INDONESIAN JOURNAL FOR ISLAMIC STUDIES Volume 4, Number 1, 1997

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PESANTREN AND TAREKAT IN THE MODERN ERA:

AN ACCOUNT ON THE TRANSMISSION OF TRADITIONAL ISLAM IN JAVA A. G. Muhaimin

INDONESIA'S NURCHOLISH MADJID AND ABDURRAHMAN WAHID

AS INTELLECTUAL VLAMk THE MEETING OF ISLAMIC TRADITIONALISM

AND MODERNISM IN NEO-MODERNIST THOUGHT Greg Barton

INDONESIA'S EMERGING MUSLIM FEMINISM: WOMEN LEADERS ON EQUALITY,

INHERITANCE AND OTHER GENDER ISSUES Andree Feillard

SUFISM, POWER POLITICS, AND REFORM: AL-RANIRi'S OPPOSITION

TO HAMZAH AL-FANS0Ri'S TEACHINGS RECONSIDERED Abdallah Vakily

ISSN 0215-0492

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i -

STUDIA ISLAMIKA Indonesian Journal for Islamic Studies

Volume 4, Number 1, 1997

EDITORIAL BOARD: Hat·url Nasution Mnstuhu .If. Quraish Sbihab A Azlz Dab/an M. Sa tria Bfje11di NabilabLubis M. YU11Clll Yusuf Komnruddin Hidayat M. Din S)'amsuddin Muslim Na.mtion \Vahlb Mu 'tbi

EDITOR-IN-CHIEF· Aryumardi Azra

EDITORS: Saiful Mujani Hemiro Prase/yo johan H Meuleman Did in Syafruddin Ali Muuhanif

ASSISTANTS TO THE EDITOR· Ariuf Subban Oman Fatbu"abman He11I Nuroni

ENGLISH lANGUAGE ADVISOR· Kay Bndger

ARABIC LANGUAGE ADVISOR· Fuad M Facbmdd/11

COVER DESIGNER S. Priuka

STUDIA ISI..AMIKA (ISSN 0215·0492) tS a JOUrnal publtshcd quarterly by the hiSIIIut Agama Islam Negeri ( WN. The State lnsututc for lslamtc Studies) S}'arif Hidayatullah, Jakarta. (!iTT DEPPEN No 129ISK!DITJENIPPG/STT/1976) and sponsored by the Department of Religious Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia It speoalizes m Indonesian Islamic srudtes, and tS tntendcd to commum­catt: original researche~ ;tncl current issues on the subject. This journal W'drnlly welcomes contributions fmm scholars of related di~clpllnes.

All an tries published do not necessanly represent the v•ews of the journal, or other lmtiruuom tu whkh ir is affiliated. They nrr solely the views of rhe authors.

A. G. Muhaz.mm

Pesantren and Tarekat in the Modern Era: An Account on the Transmission of Traditional Islam in Java

Abstarksi; Di Jawa, pesantren dan tarekat adalah dua lembaga yang biasanya merryandang cap !slam tradisional. Kedua lembaga ini mempu· nyai missi sama, yaitu menyampailu:m dan melestarikan tradisi Islam da1i generasi ke generasi. Pesantren lebih mengkhususkan misinya pada transmisi tradisi Islam di kalangan generasi muda agannerekasiapmengam· bil peran-peran aktif dtJiam masyarakat tanpa melupakan u~;uan jangka panjang, yaicu mencari keselamatan dan kebahagiaan hidup di akhirat. Sedangkan tan'kat lebih mengutamakan transmisi tradisi !slam di kalang­an orang tua agar mereka siap meghtJdapi hidup di akhirac kelak di saat terasaakhir hayatsernakin mendekat. Seringjuga terjtJdi kedua misi terse· but sekaligus ada pada, atau diemban oleh, lembaga yang sama. Pesan· tren Buntet adalah sa!ah satu contoh yang vitalitas dan dinamikanya da/an1 mengemba11 missi tersebut menarik unwk diamati.

Pesantren Brlntet sudah berusia Ula, didirikan tahun 1750 o/eh K·yai Muqayim, penghulu Keraton Cirebon. Setelah meletakkan jabatannya se· bagai penghulu, Kyai Muqayim menyingkir ke desa lalu mendinkan pesan· tren. fa merasa tidak tahan melihar: kenyataan ter!a/r(, dalamnya campur tangan &Ianda ke dalam urusan internal keraton. Para petinggi Keraton bukan saja takluk kepada kemauatT penjajah, tetapi juga meniru tingkah laku mereka melaltti gt:tya hidup dan peri/aku yang lubarat-baratan, terma­suk dan sa dansi dan minum minuman keras. Yang lebih menyakitkannya lagi adalah kenyataan bahwa sejak tahun 1702 Belanda melarang dilaksan· akannya pengajaran agama dalam lingkungan Keraton. Kesemuanya itu membu4t posisinya sebagai penght~lu tidak lebih dari sebagai penghias m-uk­tur formdl tradisi Keraton.

Pesantren yang rer/etak kira-kira 14 Km sebelah tenggara Koramadya Cirebon,jawa Barat, ini kini masih tegak berdiri. Selain sebagai lembaga

I ~~~~~;~ {slo<mtll~. l'ol J, Nu. /, /?97

pendidikan yang menampung,-i.buan santri, pesantren Btmtetjuga rnerupa· kan pusat gerakan r:arekat, yaittt Syattariyah dan Tijaniyah. Di Indonesia keduanya tennasuk mu'rabarah. Tarekat Syattariyah datang dan cumbuh lebih dahulu dengan pengikut ribuan orang, sedang tarekac Tija:niyah da­tangdan tumbuh kemudian, namun perkembangannya sangatpesat. Dalam konteks Tijaniyah inilah diskusi ten tang Buntetmenjadi lebih mena·rik, kare­na pihak Tijaniyah dianggap oleh tarekat lain sebagai pengtmdang kontro-1/ersi; padahal, Bt4ntet merupakan satu dari dua gerbang bagt masuk dan berkembangnya Tijamyah di jawa dan di Indonesia. pada umumnya.

