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INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY 1

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Local Politics Transformation and Continuity (Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)

PROGRESSNWORK

by Patrick I. Patio

INSTITUTE FORPOPULARD E M O C R A C Y

Local Polit ics

Transformation and

Continuity

(case Study on Naga City andIrosin)

Occasional Paper No. 27

August 2003


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INSTITUTE FOR POPULAR DEMOCRACY2


by Patrick I. Patio

WORK IN PROGRESS

Local Politics Transformation and Continuity(Case Study on Naga City and Irosin)

Two local government units made names in thenational scene in terms of good governance. TheCity Government of Naga and the Municipal

Government of Irosin1 were widely recognized for

their most responsive local governments and for

having developed strong and award winning growth

and equity programs over time. These were attestedby numerous national and international recognition

Naga City and Irosin received from prestigious award

giving bodies on diverse fields of governance; service

delivery and citizen participation. Both were widely

recognized Peace Zones and Jueteng-Free Areas.

The remarkable socio-economic development of

these areas such as development of infrastructure,

increase of business establishments and revenues and

improvement of services and public safety were

attained under the leadership of Mayors Jesse Jess

Robredo Naga City and Eddie Doc Ed Dorotan ofIrosin. During their incumbency, their constituents

widely appreciated their leadership, performance and

personality. Various studies were also done on the

institutional reforms undertaken in Naga and Irosin

particularly in the areas of basic services delivery,

public administration and citizen participation in local

governance.

In the 1998 elections, Naga City and Irosin

elected new mayors when Robredo and Dorotan left

their executive post. Robredo completed his three

full terms as City Mayor and opted to attend to his

young daughters2 while Dorotan ran for

congressman instead of completing his third term as

mayor to test the level of the voters maturity3.

Unfortunately, Dorotan failed in his bid in the district

post. After the elections, the former mayors took

masteral course in public administration in Harvard

Universitys Kennedy School of Government.4

The elected mayor of Naga City in 1998 wasSulpicio Cholo Roco and in Irosin was Nathaniel

Tanny Balmes. The two were endorsed and

campaigned by their former mayors in the elections.

Roco and Balmes were also supported by civic,

business, non-government and peoples organizations

that were behind Robredo and Dorotan in their

previous electoral campaigns and during their

stewardship as mayors. These civil society

organizations believed that good governance could

only be sustained by ensuring that reform-minded

politicians in the likes of Robredo, Dorotan, Balmesand Roco win seats in government.

But the 2001 elections resulted changes in the

local administrations of Naga and Irosin. Robredo

came back and won as mayor of Naga but Mayor

Balmes lost his reelection bid in Irosin.

Before the elections, many people including those

working with Roco and Balmes were apprehensive

that the mayors will lose their reelection bid. Most

were of common concern that Robredo and Dorotan

should come back.

A growing section of civil society organizations

and of the population were having reservations on

1 Naga City is in the province of Camarines Sur and Irosin is in Sorsogon. Both are in the Bicol Region.2 Robredo, taped interview, December 11, 2000, Naga City3 Dorotan, taped interview, December 20, 2000, City of Manila4 Robredo and Dorotan took masters degree in separate years under the study grant of Ford Foundation. Robredo in

1998-1999 and Dorotan in 1999-2000


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the administration of Mayors Roco and Balmes. In

Naga City, the urban poor organizations criticized

Mayor Roco for reneging on his campaign promise

to address land acquisition and on-site development.

Most member-organizations of the Naga City

Peoples Council were one in issue against Roco for

his lackluster attitude on peoples participation in

governance affairs. In Irosin, the religious groups

and other organizations were having second thoughts

on Mayor Balmes for his weak disposition to curtail

the proliferation of Jueteng. Most people also

claimed that both Roco and Balmes are not

approachable unlike Robredo and Dorotan.

This paper attempts to share insights on the

struggle of transforming politics and governance inNaga City and Irosin whose foundations were

established under the administrations of Mayor

Robredo and Mayor Dorotan. The paper will

primarily delve on the sustainance of these

transformations through electoral victories by reform-

minded politicians and the civil society players.

Reforms are strengthened through

institutionalization. The Robredo and Dorotan

administration introduced key reforms in local

governance and established mechanisms for the

implementation of such reforms. The fundamental

contributing factors to these reforms were the strongpartnership between the local government

administration and civil society organizations and the

reform-oriented leadership of the local political

leadership.

But in Philippine local politics, democratic

institutions and reforms are ever threatened by anti-

reform forces ready to knock at the door during

election time. Elections in the Philippines is one

important source of local political power. With the

restructuring of the local economy, political power

becomes the venue of local economic elite either tomaintain or diversify their vested economic interests.

The Local Government Code of 1991, which

mandated the decentralization of the central

governments authority and resources has made the

local political power more enticing to the local elite

to join the electoral race.

On the other hand, the decentralization of the

central states authority and resources provided local

spaces where reforms could be introduced and

defended as well as enhanced by sustained efforts

of civil society organizations and reform-minded

politicians both in the period of governance and

elections.

The insights attempt to explore the following:

1. That a strong and effective partnership in

governance between reform-minded political

leaders and civil society organizations is an

important factor in the transformation of the local

political terrain.

2. That one important element in the

sustainability plan for good governance istranslating reforms and performance impact into

sufficient influence to modify the game of politics

and political organization that can diminish the

influence and organization of anti-reform forces.

3. Although changes in the socio-economic

environment contribute to the change of the

political behavior of constituents, the vibrant and

effective organizing and mobilization of popular

sectors pushes change forward in terms of

changing the traditional pattern of political

relationship and the traditional nature of politicalorganizations and networks.

4. That constituents measure good governance

not only in terms of service output but also due

process for peoples participation and

responsiveness. In the local culture,

responsiveness is approachability and the

disposition of political leaders. Performance, due

process, and responsiveness organize and

mobilize people in governance and community

affairs.

There are several reasons for choosing Naga

City and Irosin as case study. These are politically-

mined areas in different settings Naga City is urban

while Irosin is rural. The politics of these areas

have been traditionally determined by landed political

elite, traditional politicians and political actors from

the outside. On the other hand, the areas have

innovative reform-minded political leaders who were


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able to consolidate popular support without the aid

of mutually rewarding ties, and a monopoly of power.

Naga and Irosin have active non-government

organizations willing to work with government. The

rise of these new forces the reform-minded

politicians and civil society organizations - and their

effective engagement in governance and electoral

politics have contributed to expanding the framework

at looking local politics beyond patron-client relations,

clan politics and machine politics.

In this study, reform-minded politicians is defined

as public officials who subordinate their actions to

the law, innovative to expand the law, recognizes the

participation of the non-government sector in the

decision-making processes of governance andrender an account of his/her actions with enough

transparency so that citizens may evaluate his/her

rule, and ultimately ratify it or reject it5. Civil society

organizations is simply defined here as the non-

government sector with emphasis on the popular

sector.

The 1998 Elections

CITY MAYOR JESSE Robredo and Rural Mayor

Eddie Dorotan, in their own separate context, made

major decision before the 1998 elections. At stakewere not only their personal political path. There

was also the concern of continuity in the local

governments they had led.

Jesse Robredo was on his third term in office

and barred by the constitutional limit from running

the mayoralty race. He did not run for any political

position in the 1998 election. He could have easily

won the congressional seat in the second district of

Camarines Sur but he cant afford to displace his

family ties while his three daughters are still young.

Being a congressman would take much of my timein Manila besides the time that would require me to

study legislation. I could not afford to lose the time

most important for my daughters at their present age.

relates Robredo. As an option, his supporters wanted

him to run for governor but Governor Villafuerte had

more resources than Robredo. Besides, Naga City,

being an independent component city and Robredos

bailiwick is excluded from the gubernatorial election.

Robredos supporters wanted his wife, Atty.

Maria Leonor Robredo, to run for mayor of the city

but the couple declined. Although the Philippine law

on political dynasty is not clear, Robredo believes that

the practice of family dynasty in politics should not

be tolerated. Robredo actively campaigned for Roco

and Jacob.

