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article

Analysis of environmental and social impacts of displacement caused by the creation of the Grande Sertão Veredas National Park (Brazil) Lessons learned for good governance in REDD+

ABSTRACT

One of the strategies mentioned in the design

of REDD+ policiesis the creation of protected

areas. In this study we have analyzed the social

and environmental impacts perceived by residents

of the area where the Grande Sertão Veredas

National Park was established in 1989, in the

Cerrado ecosystem of Brazil. Its creation, justified

by the need to protect this territory from the

advance of the agricultural frontier, involved

the displacement of the rural population who

lived there. To identify lessons learned from this

initiative, we have used the concept of good

governance for REDD+. The results indicate that

the population displacement as a strategy of

strict conservation of forests can undermine the

possibility of achieving equity in REDD+ actions.

October 2012

Buffer zone of parkSource: Camila Medeiros

INTRODUCTION

While the initial objective of REDD+ was to

deliver climate change mitigation, the design

and implementation of REDD+ can represent

variations of earlier forest conservation

measures. In this respect, it can largely benefit

from the analysis of past forest conservation

initiatives to replicate successes and to avoid

the same mistakes (Angelsen, 2010a and b;

Sunderlin and Atmadja, 2010; Brandon and Wells,

2010; Agrawal and Angelsen, 2010, Seymour

and Angelsen, 2010; Kanowski, McDermott and

Cashore, 2011).

Hence, past experiences of creating protected

areas represent an interesting source of lessons

that can be learned for this mitigation strategy

(Wertz-Kanounnikoff and Angelsen, 2010). In

2010 protected areas covered 12.2% of the planet

providing benefits “such as protecting biodiversity

and cultural values, and ecosystem services,

including carbon storage” (Brandon and Wells,

2010, p. 225). However, as a negative aspect, they

are criticized when they restrict access to forests

by local people who depend on them (Brandon

and Wells, 2010).

This study aims to present the local

perspective about the social and environmental

impacts of the establishment of the National Park

Grande Sertão Veredas, in 1989, in the Cerrado

ecosystem of Brazil. This Park was created

based on a conservation discourse that saw

forest dwellers as a risk to nature conservation

(Barbosa and Drummond, 1994; Diegues, 2001;

Camila Medeiros and

Raffaele Vignola

2

Ferreira, 2004), so the population living there was relocated

to a nearby settlement. Environmental displacement, the

focus of this article, has received little attention compared

to that associated with development projects. Defined as

the relocation of traditional population from their territories

and, in some cases, their involuntary resettlement in another

area, for the sake of environmental protection, environmental

displacement can however be analysed under the same

approach even if reasons for development-based displacement

are sometimes opposite (Agrawal and Redford, 2009).

While the criticisms of displacement of traditional

populations have led to changes in the profile of environmental

policies since the 1990s (Agrawal and Redford, 2009), there is

a risk, based on the argument that REDD+ aims at securing

carbon stocks in forest lands, of a strengthening of conservation

models reducing the access of local forest dwellers dependent

on forests (Peskett and Brockhaus, 2010; Sunderlin, Larson

and Crokleton, 2010). Rather than moving towards a more

restrictive approach, some authors argue that communities

could be seen in the light of their role in protecting forests

(Larson, 2010; Agrawal and Angelsen, 2010). Supporting this

view there is evidence that forest management implemented

in collaboration with local communities can secure more

carbon storage and be a more cost-effective way to manage

these ecosystems (Seymour and Angelsen, 2010).

In this case study, we will analyse i) the reasons used by

the Park to justify the displacement and ii) the social and

environmental impacts of relocation by the local perspective.

To draw lessons from this we refer to a conceptual evaluation

framework of good governance for REDD+ which considers

the three Es: equity, efficiency and effectiveness (Angelsen,

2010a)1. Under these pillars, the participation of local

communities in the process of developing projects in their

territories is treated as crucial for the sustainability of REDD+

initiatives (Forsyth, 2010; Agrawal and Angelsen, 2010).

METHODS

We use data resulting from ethnographic research

conducted between 2006 and 2010. We draw our data from

participant observation and open interviews with the elders

of the settlement in order to gather individual and collective

experiences as well as ways of territory occupation before the

creation of the Park. In addition, we used the existing socio-

anthropological literature on the region of interest (Jacinto,

1999; Correia, 1999; Correia, 2002; Ribeiro, 2006; Souza,

2006; Ribeiro, 2010; Cerqueira, 2010; Andriolli, 2011), which

allowed us to explore historical aspects, and also institutional

material such as the Park Management Plan, which provides

information on the conservationist perspective that

substantiated its creation.