Pendiri Tarekat Tijaniyah adalah Abu Abbas Ahmad a/-Tijani, yang di­lahirkan di Fez (Algeria) pada 1150 H/1737 M Sesudah melalui }alan pan­jangdalam menitijalan sufi,AbuAbbasa/-Tijani mengajukan klavn-klaim untuk din dan ta1-ekatnya yang, menm"t~t penzlaian non-Tijani, eksklusif dan berlebih-lebihan 1 Kesan ini juga menyangku.t dokmn yang dtbawanya, sedangkan tiadanya silsilah spitiutal dari gum ke guru S?lmpai Nabt Mu­hammad sau·. sebagaimana lazimnya dikenal dalam tradisi r:arekat tumt melengkapz kesalahpahaman dengan pihak lain. Dengan demikian kontro· 1/ersi ten tang Tijaniyah memang menyentuh masalah inti yang secm·a lang­sung menyangkut keabsahcm sebuah organisasi tarekat. Tidak mengheran· kan kalau sejak dtdirikan Tarekat Tijaniyah banyak menghadapi tantan­gan dan hambatan.

Kehadiran Tijaniyah di Indonesia juga tidak sepi dengan tantangan semacam iru, rerur:amadari tarekat-tarekaryangsudah lebihdahuluadaseperti Naqsyahandiyah, Qadiriyah, Khalwatiyah,Syadziliyahdan Syaaariyah. Kon­troversz ini segera men gun dang interuensi NV, organisasi islam tradisional yang mengayomi berbagai organisasi Iarekat. Dalam kongresnya di Cirebon pada 1931, dipmuskan bahu•tJ 7ijamyah tennast~k tarekat mu 'tabarah. Kepu­tl-tsan ini temyatatidakrnenghentikan tantangan kepadanya, terutamadari luar NV. Bahkan dari kalangan NU sendiri gugatan terhadap Tijaniyah muncul kembali dalam kongres Situbondo 1984. Namun gugatan dalam kongres yang menghasrlkan 'kembali ke Khittah 1926, itu ternyata gaga/ sehingga status Tijamyah sebagai tarekat mu'rabarah tetap tak tergoyahkan.

Tarekat TOaniyah mulai dikenal di fndonesia sejak akhir 1920-an me/a­lui dua pintu, yaitu jawa Bar at dan j?l'U'a Timur. Pintu Jawa Bar at dibuka oleh Syekh Ali ai-Tayib ai-Madani dengan membaiat tujuh orang kyai se· bagai muqaddam,pendekar; tennasukdiantara the magnificemSeven' terse­bi-tt ada/a/~ Kyai Abbas, Kyai Anas dan Kyai Akyas, yang kemudian me· megang per an kunci bagt perkembangan Tijaniyah selanjutnya. Sedangkan pintu jawa timur dibuka oleh Abdul Hamid ai-Futi dengan membaiat dua kyai setempat sebagai muqaddam

ir~otij., lsl•rnikn. Vol. 4. Nn. I. 1991

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Introduction

I n Java, pesantren (Islamic Boarding School) and tarekat, meaning (mystical) path, are the hall-marks of traditional Islam. The former is a place where syare'at (shari'ah, the exoteric dimension of Is-­

lam) is transmitted ro the next generation; the second, in the strictest sense, is an organization by which the esoteric dimension of Islam is established, especially among the aged. 1 The pesantren mainly pre­pares the young ro cope with thetr immediate future in social life. It enables them to undertake active and acceptable participation in vari­ous societal roles without neglecting the more distant future, the here­after. The tarekat (tarlqah, sufi order), on the other hand, prepares the aged to cope with their immediate future. It attempts to secure for followers', safety and well being in the hereafter, once they feel that their worldly life is close ro its end. In addition, the tarekat at­tempts to open the heavens to the public. It is a way to ensure equity of opportunity for entry ro paradise between religiously knowledge­ab le individuals and the laymen, and between the nch and the poor.~

The tarekat is usually associated with tasawuf The objective of joining a tarekat comes after a commitment to the sufi way (tasawu/) is taken by means of cleansing the heart (oofiyat al·qalb). In practice, taSawuf is a strict adoption of the Islamic precepts through obser­vance of both obligatory and recommended religious work for at­raining God's favor. Although not always, the by-product of doing tasawuf, if God's favor is obtained, is the ability of the individual to attain the knowledge of the Divine Truths, the Essence (hakekat) . The artainmenr of the Truth is ma'rifar, literally meaning knowing the Reality (gnosis). Ma 'rifat (gnosis) is knowing the haqfqah, the Es­sence or Divine Truth. Thts hakekac can be attained by following tasawtif, cleansing the heart. It is said that to many people, doing tasawuf. although not essential, is much easier and more convenient if tt is carried out by following a certain tarekar (path). Whichever one would choose, the pre-requisite for following rarekac is the ob­servance of syare'az. As not every Muslim observes the syare'at, nor every Muslim who observes the ryare'atwishes to follow a tarekar. In rurn, not all the Muslims who follow a certain tarekac could attain the hakeka~ and thus experience ma'1·ijar. In local, popular, Javanese usage syare(at, tarekat, hakekat and ma <rifat form a sequence to char­acterize the degree of piety in which the first is the lowest and the last is the highest. Due to either individual or societal facrors only u·tdi (lit. "friend of God") is thought to be like-ly ro reach ma'rifat.

To figure out how a certain tttrekat manifests itself within a Javanese socio-religious context, in this paper, I would like to present a brief account of two tttrekat, the Shattariyyah and the Tijaniyyah, operat­ing at Pesamren Bunter which is located in Desa Mertapada Kulon, District of Astanajapura, about 14 km south-east of the city of Cirebon, West Java. This pesantren is acclaimed as one of the oldest in Java. It was firstly established in 1750 by Kyai Muqayim, known as Mbah Muqayim, formerly Court Religious Official (Penghulu) of Cirebon Royal House (Kraton Cirebon). Opposing the Dutch intrusion into the internal affairs of the kraton, and seeing some of the kraton digni­taries subserviently fall into the embrace of the Dutch rule (some of them even exhibited behavior which was against the shari'ah such as dancing and drinking alcohol)3 Mbah Muqayim left his position in the kraton ~nd went to a village in favor of living outside the kracon wall. He established a mosque and a hut where he and his followers dwelt and began to teach religion. Bearing his forme r honorable po­sition as Penghulu K>·aton, along with his profound knowledge of religion and exemplary behavior, he attracted manysrudems and soon his hut was full of learners and they had to erect more huts. Finally, it became a learning centre and develops into a pesantren complex which evolves until this day. Now, this pesantreo has grown and is currently one of the biggest pesantrens in West Java, with more than 4000 santri.4 Putting the Bunter case into a wider context, I would say that especially in Java, pesantren and tarekat are institutions whose role in the transmission and maintenance of religious traditions has been crucially important.