Sulpicio Cholo Roco, brother of Senator Raul

Roco and a businessman who formerly works with

the United States Agency for International

Development (USAID) was the mayoral candidate

of Naga City. Jaime James Jacob, a lawyer andwas the councilor of Robredo since 1988 ran for the

congressional post in the second district of Camarines

Sur. Roco and Jacob ran under the ticket of the

Aksyon-Demokratiko party.

The entry of the Villafuerte family in the electoral

race was a threat. Governor Luis Villafuerte, a

powerful and traditional anti-reform politician in the

province wanted to establish his familys political

dynasty. While seeking re-election, Luis Villafuertes

eldest son Mariano Luis Bong Villafuerte wanted

to take the seat in the 2nd legislative district of the

province while the youngest, Luis Raymund L-RayVillafuerte aimed for the mayoral post of Naga City.

If the Villafuertes win, the gains of the Robredo

administration and civil society players in governance

would all go to nothing.

The rivals of Jacob in the congressional race were

reelectionist Representative Leopoldo San

Buenaventura (Lakas-NUCD), Bong Villafuerte

(LAMMP-LDP), former Rep. Celso Baguio, Emilio

Delfin and a nuisance candidate fielded by the

Villafuertes Jose Jacob to confuse the voters

against James Jacob who was the front runningcandidate. Rocos opponents in Naga City were Vice

mayor Lourdes Asence (LP), L-Ray Villafuerte

(LAMMP-LDP), and Agapito Tria (Lakas-NUCD).

Luis Villafuerte was reelected governor but his

sons, Bong and L-Ray, lost their respective race.

5 ODonnell, Guillermo, Transitions, Continuities, Paradoxes, Issues in Democratic Consolidation, 1992


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Jacob won by huge margins over his opponents in the

district race. Bong Villafuerte placed poor third.

Cholo Roco and his entire slate won by landslide over

L-Ray. Cholos brother, Senator Raul Roco, who ran

in the national presidential race garnered the highest

votes in Camarines Sur but placed poor third in the

national count won by Joseph Estrada.

The electoral victories of Jacob and Roco were

effected by several factors. One was the Robredo

factor. The personality and political network of

Robredo were important value-added factors that

compensated for the meager campaign resources of

Jacob and Roco against the Villafuertes. Another

was the Naga factor. With the traditionally

oppositionist and thinking stance, the city constituentscontinued public support to Robredo was crucial in

seeing the Jacob and Roco campaigns through

obstacles that traditional politicians like the Villafuertes

posed. According to Robredo, Jacobs landslide

victory in Naga city compensated for his loss in the

other municipalities of the second district.

In Irosin, Mayor Dorotan could have easily won

his third term but instead joined the congressional race

in the second district of Sorsogon. The district seat

was vacated by Representative Bonifacio Gillego who

was a last termer congressman. Dorotan says,

Being mayor for two consecutive terms was enoughfor me. The congressional race was a challenge. It

was an uphill battle but I cant afford Gonzales win

the seat without a fight. But the more important

challenge was that I wanted to test the voters

maturity in politics especially in Irosin.

Dorotan ran under the banner of Lakas-NUCD.

Nathaniel Tanny Balmes, an engineer and

Dorotans vice mayor since 1992 was the mayoral

candidate in Irosin.

The front running candidate in the congressional

race was former Customs Collector Atty. RodolfoGonzales, who became popular with his monicker

Dinugo which stemmed, according to voters, from

his fondness for a native dish. Dinugo hailed from a

poor family in Irosin, worked his way to college and

was known to have become a multi-millionaire when

he worked in the Bureau of Customs. Although the

case did not prosper, Dinugos name landed in the

newpapers in 1995 when he was involved in the oil

tax scam in Limay, Bataan where he was assigned

as a customs collector. Its worth noting that Gonzales

was also a Lakas-NUCD candidate.

The other congressional aspirants were

NAMRIA Administrator Joey Solis, Atty. Redentor

Guyala, Atty. Beda Fajardo and Atty. Jose Sabater.

In Irosin, Balmes opponent in the mayoral race

was Melchor Michelena, a councilor and nephew of

Irosin political kingpen Jose Michelena.

In the gubernatorial race of Sorsogon, re-

electionist Governor Juan Frivaldo (Lakas-NUCD)was challenged by Vice governor Atty. Oscar Diri

and Sorsogon City Mayor Raul Lee (LAMMP).

Dorotan and Balmes aligned with Oscar Diri who

also hails from Irosin while Gonzales and Michelena

aligned with Governor Frivaldo.

Dorotan lost the congressional race to Gonzales.

Dorotan placed far second in the overall district vote

count. He lost in all of the nine municipalities of the

second district by huge margin including Irosin where

Gonzales edged him by 495 votes. On the other hand,

Balmes defeated Michelena in the mayoral race in

Irosin. Raul Lee displaced Frivaldo in the provincialtop post.

Most people believed that Dorotan lost because

of the power of money of Gonzales. There was

widespread allegation that Gonzales camp bought

votes. Jun, an out-of-school youth, attests, Dinugos

campaigner in our barangay gave my mother P500

to ensure that the entire family vote for Dinugo.

There are five voters in the house but my sister and

I voted for Doc Ed to the anger of my mother. 6 A

joke spread a few days before election day, ang

pinababaryahan ni Doc Ed ay tig-isang daan lang,samantalang si Dinugo ay tig-isang libo.7

But Dorotans defeat was clearly not only

because Gonzales had more money to spend, more

patronage to dispense with or more utang na loob

6 Jun, Baby and Jake, note interview, Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin7 Johny, a campaigner of Gonzales, note interview, Sept. 18, 2000, Irosin


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to collect. There were other factors/dynamics that

worked well for Gonzales. Because, why did Jacob

won the district seat over opponents that had more

resources than him like Rep. Leopoldo San

Buenaventura and Bong Villafuerte, who is alleged

to have connections with jueteng operators.

Gonzales started his visibility campaign two years

before the election and projected himself better than

Dorotan. More importantly, Gonzales held the better

campaign organization.

Dorotan was not able to comply with the basic

requirements in the congressional elections. Rosendo,

a campaign operator of Doc Ed assesses, Doc Ed

had little resources and he only decided to run and

started his campaign a couple of months before thecampaign period.8

According to Jose Mechelena, a veteran

politician, Doc Eds decision to run for congress was

a political mistake. He should finished his last term

as mayor and built his capital in the second district

towards the 2001 elections.9 But a campaigner of

Doc Ed defended that Doc Eds decision to run was

correct only that there were weaknesses in the

campaign conduct.10

Visibility campaign in the current Philippine

elections requires a longer period of time especially

when there are many candidates gunning for thesame strategic position. Most candidates launch their

preparatory campaign one or two years before the

election period. Unless one already has the advantage

of popularity and an established political network

transformable into a campaign organization. Dorotan

started his campaign, only in January, four months

before the election.

The pre-campaign environmental scanning of

Dorotans campaign group overestimated the

assumption that Dorotan has an established projection

in the other towns because of the impact of theperformance of Irosin in the past six years. Doc Ed

relates, what complicated my campaign was that I

was not able to go directly in most areas because of

limited time and reach of my campaign organization.

On the other hand, Gonzales monicker Dinugo

was widespread. This was the result of two years

visibility campaign of Gonzales. The projection of

Dinugo even made it difficult for Dorotans

campaigners. Nori relates, there were instances

when Doc Ed arrives in gatherings we organized,

people asked, is that Dinugo?11

Perhaps the major impact that Dinugo

established with the people was on the religious side.