RESULTS

Historical context

The Grande Sertão Veredas National Park was created in

1989 in the state of Minas Gerais in southeastern Brazil. The

original area (83,364 hectares) was expanded in 2004 to the

neighbouring state of Bahia (in Northeast), totalling 230,671

hectares. Located in the Cerrado ecosystem, specifically in

the sub-unit of the Gerais, it is an area of plains and veredas

characterized by small trees, shrubs and grasslands, as well as

well-marked dry (April-October) and wet seasons (November

to March)2. This region is also known as sertão, which refers

broadly to a dry, isolated place, far from the coast and with

low population density.

The main promoter of the creation of the Park was the

NGO Pro-Nature Foundation (FUNATURA), who conducted

studies to support the proposal and, since the establishment of

the Park, held a partnership agreement with the governmental

institution responsible to manage federal conservation units.

It was FUNATURA that also first suggested creating the São

Francisco Settlement for people without land titles and who

were living within the original boundary of the Park (Figure 2).

One of the arguments used in the proposal of the Park

was the significant biodiversity in the area. According to the

Management Plan (2003), land for agriculture and artificial

pastures covered just 1.20% of the Park’s original area. It is

also highlighted the excellence of the flora and fauna of the

area, attested for instance by the large number of veredas,

the high quantity of rare plant species and by the presence of

new species to science and several endangered wildlife species

(FUNATURA, 2003, p.163-4).

Another justification was the urgency of protecting a

portion of the Gerais from the progress of the agricultural

frontier (FUNATURA, 2003). Monocultures were mainly driven

by the migration of the gaúchos in the mid 1970’s, under the

policy of land occupation by the military dictatorship, which

aimed to incorporate areas of the Cerrado for the development

of grain3. In 1976, migrants began growing soybeans and crops

involving mechanized production in the plains (chapadas) and

created the “Vila dos Gaúchos” that in 1995 would become the

location of the municipality named Chapada Gaúcha, which

also housed the park management headquarters. of

The original park territory was mainly occupied by traditional

inhabitants, around 90 families, most of whose ancestors had

come from a nearby village at the beginning of the twentieth

century. In a migratory movement called “caçar melhora”4, the

1 This acronym was later added by “+” (3Es+), which includes co-benefits, such as biodiversity conservation, socio-economic benefits, better governance, more respect for the rights of vulnerable groups, and increased capacity to adapt to climate change (Angelsen, 2010a, p. 05).

2 The Cerrado originally occupied a quarter of the country, in the middle of the territory; the average rainfall varies from 1200mm to 1800mm and the average temperature is of 22-230C. Typical of the Cerrado, the veredas are wet ecosystems with high concentration of buritis and palms of the genus Mauritia.

3 Gaúchos are the people born in the state of Rio Grande do Sul; they are the descendants of European settlers who migrated to the south of Brazil in the late nineteenth century. For more information on the expansion of the grain monocultures in the Cerrado see Heredia et al. (2010).

4 A literal translation is “hunting improvements” indicating the search for a better life.

3

Figure 1: Location of the Grande Sertão Veradas National Park in Brazil

(delimitation in 1989; by Ildefonso Narvaez)

Figure 2: Map of the Grande Sertão Veredas National Park

Source: FUNATURA, 2003

4

Figure 3: Map of the migratory movements for “hunting improvements” of 5 respondents in the wider region around the Grande Sertão Veredas National Park

Soure: Ildefonso Narvaéz

Figure 4: Zoning Map of the Grande Sertão Veredas National Park (delimitation in 1989), with the “pristine zone” in blue

Source: FUNATURA, 2003 YES

5

residents were testing different places to live, along rivers and

veredas, periodically changing while looking for water and land

to cultivate (Figure 3).

Before the Park, the region was as a zone with very few

people and landholdings, and many public lands. Some people

acquired land titles after settling on public land for years, but it

was more usual that people settled on a property, by invitation

of an owner (sometimes a relative) who granted them land to

live, cultivate and raise cattle5. Concerning this situation, it was

mentioned in an interview: “in the past, everybody was given a

place to dwell. Everything we planted was free, was ours”.

Agricultural and grazing production was based on extensive

farming systems. There were no wire fences limiting the land

so cattle were raised freely in the broad areas of forest and

Cerrado plains, feeding on natural pastures, fruit and native

plants6. Agricultural production was mainly in small plots,

conducted at a subsidence scale in the yards near the houses

and in communal areas.

Fire was used for grazing and agricultural production. In

the case of cattle breeding, fire was managed on a rotational

basis during the periods preceding the rains to allow the

pasture to grow back. Furthermore, people used to say that

the ashes in the new pasture provided minerals for animals.