Early Tarekat in Buntet: Shatt1riyyah Pesamren Bunter gives homage to two tarekat, the Shanariryah,

which came earlier and the Tijaniyyah which came later. Both be­long to the tarekat mu'cabarah (accepted tarekar).' Although since its first stage Pesantren Buntet has been associated with Shattariyyah (the Shattariyyah Order)/' the fo rmal introduction of this tttrekac within the pesantren circle is said to have been announced publicly only after Kyai Anwaruddin Kriyani al-Malebari (Ki Buyut Kriyan) arrived. When Kyai Mutta'ad led the pesantren, Kyai Anwaruddin, married Nyai Ruhillah, daughter of KyaiMmta 'ad; after that he pub­licly set up the tarekat in Pesantren Bunter.

Tablr-1

The Spiritual ~ndlu~y (Silsii4!J) of T4r<kat 'ihnttariyyah at Buoret

1. n~ Prvplm Muhammatl l. Ali bin A bi Talib J. Huscin -1. z.,in a/- 'A bid in 5. Al-&qir 6. ]a 'for SadUf l. Abi Yazid ai-Buslftmt k. Mnbammad Mt~i!,luibi 9 . .-lbi }~tzid t~I·'Ashnq

10. A bt .~fudajfor Turki al-Ttm II. HtfSifn 1\huq.tm 1]. Hadaqly IJ. Muhammad 'Asbiq J.l, 'II rif H ,lbdil/abSJ"'tl4ri 16. Q:rdhi Shallitrt 17 lltday:rtil/rrh £rrmfll IIi'. Hudari 19. A!Gbawtb 10. StiJRIMtt!MJ 1/ Ahmad Sb.mtnt f ai-Shmw~oq 11. Abmad QashnslJI [~1-QushSshi) lJ. Media Jbmlmn ai·Mn'alla [lbr-ihim ~1-KI',rani] 1+. J:.hir[lbn Ibrahim -...t-KMn1) JS. !l>rabim 16. f'abir Mad:mt 17 Mt,Jdmmnd £r_wd Mad"m 1/i'. 1\yt~it!sy'ati 1~. Mubmmnnrl A n'IJKrruddm Kriyani (Ki Buyut Kriyan).

Trimingham describes Shattariyyah 's origins as being obscure. The rarekar is claimed to be in the Taifuri tradition but its foundation is attributed to 'Abdallah ai-Shattar, a descendant of Shihab ad-Din as­Suhrawardt According tO Trimingham 'Abdallah was sent by his pir (a leader of the order), Muhammad 'Arif, to India; first to Jawnpur, then to Mandu where he died in 1428/9. His Path was spread by his pupils, especially Muhammad' Ala', known as Qazan Shanari of Ben­gal. Its full development as a disrincrive order is attributed ro Shah Muhammad Ghawth of Gwalior (circa. 1517) who was succeeded by Shah Waj1h al~Dtn (circa. 1018/1609) who, in Gujerat, was known as a great saint. Although its chain clearly links with Suhrawardiyyah, this tarekat does nor regard itself as an offshoot of any order. In Iran and Turan Shatrariyyah was known as 'Ishqiyah, and in Ottoman

Turkey as Bisdmiyyah.7 It was brought to Indonesia (Aceh) by Abdul Rauf Singkel, who brought with him the theosophical doctrines of the seven stages of creation (Martabat Tujuh). Among his students was Shaykh Abdul Muhyi who brought the tarekat to south Priangan (West Java) via Cirebon.8 Although it is said that before going to south Priangan Shaykh Muhyi married and lived in Cirebon for some period of time, Tarekat Shattariyyah in Buntet has no link with him nor with Abdul RaufSingkel because the Shattariyyah came to Buntet from a different source.

In Bunret, Kyai Anwaruddin Kriyani al-Malebari (Ki Buyut Kriyan), the founder of rhe Shanariyyah order in Buntet received his authority as a murshid Oeader) from Kyai Asy'ary ofKaliwungu (Cen­tral Java). Table-1 shows the spiritual genealogy (silsilah) of Kyai Asy'ari ro whom Kyai Anwaruddin in turn traced his authority. The latter therefore, is the 29th in the genealogical chain that relates him spiritually to the Prophet. As a Shattariyyah murshid, Kyai Anwarud­din in turn authori:z,ed Kyai Muhammad Saleh Zamzami, the founder of Pesantren Benda at Benda Kerep, ro become a new murshid when Kyai Zamzami was 57 years old (1317 /1898). Kyai Saleh Zamzami authorized his brother at Buntet, Kyai Abdul Jarnil, who authorized first Kyai Abbas and then Kyai Ahmad Zahid. Kyai Abbas autho­rized Kyai Mustahdi, who authorized Kyai Abdullah Abbas, Kyai Fu'ad Hasyim and Abbas Shobih (K.ang Obi h). Kyai Ahmad Zahid, on the other hand, authorized Kyai Izzuddin (Figure-1).