Gonzales was identified with the construction of

various barangay chapels in different towns. Dinugo

also stood as the hermano mayor in the reconstruction

of the centuries old St. Michael Church of Irosin.He was an able donor to various choir groups in Irosin

and other towns. If you look inside the church, there

is one big chandelier among the many hanging in the

church ceiling. That was donated by Dinugo and it

came all the way from Europe. He also gave the

church choir a P150,000-music organ when they

asked him for one, shares Kuya Peter, a local

businessman and an active church member.12

Dorotans campaign message focused on

traditional and new politics and expected that this

would click among the voters because they had used

the same in Dorotans previous mayoral campaignin Irosin. According to Doc Ed, Our message

focused against money politics. We expected that

our message would cut across the voters. The voters

pocket the money from other candidates but they

will vote for me. The objective was to contrast

Dinugo, who has questionable wealth, and Doc Ed

with a recognized track record in public service. The

campaign theme of Dorotan popularized the four Gs

God, Grassroots, Guts and Good Politics.13

The campaign line against money politics was

right but on the wrong premise that the voters weremature enough to make a wise choice. The money

politics message didnt sink enough to the language

8 Gabionsa, Rosendo, Program Officer, LIKAS Local Governance, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin9 Michelena, Jose, former mayor of Irosin, note interview, Oct. 18, 2000, Irosin10 Honasan, Nenet, Secretary General Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin11 Ortedi, Nori: Chairman, Sandigan ng Magsasaka, taped interview, Sept. 19, 2000, Irosin12 Kuya Peter: conversation notes, Sept. 17, 2000, Irosin13 The four Gs slogan was also used in Dorotans past mayoral campaigns.


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of the voters. According to Rocamora, More often

than not, losing reform candidates blame their

opponents vote-buying and come bitter at voters

who should know better than to sell their votes. But

to most voters in rural areas and urban poor

communities, getting a little bit of money during

elections is not something to be embarrassed about.

It is an expression of a personalized relationship with

politicians that is perceived as being no different from

asking a politician for funeral expenses or hospital

bills.14

On the other hand, the Gonzales camp bannered

Dinugo as the dehadista ng Irosin (the underdog

of Irosin). The propaganda line explained Dinugos

rugs-to-riches story. A video on the life story wasshown in the farm villages portraying how he started

as a baggage boy, jeepney barker, carinderia

narratives how he earned the monicker Dinugo, and

how he earned his law degree as a working student.

It also explained that his efforts and donations to the

churches and other groups was to share the blessings

he has in life.

James Jacob was a late campaigner but he had

an established network in the district. The family

name Jacob is also link to the heroic history of the

Bicolanos and James himself was a popular councilor.

Unlike Doc Ed, Jacob was able to maximize hislimited campaign time. The party structure of Aksyon

Demokratiko, the network of Robredo and the NGOs

and POs15 provided Jacob the organizational reach

for visibility, vote-gathering and vote delivery and

protection on election day.

What was unfavorable for Dorotan favored

Jacob the Lakas-NUCD machinery and resources.

The Lakas-NUCD in Camarines Sur was divided.

In the district race, the party support was divided

between the party candidate Rep. San Buenaventura

and Jacob, himself the Aksyon Demokratikocandidate. The same in Naga City where the party

candidate was Agapito Tria but other party

campaigners carried Roco. How did this happen?

Partly because Jacob and Roco were the strongest

candidates and anyone interested were enticed to

invest in them. Partly, because of Robredo. He

was the deputy secretary-general of Lakas-NUCD

at that time but he campaigned for Jacob and Roco.

Dorotan started his campaign in January after

he was officially proclaimed the official candidate of

Lakas-NUCD. But Gonzales was also the party

candidate. Doc Ed admits, the factor that prompted

me to run for congress was party support. My limited

campaign time would be compensated by the reach

of the party organization. But this did not matter at

all. The Lakas-NUCD in the second district was

divided between Dorotan and Gonzales. Gov.

Frivaldo, the party provincial chair aligned withGonzales while Rep. Gillego, the party district chair

supported Dorotan. Because Frivaldo was the

incumbent party official, he therefore held the party

resources and command than Gillego who was an

outgoing official.

As a result, Dorotans campaign was left with

no solid machinery except the POs and NGOs. What

complicated Dorotans organization was that his

campaign machinery and that of his mayoral bets

were one and the same. According to Michelena,

Dinugo had his own personal campaign organization

down to the barangay level. His mayoral bets hadtheir own organization that Dinugo supported. The

POs and NGOs that campaigned Doc Ed, Michelena

adds, were issue-based machineries and not

automatically translatable to him personally.

Gonzales camp was also able to break Dorotans

organization. Dinugo got the support of some of the

key leaders of Dorotans mayoral bets in other town.

The leaders campaigned for the mayor identified with

Doc Ed but their congressional bet was Dinugo. An

example was in Bulan town, says Doc Ed, I have

a mayoral bet there, but his brother campaigned forDinugo within the mayors organization.

Dinugo was also able to recruit supporters of

Dorotan, including some of his relatives. Frivaldo

14 Rocamora, Joel: Introduction: Boss. Five Case Studies of Local Politics in the Philippines. Phil. Center for Investigative

Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 199515 Even peoples organizations and development NGOs outside of Naga City campaigned for Jacob.


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shares, the Gabitos (Doc Eds relatives) have to

campaign for Dinugo because when the church was

reconstructed, they were hired by Dinugo as

engineers, foremen and workers.16 A former

supporter of Doc Ed adds, when my house was

threatened by the bank because of unpaid loans,

Dinugo helped me with the money. Before the

campaign started, Dinugo told me, Doc Ed and I

are your kumpadre and you have helped him before.

But Doc Ed is only your kumpadre. The two of us

were also classmates and barkada during our

younger days, cant you help me now?17

Doc Ed also failed to talk to influential people in

Irosin for vote support. A restaurant owner and small

landlord who has around 70 relatives and workerssaid that Doc Ed never bothered to talk to him while

Gonzales did. I could have divided 70 votes between

him and Dinugo which I did for Tanny and Michelena

who both approached me for support.

We made it sure that James wins by landslide

in Naga City and minimize his losing margins in the

other municipalities, says Robredo. Jacob was able

to narrow his losing margins in the towns of Pili and

Bombon. Pili is second to Naga in voter population

and the bailiwick of the Villafuertes. The mayoral

bets of Aksyon Demokratiko in Pili and Bombon, won

their race and delivered well for Jacob.A few days before the election, the power of

money sealed the final nail in Doc Eds defeat.

Money from the Gonzales camp flowed especially

in the remote areas and urban poor. Dante, one of

the operator of Gonzales gave a hint to this author

to how much budget they allotted for the campaign

in Irosin alone P500 each for the estimated 12,000

winning votes. Dante relates, For an undecided

head of the family, we gave a minimum of P1,000.00

depending on the number of voters in the household,

while those we are sure of voting our candidate weshell P500.00.18

But if the Gonzales camp bought votes in Irosin,

why did Doc Ed lost by a margin of only 495 votes

unlike in the other towns where he was swept by

Dinugo? We expected that Doc Ed will win in

Irosin by a margin of around 500. We assumed

that those who voted Ed in the past elections would

be his base votes at the minimum. The losing margin

came from the Iglesia ni Kristo which we estimate

had 400 to 600 voting members in Irosin. In the

past, INK supported Doc Ed. In 1998, the INK for

Dinugo in the entire district.19

The Tale of Two Places

THE ENACTMENT OF the Local GovernmentCode of 1991 opened new arenas and opportunities

for civil society organizations in engaging the

government and community affairs. From issue-

based movements and development work, civil

society organizations were challenged by the

opportunities provided by LGC 1991 to engage in

the politics of governance as a venue to push

forward social issues, policy advocacies and

accumulate power. Although civil society

organizations remain apprehensive in the new terrain

of engagement, a growing section of NGOs, POs,

and certain sectoral formations (i.e.environmentalists, womens groups, peasant

organizations) is pushing the limits of democratized

spaces to influence executive and legislative agenda

towards adoption of progressive policies.20

At the same time, a new breed of political leaders

is engaging the old or traditional political leaders. The

new political leaders are mostly young, professional

and reform-oriented. They wanted to institute changes

in government affairs in order for government make a

difference in the daily lives of the people. They have

the integrity, stamina, conviction, innovation, charismaand are willing partners to the new social forces in

governance affairs.

