent Tuipac Amaru. Hisreal objective was to secure recognition of his sovereign rights inhis own territory, and to have Vilcabamba placed in the status ofan Indian state independent from the surrounding Spanish colony.Had some more conciliating colonial administrator than ViceroyToledo arrived upon the scene, Titu Cusi's dream of state wouldhave been realized.Viceroy Toledo was far more hard-headed and far less im-pressed by Titu's Incaic pretensions than Governor Castro.69Toledo found Castro's negotiations ludicrous and confused, andhe repudiated all his predecessor's commitments. Toledo be-lieved that Titu's army consisted of some five hundred Indians,and that his only fortification was the favoring topography ofVilcabamba.70 He saw no serious danger in the occasional terrorwhich Titu inspired in the pacified Indians of Cuzco and Hua-manga, nor was he impressed by Titu's transparent professionsof interest in Christianity. With remarkable candor, Toledoeven berated the king for admitting the possibility of an independ-ent Indian state under Titu's direction. Thus the new viceroyrated Titu's resistance at the same level with other revolts oflittle real consequence, such as that of the Chiriguana Indiansnear Chuquisaca,7"or among the Chunchos, and in Chachapoyas,where similiar phenomena of dispersal had impeded colonizationfor some time.7288 CGneo-Vidal, op. cit., p. 249. 69Levillier, op. cit., III, 449, 530.

70 Ibid., III, 452-453. 71 Ibid., III, 451.72 Ibid., III, 455.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 201The last years of Titu Cusi's life are recorded in some detail.73Shortly after the failure of Castro's negotiations with the Inca,an Augustinian friar named Marcos Garcia was permitted to enter

Vilcabamba and to undertake evangelization in 1568. Titu Cusitolerated his presence, allowing him to build a church at Puquiura,and to teach the children of the neighborhood in letters, singing,and urban living. The Indians soon reacted in a massive returnto idolatry, centering about the cult of the oracular Yumac Rumiat Chuquipalpa near Viticos, and assuming the form of wide-spread public intoxication and visits to secret places of ritual.Fray Marcos, however, was reinforced by another Augustinian,Diego Ortiz, whom Titu Cusi permitted to found a church atHuarancalla, two or three days' journey from Puquiura. Thework of the two friars ended in 1570-1571, when Marcos Garciawas expelled from the province, and Ortiz was martyred for hisconnection with the death of Titu Cusi.The Inca had become dependent upon the friar for medicaladvice in cases of illness resulting from climatic displacement,such as were common among the Manaries and the Pilcosones inhis service. Thus Fray Diego was kept near the Inca. One day,after having wept long before the remains of Manco Catpac,Tituexercised too vigorously while fencing with Martin Pando, hismestizo secretary. He was a fat man, and the violent exercise,combined with much drinking, brought him down with a chill,from which he died a few days later. Diego Ortiz was accused ofpoisoning him, and therefore met a violent death at about the timethe young TuipacAmaru was made Inca in 1571.By March, 1572, little or no activity had been noted at Vil-cabamba for some time ;74 Toledo was unaware of Titu Cusi'sdeath, and of the presence of the new Inca. Tupac Amaru, how-ever, was Titu Cusi's brother, Manco Catpac'syoungest legitimateson.7 He was born in Vilcabamba, but his early history is vague.Sarmiento says of him that he was impotent,76 and the othersources agree that Titu Cusi had usurped the rule from him, and

73Calancha, op. cit., pp. 787 ff; C. A. Mackehennie, "Apuntes sobre don Diego de CastroTitu Cusi Yupanqui Inca," Revista hist6rica de Lima, III (1909), 371-390; V (1913), 6-14;also Titu Cusi, "Relaci6n," Appendix E, loc. cit., pp. 135-137.74Levillier, op cit., IV, 294-295.71SAnchez, op. cit., pp. 263 ff.76 Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa, Geschichtedes Inkareiches (Abhandlungender Konigli-

chen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaftenzu Gbttingen,Philologisch-historischeKMasse) Berlin,1906), IV, p. 38.