Agricultural crops followed slash and burn. To control the

fire in plantations, they used firebreaks around the area to

keep the fire inside. The fire had a role in reducing weeds and

fertilizing the soil. One area was burned at intervals of two

years, otherwise the land would be weak for agriculture and

in the case of livestock “grass sprouts were of worse quality”.

The use of fire for pasture renewal and clearing the land

was one of the main arguments of the Park to justify the

need to relocate the inhabitants (Management Plan, 2003,

p. 150-51). Seen as a threat towards the conservation of

the Park whenanthopogenic, natural occurrences of fire are

however treated as a normal characteristic of the Cerrado

dynamics (Management Plan, 2003; Ramos and Rosa, 1996).

In this sense, it is said that the ecosystem is adapted to the

phenomenon of sporadic wildfires, providing benefits such

as the promotion of nutrients recycling, fruit dehiscence

and seed dispersal7. Given the flammability of the vegetation

of the Cerrado, sporadic incidences of fire are advised in

order to prevent the accumulation of combustible material,

so preventing larger fires (Silva et al, 2011), contributing to

conservation of the ecosystem (Rosa and Ramos, 1996, p. 37;

Correia, 1999; França and Setzer, 1999)8.

Lastly, the justification for the creation of the Park

underlined the high biodiversity of the areas occupied by

peasants, clearly stating them as “pristine zone”: “the zone

where little or minimum human intervention has occurred and

that contains flora and fauna species or natural phenomena

of great scientific value” (FUNATURA, 2003, p.177) (Figure 4).

In contrast, the Management Plan points to the threat posed

by the permanence of local population for the conservation of

Park especially due to the use of fire. However, this reasoning

was fundamental for the justification of the displacement

that followed the creation of the Park and did not allow

space for either consideration of how traditional livelihood

and ecosystem management by local population had already

contributed to allowed the conservation high biodiversity

levels, or for the interchange of knowledge in respect to the

use of fire as an effective management strategy for future

management of the Park.

Social and environmental impacts of displacement

According to the perspective of the peasants, the policy of

removing people from the protected area not only has social

impacts for the displaced, but also environmental impacts to

the Park itself. First, we will focus on the perception of spatial

change the former inhabitants have when comparing where

they lived before and the settlement they were relocated to.

Second, we will present the local perception of the incidence of

fire in the protected area after the displacement had occurred.

Social impacts indicators: the “freedom” and “squeezed life”

The period before the Park’s creation was considered by

the peasants as “freedom”. Production systems based on

extensive rotation were inseparable from a system of land

tenure in which the properties were not exclusively made up of

spaces for use by their owner, but had continuity with public

land, without fences as boundaries. On that, a dweller said:

“We knew where our home was. But we used more than one

thousand hectares. It was freedom”.

“Freedom” was opposed to the “squeezed life” perceived as

the living conditions after relocation to the settlement created

in 2001 and divided into 90 lots of 25 to 80 hectares each,

fenced and registered. The space before the Park establishment

was referred to as “vast”, “endless land”, “for all”, “opened”. On

the contrary, life in the settlement was described as “tight”. If,

for some of them, the fact of being “in their place and fenced

in” was a sign of improvement, for others it meant they were

“prisoners”.

5 According to FUNATURA (2003), in the first boundary Park area there were 90 resident families (390 people), most of them without land titles (38 families) and smallholders with land title (16). This was also reinforced in the interviews conducted for this study.

6 According to some reports the wire fences were established in the mid-1970s.

7 “Several tree species have thick bark and cork layers that protect the phloem from the fire. In addition, various herbaceous and shrub plants are recurrent and self-regenerate, partly or wholly, after the fire” (FUNATURA, 2003, p. 139). Ramos and Rosa (1996) note that “Cerrado areas submitted to periodic fires are richer in species than areas where fire is suppressed for a long period of time”(p. 36).

8 “To avoid the fire does not appear to be the best option in the Cerrados. Many scientists point to the planned burning and rotation plots as the proper management. This would reduce the spread of fire extension, as there would not be great accumulation of biomass simultaneously throughout the protected area. This method is used in the protected areas in Africa and Australia”. (França and Setzer, 1999, p.73).

6

“Squeezed life” was also attributed to the time when

they lived in the Park, after its creation (between 1989 and

2001), to refer to the regulation of agricultural production

and the difficulty to find alternatives. In this regard, one said:

“The law arrived and we had to leave, I could not plant, put

fire, raise cattle, what would we do?”. During the creation of

the National Park, local dwellers also felt that they had little

understanding of what was actually being created, as one

interviewee recalled: “Those Toyotas were passing there but

nobody knew who they were. After they had been driving a

lot they start disappearing, that was the moment, they say,

it became a Park”. Once established people did not know how

the Park would affect their lives, as an interviewed lady said:

“When the Park was created, we thought it was a fenced area

outside, you know? We thought: ‘how come, just in case we

are in and they go out and lock it, how would we go out?’ “.