16 Frivaldo, Max, political leader: note interview, Oct. 17, 2000, Irosin17 Mang Ed: He campaigned for Doc Ed in his mayoral stint. In 1998, he campaigned for Dinugo in the congressional

race. Note interview. Nov. 14, 2000, Irosin18 Dante, a campaign operator of Gonzales: note interview, Nov. 15, 2000, Irosin19 Ubalde, Lorenzo. Municipal Information Officer; taped interview, Oct. 19, 2000, Irosin20 Valte, Maricris: Imagining the Transition: Restoration or Transformation, p. 76 Kasarinlan, Vol 12, No. 1, 3

rd

quarter, 1996


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But the new breed of political leaders, once in

government, have to go through the rigors of earning

their legitimacy or popular acceptance not necessarily

provided by electoral victories. They undergo various

factors and events in the environment that influence

their leaderships public policy and decisions. How

they confronted pressures, threats and opportunities

effected by the environment depended on their

leaderships legitimacy and vulnerabilities. Factors

and events unfold while leadership takes on the

consuming chores of governance. It is often said

that good governance is good politics. It is easily

said than done. Because the question is: how is good

governance converted into political gains that is

necessary to their legitimacy or popular acceptanceto push further reforms and without being subsumed

in the traditional legitimacy building of patronage and

monopoly of power.

USWAG NAGA!

WHEN AN OUTSIDER comes to Naga City, one

immediately observes the mix of the old and the new.

The structures that immediately catch ones eyes are

the old city plaza, the old PNB building, and the

cathedral. They remind one that the place thrived

longer than other places. But these structures areamidst the booming signs of commerce and

development of the city. Fastfood chains like Jollibee,

McDonalds, and Graceland, bazaars, malls and

theaters ring the city plaza. The city is alive. In the

afternoon, people from all walks of life pack the

sidewalks. Around the city proper, there are various

business establishments. The city continues to grow.

The first time I set foot in Naga was in 1991 and

more than a decade today, the City has developed

radically more than one can imagine. The plaza is

full of lights and activities during the night unlikebefore where its life was limited to a few

incandescent bulbs and a wide-screen TV for people

watching the on-going Gulf War in Kuwait. The

debate at the Jardin in Rizal Park continues but

they now have a more organized set-up of tables,

the place is well lighted and the structure was

designed such that people could have a good look

and listen to the debaters.

Given the development Naga City is undergoing,

it is not difficult to assume that urbanization and

development of Naga City transformed the political

pattern as it did the socio-economic situation of both

the constituency and the political elite.

Naga is one of the oldest cities in the Philippines.

It is situated right in the heart of Bicolandia about

eight hours land trip south of Manila. Naga is the

Bicol term for narra tree, which during the days of

the Spanish conquistadores, flourished along the banksof what is now the Naga River.

History has established Naga as the religious,

educational and business center of the Bicol Region

and so aptly deserves to be the Heart of Bicol.

Since Spanish times, Naga has been the seat of

the Archdiocese of Caceres, which oversees the

whole region. It is the site of the two of the oldest

colleges in the country, The Holy Rosary Minor

Seminary founded in 1793, and the Colegio de Sta.

Isabel founded in 1868, the first normal school for

women in the Orient. Naga is recognized as the

religious center of southern Luzon with theestablishment of the Metropolitan Cathedral, the seat

of Roman Catholicism in Bicol. The peak and last

venue of the one-month festivity of Lady of

Penafrancia is in Naga City where the statute is

returned back to the Cathedral. Naga City was the

capital of Camarines Sur until it acquired its charter

thru Republic Act 305 and became an independent

component city in 1948, politically autonomous from

its mother province.

Naga City is composed of 27 barangays and has

126,973 residents in 1995.21

Among the 27barangays, 22 are classified as urban and the

remaining five are called upland barangays, or rural

areas. The main industry of Naga is commerce and

21 National Statistics Office, 1995


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being the trading center of Bicolandia. The citys

public market is the biggest in the region. As such,

Bicol Naga is considered the standard regional dialect.

Under the stewardship of Mayor Robredo from

1988 to 1998, Naga evolved from a sleepy city to a

hub of economic activity, where marginalized sectors

have started to enjoy the gains of economic growth.

Three years after Robredo assumed office, Naga,

from a third class city in 1988, regained its original

status as a first class urban center, its income

increasing by an annual average of 30 percent.22 The

city is also one of the most well-acclaimed cities in

the Philippines for having one of the most responsive

local government units and for having developed

strong and award winning growth and equityprograms over time.

Among the awards and recognition that were

bestowed to the city government of Naga were Galing

Pook Awards in various categories, consistent

awardee of Peace and Order Council Award, the

Manuel L. Quezon Memorial Award for outstanding

achievement in TB Control; Health and Nutrition

Award; Clean and Green Award; among others. In

1996, Naga was elevated to the Hall of Fame of the

Gantimpalang Panlingkod Pook (Galing Pook), a

prestigious award that recognizes the most

outstanding local government programs. The UnitedNations recognized Robredos administration for its

excellence and for improving housing. Asiaweek, in

its 1999 review of Asias best cities, it named Naga

as one of the most improved.

But the benchmark that the Naga City

government had achieved under Robredos term was

the enactment of the Empowerment Ordinance

institutionalizing GO-NGO-PO partnership, the first

of its kind in the Philippines. One of the mandates of

the ordinance is the establishment of the Naga City

Peoples Council, where the 13 basic sectors arerepresented. At least 80 non-government and

peoples organizations are active members of the

council. This landmark achievement had not only

broadened the process of decision making, planning

and implementation of government program and

policies but also sustained the active and vibrant

NGO-PO community in the city. The more important

one was the establishment of mechanisms for

transparency and accountability of public officials.

The Robredo administration also created multi-level

consultative mechanism, which spanned from the

barangay to the city level, inform and engage the

community residents in governance issues.

According to City Councilor James Jacob,

proponent of the historic Ordinance, which was

enacted on Dec. 20, 1995 said, With the

implementation of the Empowerment Ordinance,

politics and governance in Naga will never be thesame again.23

Yes, Naga City continues to grow. The Roco

administration pursued the development path initiated

by the previous leadership and formulated its own.

The central bus terminal, one of the major

infrastructure projects drawn by the Robredo

administration, was completed by Mayor Roco. The

central market was refurbished. The city government

was able to revitalize revenue generation that

decreased in 1999 effected by the Asian financial

crisis. Investments continue to come in the city. The

Roco administration was also able to start-up itsIntegrated Livelihood Masterplan for the urban poor.

On the other hand, Roco has drawn criticism from

various sectors for his slow decision-making and style

of management. Church groups voiced their

concerns for the proliferation of pornography and

criminality in the city. Small businesses complained

of the administrations conversion of the park into a

flea market.

There grew a reservation among leaders and

member-organizations of the Naga City Peoples

Council (NCPC) that partnership between the NCPCand the City government under Mayor Roco had

become limited, unlike in the Robredo administration,

which was very open.

22 Annual City Budgets, 1993-1999 City Budget Office, Naga City

23 The Theory and Practice of Peoples Council: Focus on the Naga City Model; Institute for Politics and Governance

(IPG)


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In a dialogue between the NCPC and the

Mayor on August 1, 1998, the newly elected city

executive declared that NCPCs role in governance

is to check what the government is doing and must

stay away from direct implementation of programs

and projects. Mayor Roco reasoned that, whatever

the effects the programs and projects have, it is the

city government which is ultimately accountable. The

NGO/PO participation in governance should be in

advocacy, meaning to tell government what is wrong

with its programs and projects. In the same dialogue,

the mayor declared, kung kailangan namin kayo

(NCPC), saka kayo pumasok.24

BASTA IROSIN, ANG GALING!

A DECADE AGO this place had few houses, the

road was rough, dusty and total darkness during the

night. Matatakot kang maglakad. Kuya Peter

reminisces, It was a dead site The site is more

than a hundred meters away from the Irosin town

hall. Today, the street is lined with small

establishments and a public library busied with

students doing their studies. There is also a fire station

and a ten-room lodging house with a restaurant and

videoke bar. Irosin has a well-constructed public

market located in the poblacion center and a well-crafted zoning plan for a trading and commercial

center the town is envisioned to be. One wonders

how this fourth class municipality despite its meager

resources has come to a rapid development from

less than ten years ago.

The municipality of Irosin is the only land-locked

town in Sorsogon, a province located in the

southeasternmost part of Luzon. Located right in the

center of the province, Irosin is more than four hours

land trip from Naga City and thirteen hours away

from Manila. Being an inland town and valley, Irosinis surrounded by hills and mountains, most prominent

among these is the Bulusan Volcano. The town is

endowed with natural wealth because of its

geographic advantage and physical attractions.