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202 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEWhad consigned him to a nunnery to render him politically in-effective.77During Tuipac Amaru's brief career, all Spanish efforts tocommunicate with Vilcabamba were repulsed with bloodshed.78When a distinguished citizen of Cuzco, Atilano de Anaya, whowas sent as envoy, was murdered at the Chuquichaca bridge,Viceroy Toledo's patience broke. War was declared against therebel Inca as an apostate, homicide, and tyrant.79 The entireable-bodied citizenry of Cuzco participated in the campaign,under the direction of Martin de Arbieto, setting forth from thecapital early in May, 1572.80 According to Calancha, who hadaccess to excellent monastic records, Vilcabamba had recentlybeen devastated by plague and famine.8" Entering swiftly, theSpaniards, who were assisted as usual by Cafiari Indians, foundthe borders less carefully guarded than usual, and the roads andbridges in passable condition. Herds of cattle were found nearTuipacAmaru's retreat,82and along the way, substantial groupsof Indians willingly surrendered to the Spaniards.83 TuipacAmaru himself, upon being surrounded, fled in disorder, but thepursuers finally overtook him in the Valley of Momori, beyondthe province of the Manaries.84

After the capture, the Inca was brought in chains to Cuzco,and presented, wearing the mascapaycha and the llautu of hisoffice, to Viceroy Toledo.85 Shortly afterwards, he received bap-tism and was beheaded in the public square, in the presence of aCafiari guard, among the laments of a large crowd of QuechuaIndians. His head was displayed for some time upon a pike, butsince it became an object of adoration to Indians, Viceroy Toledohad it removed from sight. Among the trophies brought fromViticos to Cuzco was the embalmed body of Manco,86 and agolden image of the sun, called Punchao, containing the ashes ofthe hearts of dead Incas. 87In Vilcabamba, the Indian towns were sacked by the invading77 History of the Incas, by PedroSarmientodeGamboa,and theExecutionof the Inca TupacAmaru, by ... Baltasar de Ocampo (Works Issued by the Hakluyt Society, 2nd. series,XXII, Cambridge, 1907), p. 213.71 Cobo, op. cit., III, 214-215. 79 SAnchez, op. cit., p. 271.80 Montesinos, op. cit., II, 44. 81Calancha, op. cit., p. 801.82 Ocampo, op. cit., p. 222. 83 Sanchez, op. cit., p. 276.84 Juicio de limites entreel Peru y Bolivia, Vilcabamba (12 vols., Barcelona, 1906), VII,3-11; Cineo-Vidal, op. cit., pp. 280-282.85Ocampo, op. cit., p. 224. 86 Sanchez, op. cit., p. 277.87 Cobo, op. cit., III, 325; Pizarro, op. cit., p. 252; Levillier, op. cit., IV, 501-512.



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THE NEO-INCA STATE 203soldiers; many Indians were killed, and various small remnantswithdrew to even more inaccessible retreats.88 Nothing remainedabout which to reconstruct the idea of an Inca state. The rebeldynasty was extinct, its cult objects were in Spanish hands, andnear Vilcabamba village itself, a Spanish town was founded,called San Francisco de Victoria.89In the last analysis, the separatist Inca state died of inanition.Its capacity for survival was weakened not only by a retrogradetechnology, but by Indian defections, and by the willingness ofthe majority of Indians to enjoy the limited benefits of Spanishcolonial society. With this attitude of surrender, the Indianpeoples of Peru, for better or for worse, slipped out of history intothe passive anonymity and depression of colonial servitude, ceas-ing to display social volition. But the separatist movementitself was marked by the ample, rounded plans of action conceivedby its leaders, especially Manco Capac and Titu Cusi. Both thesemen possessed a vivid, detailed concept of the future on manylevels of happening; they sensed the tension between past andpresent, and their thought possessed directional quality. Thesepatterns of historical sensibility were more pronounced in Manco'scase than in Titu Cusi's; yet their presence removed the eventsassociated with their lives from the level of mere Indian disper-sals to the mountains, of the kind which was so frequent all duringthe colonial era. It is far from frivolous to reflect, that hadManco timed the outbreak of the rebellion a shade more closely,or had Viceroy Toledo not appeared upon the scene, the residualseparatist state of the Incas in the sixteenth century might havecontinued as a formal entity in the colonial and modern historyof South America.

GEORGE KUBLER.Yale University.88 Calancha, p. cit., pp. 835-836. 89 Ocampo, p. cit., p. 222.