Figure-! Rec-ndtmem of Shmariyyah Murshid in Buntet

I: A. G. \(tJMimin

In addition to rhis, Tarekat Shattariyyah is sa1d to have been pan of kraton traditions but it seems to have a different genealogy. The present Shatd.riyyah murshid within the kraton circle is P.S. Sulendraningrat of Kaprabonan at Lemah Wungkuk. He is a 15th descendant of Sunan Gunung Jati and the writer of Sejarah Cirebon and Babad Tanah Srmda, Babad Cerbon.9 Mbah Muqayim who was Penghulu Kraton, the founder of Pesantren Bunter, is said to have been a mrmhid ofShanariyyah kraton although in Buntet he did not recruit members or, if he did, it was not done publicly. In Bunter Tarekat Shatrariyyah had won thousands of followers but after the death ofKyai Mustahdi its organizational significance has diminished considerably.10 Now, this tareka.t still persists and is still strong in Benda Kerep (within the city of Cirebon), but in Buntet it seems to

have been left as a mere individual observance rather than a well organized group.11

T arekat Tijaniyyah Currently in Bunter, another tarekat, the Tijaniyyah, is much more

dominant than Shattariyyah. Tijaniyyah seems robe more attractive among the Javanese and thus, with special reference to Bumet, ir deserves a special mention. In addition to this, as we shall see, Bunter has been one of the important door-ways for the further spread of this tarekat to other parts of Java, especially West Java. It is this spe­cial role that I wish to Stress in the subsequent discussionY

The Origm ofTijaniyyah Tarekat Tijaniyyah was founded by Abu-'Abbas Ahmad who

claimed to be the 21st descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. He was born in 1150/1737 at 'Ayu Mad! in south Algeria. His father, Muhammad bin Mukhtar, is said to have been a pious man of learn­ing who lived and taught at' A yU Mad!, whereas his mother, "Sayyidah 'Aishah binti 'Abdullah bin al-Sanusl-al-Tijanl" was of the original Tij£ml tribe of 'Ayll Mad land thus the name al-Tijanl for Abu-' Abbas Ahmad is derived from his motherY

At seven years of age, Ahmad al-Tijanl is said to have read the whole Qur'an well, especially in Nafi' style (qira'ac Nafi') . He then studied various religious subjects. He learned Mrtkhtashar ai-Shaykh Khalll, a s~1mrnary of Malikite jurisprudence, read Risalah ]ama'ah ai­Sufiyyah bi Bil~d al-l slam by Abu al-Qasim al-Qusayrl, studied Muqad­dima oflbn Rushd and al-Akhdari and became a learned figure. He taught a number of students and gave fotu-P.. (legal judgement) when

PtMntn" ,.,J Tnrdtttr ;,. tbt Modtm £•• I I

he was 20. At 21 years of age he felt a call to the Sufi life and started travelling. He came to Fez in 1171/1757-8 in search of Sufi shaykh, studied the Prophetic traditions and joined three Sufi brotherhoods, the Qadiriyyah, the Nashtriyyah and the tariqah of Ahmad al-Habib bin Muhammad.1" Among the Sufi shaykh whom Ahmad al-Tijanl met was Muhammad bin Hasan al-Wanajali a great wali of his time who, at mount Zabib, said that aJ-Tijanl would have a position (maqam) equal to al-Sba.dhilt Ahmad al-Tijanl became a real Sufi at 31 after contemplation (riyadah) for a period of time. 14

Ahmad al-Tijant went to Tunis, then to Mecca on pilgrimage in 1186/1772-3. On his way to Mecca he stopped at Azwawi, a town near Algiers and became initiated into the Khalwatiyyah order with Mahmad ibn 'Abdul Rahman. He spent a year in Tunis, teaching the Kitab ai-Hikam of Ibn Ata' Allah, then went to Egypt to meet Shaykh Mahmud al-Kurdt, the Khalwatiyyah chief in Cairo. He reached Mecca on Shawwal 1187/1773-4, then performed his Hajj. In Mecca he tried to meet a great Indian, Sufi Ahmad bin 'Abdullah al-Hindi. Although he failed to meet him in person, via al-Hindl's servant, al­Tijant received a written message from him saying that al-Tijani had inherited all at-Hindi's occult mystical learning, and that ai-Tijani would reach an equal status with Abu al-Hasan al-Shadhill. Two monrhs after that al-Hindl died. 16

Table-2

Anrestr-al Genealo~ of Abu Abbls Ahmad ai-Tij~ni The founder of Tijamyyah order

l. The Pro(>het Muhamm.td 2. 'Ali bin A hi Talib 3. H<lS.UI al-Sibti 4. H.1san al-Mmhdnn.t 5. Abdulldh 6. MuhJmmall .ln·N.tfs JI·Zakiyva h 7. Ahmad , ' 8. 'Ali Z~vn "1-'Abldin 9. lshlq '

10. ldris I I. 'Abdul J abb.~r 12. · Ahbls 13. 'Ahdill.lh H. 'Ali 15. Ahm.ul 16. Ahmo~~.l al-' Alw1ni t7. s .. llm IS. MuhammAd 19. Mukhtar 20. Muhamm.td ; I. AbU 'Abbh Ahmad ,ti-Tijdnl

After finishing his pilgrimage al-Tijani went to Madmah to visit the Prophet's tomb and mer Shaykh 'Abdul Karim as-Sammlnl, the Sammaniyyah chief (a branch of Khalwatiyyah), who foretold hts potential for becoming rhe dominant qutb (pole). AI-Tijani left Arabta in 1191/1777-8 for Africa vta Egypt where Mahmud al-Kurd1 autho­rized him to preach rhe Khalwattyyah order in North Africa. He did not return to 'Ayn Mldl however, but went to Fez and then ~ettled in Tlemsen (Algeria) until 1196/1781-2. From Tlemsen he went tO

Shallala and settled in Stdt Abi Samgbun, an oasis 75 miles south of Geryville. There, in that year (1196/1781-2), he marked the founda­tion of the Tijan1yyah order when he announced to his followers that the Prophet appeared to him in daylight whtle he was fully con­scious and in active m10d {J1aqdah), not dreaming. The Prophet, he said, authorized him to start a new work of al-carbiyyah (spiritual guidance) and assigned him his order's 11:ird (litanies), consisting of istighfar (asking God's pardon) 100 times and sala·wat (exaltation of the Prophet Muhammad) 100 nmesY

In AH 1200, al-Tijanl claimed, the Prophet reappeared and com­pleted the litanies with htnla/ah (uttenng there is no God but Allah). Fourteen months later, on Muharram AH 1214 al-Tijani claimed to

have reached a posnion of 'the pole of (waif) poles' (al·qutbamyyah al­'uzma) which means that he obtained rhe 'highest rank of rhe high­est' within the current 'IJ..•a!z hrerarchy. On 18th Safar of the same year he attamed another position, 'the hidden seal of all poles' (al· khatm u•a al-kamz) or 'the hidden end of the htghesr pole.' This im­plied that there would be no more u:ali pole whose position is hrgher rhan himself. 1K Bearing two positiOns simultaneously, al-Tijani reltn­quished his former affihanon with the four orders wnh the assertion that along wirh teaching him the litanies for hts order in person, the Prophet himself also ordered al-Tijani to give up all hts former affili­ations wirh the other orders. This was an official proclamation rhat al­Tijan1 only recognized the Prophet as h1s master and hence the Tijaniyyah adherents claimed their order as a!· Tartqah a1-Muhammadiyyah, a name similar to that claimed by the followers of Sanusiyyah and Kmaniyyah for their own carekat. 1

'' Al-TiJani died on 12 Shawwal 1230/22 Septem­ber 1815 when he was 80 years old. He was buried tn Fez.