Natural springs, lakes and excellent spots abound in

the area and its immediate vicinities.

Irosin has a land area of 15,880 hectares where

78 percent is devoted purely to agriculture. Irosin is

the rice granary, citrus center and main abaca

producer of Sorsogon. Due to its central location,

the town virtually serves as the economic center of

many barangays from the nearby towns. The fourth

class municipality has 28 barangays where 23 are

classified as rural.

The word Irosin was derived from the local term

iros, which means to cut off a part. The word was

traced to have come from an old tailors term

synonymous with tabas as in irosi an hiniro or cut

a part of the cloth. Iros was the image most probably

drawn to connote the gush or flow of floodwaters

eroding riverbanks and cutting through lands toeventually form another river or river route.

Since 1992, after two decades of inertness and

underdevelopment, civil society organizations

together with a new set of local officials led by Mayor

Eddie Dorotan actively labored for a kind of

development and governance that is participatory and

responsive. These endeavors have netted concrete

results that are widely recognized, looked upon and

emulated as a community development model.

Immediately after the election, the newly elected

Mayor Dorotan called for a consultation with the

different sectors and groups of Irosin. It did notmatter whether you were pro-Dorotan or from the

opposition. Doc Ed wanted the consultation to be

representative, relates Gabionsa. Included in the

workshop were all line agencies, LGU department

heads, NGOs and POs. After the three-day Multi-

Sectoral Development Planning Workshop, a vision

and development strategy of the municipality was

adopted. A mechanism was set for the representation

of the different sectors in the various municipal

government committees and bodies for peoples

participation in the program implementation.The Dorotan administration is characterized as

a charismatic and activist leader dominated

governance. There were three principles that guided

the Dorotan administration: peoples participation;

transparency and accountability; and integrative and

holistic approach to public management

24 Minutes of the NCPC General Assembly on August 1, 1998. Mayor Roco was invited for a dialogue.


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The two landmark resolutions the Sangguniang

Bayan and the multi-sectoral consultations of Irosin

adapted were the ones declaring Irosin as a Zone of

Peace being executed through a series of dialogue

with the contending parties, complemented with the

basic services and village level peace initiatives. The

other resolution was declaring the town as a Jueteng-

Free Community by launching alternative economic

activities, information campaign and venues for value

clarification to sustain the program. This initiative

caught the attention of neighboring towns and was

consequently replicated.

The municipal government of Irosin earned in

1994 the coveted National Galing-Pook Awards for

Outstanding Local Government Program. The townwas also selected as one of the most cleanest and

greenest municipalities in the country. Besides other

regional and national recognition, Irosin also gained

international recognition with the Medal of Excellence

for Better Local Government given by the Konrad

Adenauer Stiftung, a German private foundation.

Irosin also received in 1998 Galing-Pook Awards for

its Agrarian Reform Program and Inter-Barangay

Environment Development Program. These two

awards brought Irosin to the Galing-Pook Hall of

Fame.

Good governance continues under the Balmesadministration. The town had been a recipient of two

more prestigious national awards. The Consistent

Regional Outstanding Winner on Nutrition Award or

Crown Award for sustained program on nutrition and

the Most Child-friendly Municipality. Agrarian reform

coverage of the municipality have generated over

2,100 hectares of land transfers and extended various

support services to farmer cooperators. The local

government had completed the Comprehensive Land

Use Plan that would serve as framework for more

detailed planning in land utilization.The localgovernment further strengthened its partnerships with

the various stakeholders in the civil society through

the Expanded Municipal Development Council, which

were instrumental in the implementation of various

but integrated programs, projects and activities.25

But critical developments also cropped up that

started to affect public perception that do not speak

well on the Balmes leadership. Guerilla Jueteng

became active in Irosin and illegal logging persisted.

Household water that has become a pesky electoral

issue remained unresolved. Since 1999, communist

insurgents have intensified their activities through

killings and barring development workers in working

in their areas of operations. While there were farmers

who became beneficiaries of the agrarian reform land

transfers, others are getting impatient for not

benefitting especially those working in lands owned

by big landowners. A case here is the landholding of

a former politician who has resisted the agrarian

reform program. The NPA have taken stock of thisissue against the local DAR office and the local

government. In December 2000, the rebels killed

one of the aides of the landlord and subsequently

ambushed a police team sent to the killing site.

Despite awards in nutrition programs, tuberculosis

and other preventive diseases came back especially

in the farming communities.

Rise of New Politicians

EXCEPT FOR THEIR physical built, Robredo and

Dorotan could be easily perceived as brothers.Robredo has bigger built than Dorotans lean

physique. They have chinito eyes, straight hair, thin

moustache, fair complexion and almost the same

height, maybe a couple of inches below six feet.

The rise of Mayors Robredo and Dorotan broke

the traditional mold of politics in Naga City and Irosin.

They came from professions outside of the traditional

professional backgrounds of politicians lawyering.

Robredo is an engineer and Dorotan a doctor. They

have a track record in public service and had worked

with civil society organizations before they becamemayors. Robredo and Dorotan were fresh bloods in

the political arena. The change in the government

leadership in Naga City and Irosin was not dependent

on wealth and so they came to govern independent

on the state influence. The innovation and strong

25 Report to the People, February 17, 2000


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disposition of Robredo and Dorotan enabled them

not to rely on ties from political patrons that would

bind them but on their own and that of their

communitys social capital.

Majority of the councilors under the Robredo and

Dorotan administrations came from middle class

background with no kinship or, at least, political ties

with the old political elite. Most of them were even

political neophytes, who did not have previous

background on government service or electoral

politics, when they joined the electoral race. Some

of them had an established link with social movement

groups and worked with development organizations.

Local NGOs and POs considered some of the

entrants as close allies capable of lobbying for theirconstituents interests.

It has been observed that there was a changing

pattern of political recruitment in Bicol. Since the

1988 local elections, Bicol saw the entry of a number

of new political elites contesting the old ones in the

political field.26 The tight competition between the

old and the new suggested a diversified source of

power, thus, widening the range of political choices

in the market. It also showed the capacity of the

new political elites to bring their old rivals to a heel

as early as their first or initial electoral battle. This

proposition, however, does not preclude the idea ofthese new clans playing the same old rules of the

game. Neither it is plausible to say that their entry

marked the decline of the old political clans.

There were supportive social and political context

that enhanced the entry of Robredo and Dorotan in

politics and meaningful change in the public

administration of Naga and Irosin.

There was the rise of new democratic and reform

forces. The Aquino assassination in 1983, the

intensified anti-dictatorship struggle and the 1986

EDSA uprising effected the surge of church-basedcommunity service programs, NGO activity, civic

initiatives and active citizenship that opened up new

social spaces for building democratic and reform

forces both at the national and local level. Since the

early 80s, progressive groups like the national

democrats and social democrats have been active in

Naga and Irosin organizing communities along issues

and movement building. The Social Action Center

of the Catholic Church have also been active in

organizing and development of micro-economic

projects. These political forces and religious groups

in one way contributed to leading the democratic

movements in Naga and Irosin that surged after the

Aquino assassination.

After EDSA, the new democratic forces

continued to engaged in various issues and

mobilizations to widen the democratic space under

the Aquino dispensation. In the subsequent elections

after EDSA, these forces along with progressive

groups advocated new politics and vigorouslycampaigned against traditional politics where a new

movement was born the movement for new politics.

There were significant events in Naga and Irosin

that could largely be attributed to the new democratic

forces. In Naga City, a broad multisectoral alliance

was able to push its advocacy of declaring Naga

City as a Peace Zone. In Irosin, a local alliance was

able to stop the Philippine National Oil Company in

its plan for geothermal exploration in Irosin.

The major change in the political leadership of

Naga and Irosin can be attributed to if not ensued

from a series of conscious efforts by the newdemocratic forces in the shaping of significant events

in these areas.

Robredo and Dorotan had background in the

public service before being elected mayors. They

had developed their capability in governance to

become political leaders. They have unquestionable

integrity and wide reputation for being approachable.

These are the basic qualities that the constituents

endear upon their leaders in government.

Mang Honesto related his observations of

Robredo: Whenever he goes around thecommunities, Jess dresses casually. When he is not

on official function, Jess wears shorts and shirts.