In short, “squeezed life” was used by the interviewees to

reflect the spatial limits associated with living in a settlement,

the restrictions to their traditional forms of ecosystem

management as well as distancing from the nature space and

the way they were interacting with it before Park creation.

Environmental impacts: perception of increased fire

Interviewed residents of the Park area had a different

perception about the role of fire compared to those of the

Park creators. For the dwellers, the fire was usually associated

with the sprouting of new shoots, the strengthening of land

and mineral production. Another difference was that for Park

officials the creation of the area and the displacement of

former settlers was intended to decrease the number of fire

events, while for the displaced dwellers the opposite occurred.

People used to say that “the Park is a powder keg”. A

dweller explained: “The Park is now only dry grassland. A spark,

and that place are like powder. In ten minutes, nobody will

extinguish it anymore”. Similarly, another speaker recalled:

“Some years after the Park was settled were worst. The fire

burned everything, nothing was left. People did not burn any

more... Then the fire arrived and the paths could not stop it.

The fire gets very high and goes on”. A third person said: “If the

fire comes, it burns everything. Because it’s all dry. The foliage

is very high, then the fire progresses”.

From their perspective, human presence ensured the

frequent use of fire, crucial for its control. By changing areas,

farmers did not allow accumulation of combustible material

which prevented large uncontrollable fire expansions. This

way, people’s movement promoted the Cerrado renewal; by

removing the community, the protected area was perceived to

have changed the human-ecological dynamics of this system.

DISCUSSION: LESSONS LEARNED FOR GOOD REDD+ GOVERNANCE

The decision-making process followed in the development,

establishment and management of the Park led to weak

participation of the inhabitants. The fact that peasants did

not feel involved in the Park creation process contributed to

their distancing from environmental issues and to build the

idea that production and conservation were mutually exclusive.

In addition to the limited participation, the cost and

benefit distribution associated with the Park was inequitable.

In the case of monetary compensation for displacement, we

observed that i) the compensation for displaced people that

had no land titles (i.e. the majority) was calculated based only

on the area close to the house, despite the fact that the

actual area used by residents was more extensive and included

many community production plots; and ii) the payment only

7

refunded the loss of what people had built and planted. No

compensation was provided for the “natural assets”, i.e. the

reason the Park was created. On the other hand, the large

scale agriculture sector received government incentives for

monoculture, was not displaced and benefited from ecosystem

services (such as water supply) promoted by the adjacent

protected area.

Lessons can also be drawn for the cost-effectiveness of

creating protected areas for REDD+ involving displacement

of forest dwellers. In this case study, the creation of the

Park involved costs such as i) compensation of land lost

by dwellers (in 2003, only 21% of the existing 84.000ha

had been compensated, there are still many legal issues to

be solved); ii) buying the land for the new settlement (two

farms, totalling 5.500ha, were expropriated); and, finally, iii)

maintenance of the protected area where, for example, the fire

control component required the training and equipment of fire

brigades composed of 35 people over a period of six months.

This contrasts with the observation that the involvement of

forest communities in sustainable forest management can

increase economic efficiency while achieving environmental

objectives (Agrawal and Angelsen, 2010).

Furthermore, with displacement, the opportunity to

build strong partnerships among Park managers and forest

dwellers was missed as well as the ability to value and

promote the local lifestyle of Cerrado management which

had preserved this biodiversity-rich ecosystem over time. In

addition, as has been discussed in REDD+ literature on leakage

risks, restricting traditional production practices in one site

raises the risk of transferring these activities to another site

(Angelsen, 2010; Brandon and Wells, 2010) where the socio-

ecological equilibrium is more uncertain.

Finally, we can also learn another important lesson for

environmental effectiveness of REDD+ strategies that aim to

conserve carbon stock in forests where local communities have

established some form of sustainable forest management.

Where human presence has secured the survival of important

biodiversity and has helped to control the expansion of fires

(as in the Cerrado system we analysed), restricting local people

access to forests (i.e. such as in displacement situations) might

increase risks of fires that can affect both biodiversity and

carbon-related conservation objectives (Brandon and Wells,

2010, Sills et al., 2010).

Investing in the notion that the residents are a constituent

part of the environment in which they live and working together

to strengthen sustainable management and conservation of

the natural environment could have increased the possibilities

of conserving standing forests.

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For more information about REDD-net Latin America, contact Raffaele Vignola (rvignola@catie.ac.cr). For information about the programme contact Will McFarland at ODI (w.mcfarland@odi.org.uk).

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