Some Tzjaniyyah>s Essemial Doctrines There are some essential doctrines which mark Tijaniyyah as be­

ing distim.t from other raYekat. I wish to mention briefly some of

them before discussing the specific role of Pesamren Bumet with re­gard to th1s tarekat. Trimingham characterized TiJaniyyah as belong­ing to the 19th century revival movement mainly because:

He (Ahmad ai-Tijjnl, the founder nf the t.mk.tt) unpmed no pen.mc~' or retreat\ md the rituaJ WJS not compli~·ated. He erupba~ited ahove all the need for tnterccs~or between God anll man, the interce~'or ~·f tht' .tf_e bcin~ himself aa\ll hi' ~uccessm,, HL~ followers wc.:re ~trictly forbidden, n<)t merely to pay thl· .:hd nf allegaancc 10 ,tnv other \hd) kh, hut to m3ke tn\'OCation~ t•l any uiJ/i 1ldaer rhan humelf ... .20

Ir is a common belief among the Sufis that rheir shaykh are orga­nized in a spiritual hierarchy, hence a Sufi of high reputatton of sanc­tity and learning, could claim to have attained a certain rank in rhe hierarchy. His followers had only to accept on trust what their Shaykh's claimed.~ 1 In this comext, ai-Tijanlrook the liberty of claim­ing to occupy two of the highest positions simultaneously, one being Qutb ai-Aqtab (the Pole of the Poles) rhe orher being Khatm a!-Wilayah ai-Muhamrnadiyah (the Seal of Muhammadan Sainthood). This two­fold position in relation to other waiL is drawn parallel to the posi­tion of the Prophet Muhammad vis-a-vis other prophets. The Prop her Muhammad was the Khatm (seal) of the prophets in the sense that he was to complete all the marvels of the or her prophets, and that rhere would be no prophet sent to earth after him. Al-Tijanl on the mher hand, was the Khatm of the waif in the sense that he bore a complete and perfect embodiment of wilayah before and after him, and thar if ever there may be other wall after him1 none would surpass or super­sede al-Tijanl in rank.!1

Al-Tijanl is not a unique claimant of the Qutb ai-Aqcab and the Khatm ttl· Wilaydh. This position had been claimed by Muhyi al-Din ibn al-'Arabi. He was a famous Andalustan Sufi in rhe 13th century whose theosophical concepts greatly influenced al-Tijan~ especially regarding the concept of a/-khatm.1' The position was also claimed in the 14th century by an Egyptian 'All bin Wafa' for his father, Muhammad bin Wafa', and by the founder of Kitdniyyah order, Muhammad bin al-Kablral-Kirranl ofMorocco in the 19th century.~4

The Tijanls however, assert that later on, Ibn al-' Arabi found thar he himself had been mistaken and thus he wrote in his al·fJmlhdt ai­Makkiyy4h that the !<hatm ai-Wi/J.yah ai-Muhammadiyah would be a man of noble Arab origin, hving in his (Ibn 'Arabi's) own rime, in Fez, and when God would try to locate this man among people, they would not believe him. Besides the fact that no one else in Fez had

14 ~. (j ,\fufMtiTitll

announced such a claim, except that "the Khatm a/-Wilayah would be living in his (Ibn a!-' Arabi's) time," all points to Ibn a!-' Arabi's for­mal disavowal for his own status to be taken over by the Tijanis to confirm al-Tijani's position . .!."

Claiming this superior position above other wall, along with giv­ing up his affiliation with other orders al-Tijanr posited his own or­der tO excel the others. This claim, in turn, was formed into a doc­trine which requires that all Tijani followers should neither join any other orders nor seek for barJkah from other wa/1 by v1siting them, dead or alive. Further, as every Tijanl is required to bind his hearr completely to his own Tijanl Shaykh, no Tijanl follower is allowed to associate with any other order at the same time. Thus, anyone who would like to become a Tijani should be spiritually free. If he is a member of a certain order he has to give up his membership in his former order. The prohibition for a Tijan1 to join another tarekat is however accompanied by the Tijaniyyah rejoicing doctrines. Kicab ai-Rimah affirms al-Tijani's assertion that (by the will of God) his faithful companions shall not enter the mahsharwith other laymen.1' '

While being at the Mahsha:r, Tijaniyyah followers will not encounur suffering even for a second until they are settled in the highest heav­ens. On the Day of Judgement faithful Tijanl companions will not stay at the stations amidst the mass of laymen; instead they will rest under rhe shadow of God's Throne. In addition, the Prophet himself had taught ai-Tijani in words, the salawat jawharat a I- Kamal, and af­firmed that whoever recites rhis salau•at, will have the Prophet and the Pout Companions present with him during the recital.~ All the rejoicing and other doctrines tend ro impress exclusiviry, as if the Tijani followers were above the orher Muslims and this, cenainly, provokes disagreement, even refutations.