Sometimes you see him play basketball in the plaza

with the youth. Natural na sa kanya ito. 27 Adds

Shirley, a city hall employee, of Robredo: He comes

26 1996 Regional Political Mapping, Institute for Popular Democracy27 Perez Jr., Honesto: President, Naga City Urban Poor Federation, taped interview, Nov. 28, 1999


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to his office early in the morning. Parang mahihiya

kayo tuloy na mga empleyado kung mali-late ka o

wala kang ginagawa sa opisina. Kasi si Mayor, parang

ang dami laging ginagawa. Wala pa siyang bisyo.28

Most of the time you can see Doc Ed in maong

pants and leather sandals, shares Joy of Irosin.29

Mang Ed adds, He is not used to wearing barong.

Once in Juban town as an invited guest to crown the

winner in a beauty contest, Doc Ed went upstage

with only his shirt because he forgot to bring his

barong. Doc Ed is very approachable. He also

doesnt easily take the word of the person

complaining of another.

These are symbols that matter in politics,

Robredo relates. It is important for people toactually see things than what they hear. I may have

less contribution than those people who regularly

clean the streets. But in those moments people see

me sweep the street, they can see that we (officials)

implement what we say On the part of Doc Ed,

When people see a person in higher status, there is

a wall that sets them apart from a politician. People

are easily intimidated. But when you lessen that

symbol of authority, it immediately bridges the gap in

class status and social standing.

Mayor Jesse30

JESSE ROBREDO, WAS then the youngest city

mayor at 29 when elected in 1988.

During the 1988 local elections, Luis Villafuerte

Jr. has anointed his nephew, Jesse Robredo, to run

for mayoralty position against administration

candidate, Senator Raul Rocos brother and Land

Transportation regional director Ramon Roco. Then

Mayor Carlos del Castillo, a Villafuerte henchman,

stepped down from the race to support Robredo.

When election result came out, Robredo defeated

his five rivals. But he won over Roco by a very

small margin. Of the total votes cast, he obtained

27.43 percent against Rocos 25.58 percent.31 The

two other mayoralty candidates who come from old

political clans, and former mayors themselves,

Mariano Sibulo and Virginia Felipe-Perez, only

obtained a very small number of votes. Lourdes

Asence, Robredos running mate, managed to win

the vice-mayoralty post but they lost 80 percent of

the slots in the city council to the Roco slate.32

Upon assumption of office, the Robredo

administration proceeded to lay down the groundwork

for the improvement of the depressed areas of the

city. The city government institutionalizedorganizations of residents by sectors, and incorporate

them into the public services and city governance.33

As one example, Mayor Robredo worked with

COPE Foundation34 to address concerns of the urban

poor residents by providing assistance, especially

regarding land acquisition. Robredo established

access to more resources to provide livelihood

projects and infrastructure building, cleaned the city

by initiating a programmed garbage collection, paved

the streets, lighted the streets and provided basic

needs facilities. The administration was able to do

this by improving the tax collection, increasing thecity investment and opened venues for participation

of NGOs and POs in governance affairs. Robredos

leadership made an impact in the peace and order

by organizing vice squads to quell jueteng operations

and other vices in the city.

For the first time in the history of Naga City,

Robredos ticket won straight in the 1992 and 1995

elections. In his reelection bid since 1992, Robredo

earned the support of POs and NGOs that actively

campaigned for his slate. Church and civic

28 Shirley, city hall employee, note interview, Naga City, Oct. 19, 200029 Joy, a copier operator, conversation notes, Irosin, Sept. 18, 200030 Mayor Robredo as he is popularly called by the people31 Kawanaka: The Robredo Style: Phil. Local Politics in Transition; Kasarinlan, Third World Studies, 199832 Ibid.33 Ibid.34 Community Organization of Phil. Enterprises (COPE), a non-government organization involved in advocacy and

direct organizing of the urban poor sector in the cities of Naga, Legaspi and Iriga.


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organizations including local business associations cast

their full support to Robredo. These support were

almost non-existent during his bid in 1988. Robredos

performance and leadership during his first term in

office convinced these organizations to support him.

In 1991, Robredo became the recipient of the

prestigious Ten Outstanding Young Men (TOYM)

of the Philippines and in 1994 was awarded with Ten

Outstanding Young Persons (TOYP) of the World.

Both awards were in recognition for his government

service. In 1995-1998, he was the president of the

League of Cities of the Philippines, an organization

of cities united and committed to effective local

autonomy and development as provided for by the

LGC of the Philippines. He was also the chair ofthe Bicol Regional Development Council, composed

of local government officials, regional heads of

department and other government offices and

representatives from NGOs within the region.

In 2000, Robredo was honored with the

prestigious Ramon Magsaysay Award for

Government Service in recognition of the way he

showed that effective city management is

compatible with yielding power to the people.

Before he was elected mayor, Robredo was the

program director for one year of the Bicol River

Basin Development Program. The BRBDP,supervised by the National Council for Integrated

Area Development, was tasked to implement priority

high-impact projects for the Bicol River Basin Area,

covering Albay and Camarines Sur.

Robredo started as a professor at the College of

Engineering of the University of Nueva Caceres.

After completing Mechanical Engineering and

Industrial Management Engineering courses at the

De La Salle University, he joined the San Miguel

Corporation as head of the logistics division. Before

assuming the directorship of the BRBDP he earnedhis masters degree in Business Administration from

the Univesity of the Philippines. Robredo comes from

a family of naturalized Chinese businessmen engaged

in lumber and trading in Naga City. He was born

Jesse Manalastas Robredo in Naga City on May 27,

1958 to Marcelina Manalastas and Jose Robredo Sr.

His wife is lawyer Maria Leonor G. Robredo. The

couple has three daughters.

Doc Ed35

DR. EDDIE DOROTAN hailed from a landed elite

family long-active in local politics in Irosin. His father

was a physician although the family is also involved

in the trading business. Doc Eds eldest brother,

Roque Dorotan, had been mayor of Irosin from 1981

to 1986. After the EDSA uprising, the government

of President Corazon Aquino replaced RoqueDorotan with OIC Mayor Enrique del Monte. Roque

did not run again in the 1988 local elections.

After he graduated medicine at the University

of the Philippines School of Medicine, Doc Ed went

back to Irosin to practice his profession. Irosin was

a typical underdeveloped rural municipality. Most of

the people were under the cloud of grinding poverty

and government service was almost non-existent.

Malnutrition afflicted 71% of children in 1992.

Because of this, Irosin was the hotbed of insurgency

in the province of Sorsogon at the same time famous

for its jueteng operations.After four years as a private doctor, Doc Ed

shifted to public doctor in 1985 where he worked

with the Irosin District Hospital from which he

became its Chief Director from 1989 to 1992. The

Public Hospital is not accessible to the barrio folks

so Doc Ed organized volunteer students and medical

professionals to organize communities along health

related activities. Village residents were trained as

para-medics or barefoot doctors. Doc Ed later

founded the Kilusan ng Bayan para sa Kalusugan

(Kabapa), an organization of barefoot doctors comingfrom peasant families.

Doc Ed also founded the Lingap para sa

Kalusugan ng Sambayanan (LIKAS), a local NGO

35 Mayor Dorotan as he is popularly called by the people


16/26

WORK IN PROGRESS



that organized barrio-based support groups for

tuberculosis victims while continuing to train barefoot

doctors in the rural communities. Although initially

limited to Irosin, by 1983, the LIKAS program had

expanded into three other municipalities. Because

most of its beneficiaries were poor peasant families,

LIKAS expanded its mandate to development

program organizing peasants along agrarian related

issues and livelihood projects. In 1985, LIKAS was

the key initiator in the holding of consultations among

peasant organizations that led to the birth of the

Sandigan ng Magsasaka, which covered the

municipalities of Bulan, Bulusan, Irosin and Matnog.

Sandigan is currently one of the biggest peasant

organization in Sorsogan.Doc Ed had just graduated from Boston

Universitys Masteral Program in Public Health

when the people of Irosin convinced him to run for

mayor.

In the 1992 elections, Doc Ed won by a close

margin vote against Mayor Jose tio Peping

Michelena. Michelena was a former lawyer, a

Spanish of Filipino citizenship and a typical landowner

who became Irosin mayor in four different terms

from 1960 to 1992, and provincial vice-governor from

1980 to 1986.

There were several factors that contributed tothe victory of Doc Ed. One important factor, relates

Doc Ed, was that people of Irosin wanted new face

and change. Mayor Michelena has been mayor for

almost two decades but nothing substantial happened

to Irosin. According to Noli, peoples organizations,

church and civic organizations and non-government

organizations actively campaign for Doc Ed because

they know him and his track record. There were

also other contributing factors. The opponents of

Michelena in the past elections together with the

supporter of former mayor Roque Dorotan all gavetheir support to Doc Ed. Even the so-called swing

votes of the Iglesia ni Kristo also casted their votes

to Doc Ed.

At the time that the municipal council was

debating whether to come out or not with an ordinance

declaring Irosin as Jueteng-free zone, Doc Ed was

offered money by the jueteng operators. Mang Ed

related to the Mayor that the operators were offering

P300,000 monthly contribution to the municipal

government on the condition that it was okay for the

municipal government to arrest bettors as long as

the police dont interfere. At that instance, Doc

simply replied to Mang Ed, the amount is too

enticing. Why are you telling me this? Are you

bothered by your conscience.

Doc Ed was reelected in 1995 with 8,460 votes

with his slate sweeping the polls except for one

councilor. Once again, he defeated Michelena.

In six years from 1992 to 1998, Doc Eds

administration transformed the depressed,insurgency-ridden, fifth-class municipality into a

progressive, peaceful, 4th class municipality. Doc

Ed was conferred the Outstanding Young Filipino

Award for Community Development in 1995.

Doc Ed was born Eddie Dorotan to Dr. Vicente

Dorotan and Beata Dorotan. His wife is Florencia

Cassanova-Dorotan who is the present Executive

Director of LIKAS. Doc Ed and Oyen have twin

sons and twin daughters.

Winning Elections: Combining Traditional and

New Politics

THE OLDEST RECORDED name of Bicol region

is Ibalon, which translates into the land of plenty.

Ironically, in recent times, the name Bicol aptly applies

to its twisted situation as a result of centuries-old

problems compounded by misfortunes. The name

Bicol derived from Bico, meaning twisted that in

old days referred to the winding river that runs through

the province of Camarines Sur and Albay.

The Bicol region is the ninth largest of the

countrys 15 regions but it gets the least attentionfrom the national government. In 1995, the proposed

national budget allocated only 6.4% of the entire

regions budget for the peninsula, equivalent to only

P8.8 billion. While neighboring Southern Tagalog

Region received 12.2%.36

36 POLITIK, a publication of the Ateneo Center for Social Policy, February 1995


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Bicol Region is one of the poorest regions in the

country. As of 1995, 61.3 percent of its population

lived below the poverty line. In 1995, its annual per

capita poverty threshold of P6,476.00 is the lowestnationwide, even worse than that of Eastern Visayas.

Unemployment was 5.8 % while underemployment

was 34%.37 There are insufficient farm-to-market

roads for the transportation of goods; nor are there

enough public utility vehicles. Investors are

intimidated by the sheer distance and difficulty of

transporting goods to the region from Manila.38 The

region registered a literacy rate of 95.3 percent,

relatively at par with the more economically

developed regions. But this figure mainly constitutes

those who have finished or, at least reached, theelementary education. In terms of educational

attainment level, 61.4 percent are in the elementary,

22.2 percent in the secondary, 5.2 percent in college.

Only 4.2 percent have college degrees.39 Much

worse is that many college students opt to leave after

graduation. Fr. Eugene Morgan, former Ateneo de

Naga president shares, Bicol universities like the

Ateneo are conduits for people wanting to escape.40

Despite its natural wealth potentials, performance

of the Bicol economy has been erratic. The main

produce of the region is coconut, but unfortunately

in recent times, coconut products do not demand avery high market price. Even the countrys revenues

from the export of coconut oil continue to drop. Its

abaca production is also continually affected by

numerous typhoons hitting the region.

Perhaps because of poverty and gross

underdevelopment, Bicol is gaining the stature of the

countrys main supplier of women service workers

in entertainment clubs. The region also ranks highest

in the recruitment of soldiers and priests. In the mid

80s, Bicol was considered by the AFP to be a major

base of NPA operations.

Part of the problem can be traced to the problem

of culture and Bicolanos propensity to depend on

others for their needs. We are too content with our

resource, we dont bother developing themourselves, says Robredo.

Former Albay congressman Edcel Lagman said

of Bicol politics: The depressed economic situation

of the region ensures continuity of patronage politics.

Well-entrenched landed families dominate Bicol

politics, remain traditional, turf-conscious and parochial

jeopardizing the overall development path of the region.

Lagman added, Bicolanos are so poor, that election

day is always payday, since bribe-taking is a way of

life. Political parties are practically irrelevant, since

people are not politically mature, personal charisma,patronage loyalties and political machine determines

the character of electoral politics.

This applies to Naga City and Irosin, where local

politics, is traditionally the turf of landed political elite

and political actors from the outside. In Camarines

Sur, there are the Villafuertes, Rocos, Fuentebella

and Alfelors. In Sorsogon, the Escuderos, Gillegos,

Frivaldos and Lees. Before Robredo, the Villafuertes

and Rocos compete who the local henchman in Naga

City will be. In Irosin, the Escuderos, Gillegos and

Frivaldos are influentials in local politics. In recent

years, Sorsogon Governor Raul Lee and youthfulRepresentative Francis Escudero are the emerging

political blocs that would likely influence the political

configuration of the province. The political players

of the province continue to come into play in the local

politics and threaten the political transformation of

Naga City and Irosin.

On the other hand, the foundations established

by the reform-minded politicians and civil society

organizations in Naga and Irosin serve as defense

from the intervention of outside political blocs. The

transparent, participatory and service-oriented

37 Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 199538 POLITIK, February 199539 Factbook on the Philippine Regions, 199540 POLITIK, February 1995


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governance in Naga and Irosin contributed to the

change in the socio-economic-political environment

of these areas such that change in the nature of

relationship between government leaders andconstituency happens. From political ties that are

determined largely by traditional patterns of deference

to established authorities, loyalties are increasingly

transformed into a horizontal and functional

relationship. The implication for this among political

leaders is that appeals for political support are likely

to stress policy concerns.

The active engagement of civil society

organizations in governance and electoral politics also

contribute to the change in the character of political

organization from machine politics to program/partypolitics. But much work has yet to be done by

representative organizations of civil society

particularly the progressive ones especially in the

electoral arena. It is in the attempts of progressive

and social development organizations to participate

in elections that the distance between the language

of reform and everyday politics is most stark.41

Progressive and development organizations have yet

to effectively engage the day-to-day language and

narrative of the local, that is bridging the language of

reform to the everyday politics of the people.

Taking elections seriously, progressive and socialdevelopment groups, must also learn elections

tediously. Its a transformation in orientation. From

basic organizing along issues and movement building,

developing micro-economic projects, area

development work, building more POs vertically and

horizontally to trying to win local power is a move

towards taking the local seriously. Rocamora stresses

the language of everyday politics that accumulating

local power will require the culture of the local.

The Naga Campaign

LUIS VILLAFUERTE EMERGED as a political

kingpin not only in Naga but also of the entire Bicol

region during Martial Law. Villafuertes rise was

facilitated by President Marcos who took notice of

the then corporate lawyer. With the support of the

late strongman, Villafuerte won a seat in the Interim

Batasan Pambansa in 1978. In 1979 he was

appointed Minister of Trade. Villafuerte tried to buildhis political clout in local politics, especially in Naga

City and Camarines Sur province. In the 1980 local

elections, Villafuerte supported his henchman, Carlos

del Castillo to the position of Naga mayor. It was widely

recognized that the victory of del Castillos ticket with

the support of Villafuerte was through massive

disenfranchisement and other forms of electoral fraud

that were allegedly committed in the elections.