Another feature worth mentioning, which distinguishes Tijaniyyah from other tarekat, is concerned with the notion of a spiri­tual genealogy chain (silsi!ah). In ordinary Sufi traditions, a tarekat, including the already mentioned Shattariyyah, will produce a long list of names by which the present Shaykh and the founder of the tarekat are linked together spiritually in terms of master-ro-master lineage, back tO ai-Junayd or al-Bustlmi and via 'All or Abu Bakr, to the Prophet Muhammad. It is this silsilah that validates that its rituals come fr6m the Propher and that ensures the tlow of barakah. Con­rrary to this, al-Tijanl produced no silsilah because, as al-Tijani him­self claimed, and as • AH al-Harazim puts it in his jawahir al-Ma 'anf (an official Tijani reference), the Prophet appeared to him when he

was awake (yaqddh) and mstructed him in all the litanies and the number of times they were to be repeated.28 Thus, if present muqaddam (Tijaniyyah shaykh), have a silsilah, ir will be much shorter than that which is ordinarily known for a Sufi silsilah.~1

Currently Tijaniyyah has become an established order through­out the Muslim world including Indonesia, and especially in Java. With all its peculiarities and crucial points it has encountered oppo­sition and rejection over time. An serious early rejection came from Muhammad al-K.hidr bin Ma Ya'ba (1927). In his Muscaha ai-Kharif a/-Tzjani, al-Kh1dr devoted a full chapter to recount the absurdiry of al-Tijani's claim. He also attempted to prove that al-Tijani's claim has no grounds in the Prophetic traditions. The Tijanis, on the other hand, consider that what had happened with their master and the presu.med direct communication with the Prophet while he was awake was a sign of the Prophet's favor and thus ensured the sratus of the tarekat as being above others . .JO In addition, al-Khidr's attitude to­wards the Tijaniyyah seems to have been motivated, at least partly, by political outlook rather than purely on theological grounds. This is due to the fact that upon the death of al-Tijanl and the collapse of the Turkish rule, al-Tijanl's successors, for their own reasons (prob­ably due to the opposition from other tarekat), brought Tijaniyyah into subservient co-operation with French colonialism in Algeria, at that rime.11

When Tijaniyyah was brought ro Java at the end of 1920s and in the early the 1930s, similar refutations also came from some already established orders such as Naqshbandiyyah, Qadiriyyah, Shattariyyah, Shadhiliyyah and Khalwatiyyah.32 The most notable one came from Sayyid 'Abdullah bin Sadaqah Dahlan, an Arab who settled in Java, the nephew of Sayyid Ahmad bin Zayn! Dahlan, a distinguished Shafi'ite Mufti in Madinah. In the same way as Muhammad al-Khidr bin Ma Ya'ba did, Sayid ·Abdullah referred to the crucial points con­tained in the Tijaniyyah doctrines. He recounted the fallacies of rhe doctrines, and denounced them by saying that some 'ulama' in Mo­rocco, Egypt and Hijaz had accepted Tijaniyyah as umrueY the crisscrossing argumems for and against Tijaniyyah that prevailed at that time called for intervention from the Nahdlarul Ulama (NU), the traditionalist Muslim organization that takes a number of tarekat under its umbrella. In its sixth Congress in August 1931, held in Cirebon, in which Kyai Adlan Ali, a prominent figure of Pesamren Cukir,Jombang (East Java) was appointed Chairman, the Tijaniyyah issue was included in the agenda. After a long and exhausting debate

~t».{i~ M~miltd, Vol.+. l\"n. /. 1997

chaired by Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari, the Congress finally agreed that Tijaniyyah is mu'tabarah. This, nevertheless, did not end the anri­Tijtwiyyah campaign especially outs1de the NU circle. Further refu­tation, for example, came from Kyai Muhammad Ismail of Cracak (Cirebon), a distinguished Shaykh of the Qadiriyyah wan-Naqshban­diyyah order who personally was not affiliated to the NU Through his pamphlets, he raised renewed and sophisticated arguments simi· Jar to those expounded by earlier ami-Tijaniyyah proponems.34

Quite recently, another refutation even came from within the NU circle when Kyai As'ad of Pondok Kramar in Pasuruan (East Java) issued a 94 page manuscript. '5 The manuscript was a translation in the Madurese vernacular of the Wudtm ai-Dala'il, originally written on 26 Rabi' al-Than1 1930/19-20 (September 1930). Through this translation he turned the Tiianiyyah issue from being a scholarly concern to a public concern. The polemic became complicated, al­beit degraded, because some non-'ulama' became involved in the af­fair . .!O In a session held on December 1984atPesanrren Nurul Qadim, Probolinggo (East Java), Kyai As' ad demanded that the NU review the Cirebon decision regarding rhe legitimacy of the Tijaniyyah.ln theses­sion which was part of the 27th NU Congress centered at Pesamren Asem Bagus, Situbondo (East Java), Kyai As' ad encountered strong op­position from other kyai (traditional 'ulama') md failed to have his de­mand put into effect.-v The result was that the status of Tijaniyyah a.s mu'tabarah remained unshaken.

Under seemingly continuous opposition, Tare kat Tijaniyyah keeps growing. It relies on simple rites relative to other tarekat, yet prom­ises its adherents high spiritual efficacy and merit. Together With 1ts friendlyatttrude towards worldly life rather than the ascetic tendency usually exhibited by other Sufi orders, "Ti)aniyyah is suitable for every one, even the busy pt!ople of modern times; it is even suitable for civil servants," said Kyai 'Abdullah Syifa, a Tijaniyyah muqaddo.m .u Buntet. Currently, Tiianiyyah enjoys wide acceptance from many people ranging from 'ubma', state dignitaries, and intellectuals to ordinary laymen. 'X

Tbe Role of Bttntet In his special account on rhe rise of T1jan1yyah on Ja\'a, Pi)per

states that Tarekat Tijaniyyah was not known in java beiore 1928. A wandering Arab, born in Madinah, Shaykh 'All bin 'Abdull3.h al­Tayylb al-Azharl, is held responsible for the introduction of this

carek4.c to Java, especially through his work, Kitab ai-Munyah fi al­Tarzqat a!-TJjttl1lyyah, Tasikmalaya: 1349/January 1928, a treatise on Munyah ai-Mudd_-~<~ Pijper pmms out further that from the age of nine, Shaykh 'All al-Tayytb had smdied in Cairo where he remained for 20 years; he then stayed and taught m Mecca for six years. He returned to Madinah and worked as a mufti for about ten years, then came to Java. First he stayed in Cianjur, then successively in Boger, Tasikmalaya and back in Cianjur.ln Java hts life included teaching and extensive travel from Banten to Surabaya selling religious books, including hts own work, Kitab Mzshk4.t ai-Anwar fi Strat ai-Nabf ai­Mukhtar, Tasikmalaya: (undated). Pi1per claimed that he had mer Shaykh 'All al-Tayytb at his house on the slope of mount Gede in Cianjur.~

In sptre oi his clatm of havmg met' Ali bin 'Abdullah al-Tayy1b in Cianjur in 1929, Ptjper seems to give a quite puzzling explanation. It is rather naive to think that a distinguished scholar holding a presti­gious position for ten years in Madinah, migrated to Java to become a petty trader of religious books. Ptjper also says that when he met, 'Ali bm 'AbduHah al-Tayylb was already old and did not have dis­Ciples from the nearby areas, etc. This contradicts his biographical account stated above, whereby 'All al Tayylb should have been 45 when he camt" to Java (from the age of 9 years old, he stayed in Catro for 20 years, then in Mecca 6 years, and in Madinah 10 years). Ac­cording tO Kyai Fahtm, ~mong the key figures for the development of Tijaniyyah on Java was Shaykh 'All bin 'Abdull3.h al-Tayylb al­Madani (an al Azhar graduate from which the addition of al-Azhari may be derived). He was a prominent scholar with high authority in religious affairs, staying m Madinah, not m Java He, however, vis­ned Java several times to see his son, Muhammad bin 'Ali bin' Abdul­Uh al-Tayylb, an Arab immigrant who had also srudted at al-Azhar but stayed 1njava (Boger). The latter became a Ti)aniyyah Muqaddam with whom Kyai Fauzan Fathullah, the writer of Bwgrafi ai-Qutb ai­Maktfim, one of my references, was iniuated. (Shaykh) Muhammad bin 'Ali bin 'Abdullah al-Tayyib of Bogor lived m the same period with Kyai Abbas, Kyai An:tS and Kyai Akyas, three muqaddam from Buntet. They were all authonzed as muqaddam by Shaykh 'Ali al­Tayy1b -al-Madani, father of (Shaykh) Muhammad bin 'Ali bin 'AbdullJh ai-Tayyab of Bogar. IfKyai Fahtm is right, Pijper might have confused the two names, Shaykh 'All btn 'Abdull5.h al-Tayyib al Madani (al-Azhar~ who stayed in Madinah, and his son, Shaykh

l~ A. Q, Mwbnimh'

Muhammad bin 'All bin 'Abdullah al-Tayyib (al-Azharl) who stayed in Bogar. Thus, according to local Tijan1 sources, the spread of Tijaniyyah in Java is mainly attributed to rwo figures, one was 'Ali al-Tayyib a!-Madani, an authoritative scholar in Madinah who formed the gate way to West Java by recruiting seven West Javanese muqaddam, the other was' Abd al-Hamld al-Futl, also a distinguished scholar in Arabia who formed the gate way to East Java by recruiting two East Javanese. Table-3 shows that 'All al-Tayy1b al-Madanl, who was held responsible for the spread of Tijaniyyah in West Java., traced his spiritual genealogy with Ahmad al-Tijanl through two different sources: Shaykh Adam bin Muhammad Saib al-Barnaw1 and Shaykh Muhammad Alfa Hash1m.~1 This spiritual link can also be seen from Figure-2

Table -3 Spiritual genealogy of Sh~ykb Ali JI-Thayyib ai-Mada01

(We)t Java gate of Tijaniyyah)

Chain-1

l Ahmad al-Tijan'l 2 Muhammad ibn Qhim al-Bisrl

& 'Abd Wahab al-Ahmar 3 Ahmad al-Banl al-Flsi

Adam ibn Muhammad Saib al-B.unaw1 5 'Ali .tl-Tayylb ai-M.!danl

Chain-2

I Ahmad al-Tijjnl 2 Muhammad ai-Ghala 3 Amr ibn Sa'ad al-Futi 4 al-Haj a~-S.fid 5 Muhammad Alfa Hashu11 6 'Ali ai-T,tyyib JI-Madanl

The seven West Javanese muqaddam recruited by Shaykh 'All al­Tayyib were his own grandson, Shaykh Muhammad bin 'Ali bin 'Abdullah al-Tayylb (Bogar), Kyai Asy'ari Bunyamin (Garut), Kyai Badruzzaman (Garut), Kyai 'Utsman Dlamiri (Cimahi, Bandung) and three brothers Kyai Abbas, Kyai Anas and Kyai Akyas (Buntet). It was these West Javanese 'magnificent seven' who were in turn, re­sponsible for the further spread ofTijaniyyah, not only in Wesr]ava but also in Central and Easr Java because later, many other Javanese muqaddam were initiated by one or more of them. Among the Tijanl, this silsilah grew into a complex crisscrossing spiritual chain as some muqaddam. for various reasons, either for seniority or intellectual considerations, took initiation from more than one superior muqaddam (muqaddam min muqaddam). Kyai Hawi, father of a cur­rent muqaddam at Buntet, Kyai Fahim, for example, rook initiation from Kyai Saleh. Kyai Abbas, Kyai Anas, Kyai Akyas and, when he

went to Mecca, from a very senior muqaddam, Shaykh Muhammad Hafh.ai-Tijanl. The latter had onlyrwo Shaykh that spiritually linked him with Ahmad al-Tijant, the founder of the order.~2

Figure-2 Main Entrance of Tijaniyyah to Java

Muhammad Abd. Wahbab .tl-Qasim al-Bisrl al-Ahmar

~./ Ahmad al-B3ni

.tl-F1hi

Adam ban Muhamnud Saab

.ti-Barnawl

·Ali al-Tan·ib al-Maclani

S~:ven West J.wanese M11qadd.1m

MtdwnmJd aJ-GhaB

'Amr bin Sa'id .ti·Fiiti

Jl-H.tjj .1s-Sd'id

I Muhammad

Alfa Hashim

Ahd. Hamid ai·FI'iti

Two E.ISl Javanese Muqadtlnm

(?)

(?)

Muh.Hdfiz JI-Tijdni

H,JWI

(Bun ret)

Kyai Abdullah Syifa, another current muqaddam ar Buntet, took his initiation from Kyai Hawi and Kyai Akyas. Kyai Fauzan Fathullah (Sidagiri. Pasuruan, East Java), the writer of Biog?·afiA!-Qwb Maktil.m, was initiated by Kyai Khozin Syamsul Mu 'in (Probolinggo), Kyai Muhammad bin Yusuf (Surabaya) and Shaykh Muhammad bin 'Ali bin 'Abdullah al-Tayyib (Boger).