In 1981, Luis Villafuerte was displaced from the

post of Trade Minister as believed by many that he

lost his place in the inner circle of Marcos. Beforethe 1984 Batasan Pambansa elections, Villafuerte

defected to the United Democratic Opposition

(UNIDO). His defection strengthened his political

position. Winning the congressional post, Villafuerte

gained further prominence when the Marcos regime

was toppled and Corazon Aquino took over the

presidency in 1986. Villafuerte was already a key

person at that time. President Aquino appointed him

as Chairman of Presidential Commission on

Government Reorganization and then Officer-in-

Charge of Camarines Sur.

Villafuerte saw his nephew Jesse as a futureMayor of Naga City. The kingmaker Villafuerte

backed Robredo in 1988 to run for Mayor under the

ticket of Lakas ng Bansa, which would later merge

with other parties to form the LDP. Then Mayor

Carlos del Castillo supported Robredo. Robredos

opponent then was lawyer Ramon Roco, Sen. Rocos

younger brother. Roco was a member of an anti-

Villafuerte coalition in Camarines Sur and Naga City.

The Robredo-Roco battle for Naga Citys highest

office was another Luis Villafuerte-Raul Roco

confrontation that started in 1987. In 1987, Raul a

former delegate to the 1971 Constitutional

Convention contested the congressional seat in the

2nd

district of Camarines Sur. Villafuerte supported

Rocos opponent former Vice Mayor Virginia Felipe-

Perez while former Naga City Mayor Vicente Sibulo

41 Rocamora, Joel.Introduction:Boss: Five Cases of Local Politics in the Philippines.Philippine Center for Investigative

Journalism and Institute for Popular Democracy, 1995


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and Villafuertes opponent since Martial Law period

supported Raul Roco. Roco won the district race.

Robredo secured the mayoral seat with a small

margin of 947 votes. Robredos vice-mayor candidateDr. Lourdes Asence was elected but eight among

10 seats in the city council were occupied by the

Roco group. Villafuerte was elected as governor of

Camarines Sur. Though the congressional seat was

held by Roco, Villafuerte not Robredo, possessed

greater influence in Naga City.

According to Robredo, the deciding factor in his

victory against Roco was his well-prepared

development scheme, which he earlier presented

during the Public Forum for mayoral candidates

before the elections. But others say that it wasVillafuertes well-entrenched political machine in

Naga City that won for Robredo.

The political ties between Robredo and Villafuerte

broke when Villafuerte tried to override Robredos

own style of management and administration of the

city. It all started with Robredos plan to stop the

jueteng operations in the city. Robredo relates,

Everyone knew who decides and obeyed in Naga

City. It all started when Villafuerte wanted the Chief

of Police be maintained in the City, which I didnt

like. He talked with Gen. Montano to maintain the

official. I talked with the Bishop who in turn talkedto President Cory Aquino. The Chief of Police was

replaced. In hindsight, what happened was positive

for us because if he prevailed, we could have not

done what we wanted. When the Robredo prevailed,

he organized vice squads to arrest the jueteng bettors.

That time, Luis Villafuertes son Bong Villafuerte,

was highly suspected involved in jueteng operations

in the city.

In the 1992 elections, Gov. Villafuerte fielded his

elder sister, Pura Luisa Magtuto, to challenge Robredo

in the mayoralty race. Magtuto ran under the LDP

ticket. Because of his collision with Villafuerte,

Robredo was ousted from the LDP and joined future

President Fidel Ramos Lakas-NUCD as a founding

member. Robredo needed a strong political ally

because he was confronted by a strong local alliance

the Villafuerte-Roco coalition. Villafuerte sought

re-election for governorship while Roco ran for

Senate position.

The 1992 elections saw Naga City caught in afamily war. Calling his nephew an ingrate,

Villafuerte launched a cash and smear campaign

against Robredo. The Villafuerte camp set up an

incorporeal organization Bunyog Banuaan (unity

of town), which provided loans on the condition that

if Magtuto won, the recipients need not honor their

debts.42 Aside from this, massive vote buying was

carried out. They hurled what many considered were

trumped up charges against Robredo, including

reports that he had raped a girl.

Against the formidable Villafuerte-Roco allianceand whose pockets were not as deep as Villafuertes,

Robredo built his own organizations, mobilized his

grassroots network, and relied on the support of civil

society organizations. The result was a landslide

victory for Robredo and his whole ticket swept the

1992 polls. It also spelled Villafuertes doom. Ramon

Mitra, standard-bearer of the LDP of which

Villafuerte acted as campaign manager, lost his

presidential bid won by Robredos candidate, Fidel

Ramos. Villafuerte himself lost his re-election bid to

a completely unknown Nationalist Peoples Coalition

candidate Jose Bulaong.Robredo places importance on organization,

although we do perform well, without a good

organization I can not win a straight ticket.43

The mayor organized his local leaders under the

Barangay Peoples Foundation, which started as the

Barangay Precinct Organization, an organization of

election precinct watchers during his 1988 campaign.

His wife, Maria Leonor, organized the womens

organization Lakas ng Kababaihan. The Barangay

Peoples Foundation and the Lakas ng Kababaihan

had livelihood projects among their activities. In 1992,

the Office of the Mayor created the Lingkod

Barangay to provide assistance to these organizations.

The NGO and PO community, although most of

them took non-partisan position in the local elections

but whose members were active campaigners of

42 Kawanaka: Robredo Style: Philippine Local Politics in Transition, Kasarinlan 1998; Third World Studies43 Kawanaka


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Robredo, provided the deepening aspect of the

campaign in terms of issues and platform of

government and campaign network. The NGOs,

POs, and other civic organizations launched expansivevoters education campaign and pollwatchers training.

Recognizing the needs of the urban poor

population of Naga City, which comprises 25 percent

of the population, the Robredo administration

established the Urban Poor Affairs Office to respond

to the needs of the urban poor dwellers. During the

Robredo administration, the number of urban poor

organizations increased. These organizations and

their communities provided solid foundation for the

Robredo campaigns during elections.

Robredo also formed a propaganda group. Thegroup manages the public perception on the mayor

and the city government. The group prepared articles

about the awards the city government was getting

and the projects of the city administration. It also

provides information to the media and the non-

government sector about the plans and policies of

the administration. These were sent both to the local

and national media. The group also played important

role during elections. They handled the propaganda

campaign of Robredo and drew strategies to counter

the opponents black propaganda and misinformation

campaign.The approachability of Robredo works well with

him. In some way, his approachability, organizes

people. On the rally stage, his speeches focused on

issues and programs. But when he toured the

communities, he played with children and exchange

banter with people. Robredo admits that he loves

talking to anybody. Community meetings and house

visits are more on small talks and exchange of stories.

People can easily approach him and can tell him

anything. Ed relates, But he does not leave the

people without having an agenda or plan agreed upon.

When he leaves, the people were organized around

his campaign.44

In political reality, shares Robredo, you can not

do away with the mix of platform, message and the

person. In election, voting is not a simple decision

that is thought of, it also includes feeling. People votea person not just because one is capable or good.

People vote because they like the person. Liking the

person usually prevails in voting than voting because

they believe in him. Robredo adds, I think, a good

politician is one who has the mix of standpoint and

how he carries himself. Many politicians are good

and honest but they lost to those who are not capable

or corrupt because the latter are what the voters like.

In 1995, Robredo ran uncontested and his ticket

soundly defeated Villafuertes bets. Robredo says he

does not feel beholden to anyone for his successivevictories, except the Naga City residents. Says former

Rep. Edcel Lagman: Robredos strength comes from

mass support. He could run again for mayor with

another party and still win, he is that popular.

The Irosin Campaign

WHEN EDDIE DOROTAN ran for mayor of Irosin

in 1992, he was seen as the David trying to challenge

Goliath. He was a political neophyte while the

incumbent Mayor Jose Michelena had been mayor

of Irosin for more than a decade, a former vicegovernor, and a big landowner. Michelenas son,

Jose Marie, became the town vice mayor from 1980

to 1986.

Dorotan did not have much financial resources

against Michelena but he had social and political

capital. He became popular as Doc Ed because of

his attendant service to the poor. He was a popular

NGO and community leader. He was the recognized

leader of LIKAS, which through the years had

established expansive network among the different

sectors and groups in Irosin. Dorotan also became

popular among the rural poor because of his

identification

local gov paper ipd naga irosin

Documents