F1t;ur-J Rcnuumcnt of TijJniyyah MuqaJtlam frnm Bunte\

~7 \ \' ' s,,,,h / u\~dn" // I \ \ Do111in Zanwl Muhammad Alxl Muh Munado B.1kri HA WI (Bandun!:) (GJrut)

KhoJ.r Rais

~ \ Ahllull~h Syif.1 (Bunter)

Junaidi (S•dnmulyo)

Fa him Hn11 (Bumet)

lmJm Maufur Subki (Klavan) (Kunintan)

Muh Hb. Muh Baidlow1 '1\t'''f Ba\alamah (Sumenl'P)

iSunh•y•) (Brei/ 1

Khuzin SyJrmul Mu.in

Hh LuqmJn (Bog or)

\ Ro~..,y•d (Po.t\\' ah.Ail)

M.1hfudz. (Cirebon)

Sv Abd Atit O<~karw)

Fd117...lD

FJthullab (Sidagm)

Ny Hamnah (Kuniug.tn)

D~mJI

(Ganll)

HhM Alt

Hbj~·far (Bngnr)

Shaykh 'Abd al-Hamtd al-Furl, the main gate- for East java, traced his authority from Muhammad AI fa Hashim (source 2 number 4 of Table-J).In turn, 'Abd al-Hamid al-Futi, initiated two East Javanese, Kyai Khoz1n Syamsul Arifin and KyaiJauhar. Kyai Khoz.in Syamsul Arifin initiated Kyai Mukhlts (Surabaya), whereas Kya1 Jauhar miti­ated Kyat Muhammad Tijani (Madura). Thus, even a muqaddam who took initiation from only one superior muqaddam will automatically

~r..Ji~ /sl.,,,;l.:.t. I 'o/. ~. ,y;, I . I~Y]

inherit multiple silsilah because through Shaykh 'Ala bin Abdullah al-Tayyib, he can trace at leasttwo lines, those of Shaykh Adam al­Barnawi and Shaykh Muhammad Alfa Hashim. How complex the silsilah is can be observed from Figure-4.

I

l<m•il

I

Badru~ .l.tm~n

llh Muh b. Sh Ali H-'1 ~yih

Ahmad Tijani

Am r h S.t' d •1-Fu ti

"hihah ~1 Barnawi M Alfa Ha~him

---------Ali 1t-T~,·ih ~1 Madani

/\~ bbas Ana< Akyas Sa'ram 'lh Muh b ~ \ Bunvamin 'All at-Tayib

u~m•n Soleh [)lumiri

I bwi

Muh Yusui Ahdull•h

I sy;r.

HbMuh BaS.tlamah

~ Jauha r Kh .. 1.1n

S. Arifin

Muh J"ijani Mukhh•

Baidlawa

Imam Maufur A Mursyid Badri Subki Ma.sduki 1\hozin Ny. I !alimah Mahrudz lib Lukm•n

S. Muin

I I Fauun Fathulbh

Within the Buntet line, the persons who are considered the most i nstrumemal and are held responsible for the spread of Tijaniyyah, are Kyai Anas (1883-1945) and Kyai Abbas and, for the next genera­tion, Kyai Hawi. Kyai Anaswasthe son ofKyai AbdulJamil, younger brother of Kyai Abbas. Like Kyai Abbas, Kyai Anas first studied with Kyai Nasuha at Pesamren Sukunsari (Plered), then with Kyai Agus (Pekalongan), and Kyai Hasyim Asy'ari at Tebuireng Gombang). Together with Kyai Abbas, he was also involved in the foundation of Pesamren Lirboyo (Kediri) led by Kyai Abdul Manaf. He went to

Mecca for both pilgrimage and study while his brother, Kyai Abbas, led Pesamren Bunter. It was due to Kyai Abbas' advice that Kyai Anas took Tarekat Tijaniyyah. Kyai Abbas himself met Shaykh 'Ali al-Tayyib in Madinah but, despite his interest in Tijaniyyah, he did not take an initiation at that time because he bore responsibility as a Shanariyyah mursyid. Kyai Anas took his brother's advice and upon his return he publicly established tarekat Tijaniyyah and thus, there were two tarekats in Pesantren Buntet at the same time, the Shatta­riyyah led by Kyai Abbas, and Tijaniyyah led by Kyai Anas. Eventu­ally, when both tarekats grew larger, Kyai Abbas took Tijaniyyah initiation, nor from his younger brother, Kyai Anas, but from Shaykh 'Ali bin 'Abdullah ai-Tayyib al-Madanl when the latter visited Java (Bogor) in 1937. In 1939 Kyai Anas moved from Buntet and estab­lished his own pesantren at Kilapat. an adjacent village south-east of Buntet, where adultery and burglary were common. He named his pesantren 'Sidamulya,' meaning 'to become lofty: Later, the name Kilapat for the village, where the new pesanrre11 is located, was also renamed Sidamulya, following the pesamren's name. The earlier repu­tation of the village gradually vanished and it gained a reputation as a santri (Islamic oriented) village.

By then, Kyai Abbas was associated with and led the two tarekttt , becoming murshid of Shatdtriyyah and muqaddam of Tijaniyyah ar the same time. To some people this seemed to show the extent ol Kyai Abbas' leadership capacity and open-mindedness. Not only did he successfully lead the pesanrren but also two rarekats centered at his pesann·en. To others it was puzzling how Kyai Abbas managed his association with rhe two tarekats, considering Tijtmiyyah necessitates every Tijan1 ro abandon other orders. Kyai Abbas himself as a Tijaniyyah muqaddam broke the Tijaniyyah rule because he did not give up his association with Shatrariyyah. When I asked about the matter, informants in Bunter of either Shattariyyah or Tijaniyyah

always referred to this as an exception due tO both Kyai Abbas' intel­lectual and spiritual excellence. Moreover, it was said that it was nec­essary especially after Kyai Anas, the muqaddam of Tijaniyyah, had established his own pesantre-n, while in Bunter both carekats were growing larger. No one directly raised the issue, especially not even Shaykh Alt al-Tayy~b himself, the initiator of Kyai Abbas, suggest­ing that in certain circumstances, Tijaniyyah strict rules could also have exceptions.

In their career as Tijaniyyah muqaddam Kyai Anas and Kyai Abbas produced a number of new muqaddams. Kyai Anas initiated Kyai Muhammad (Brebes), Kyai Bakri (Kesepuhan, Cirebon), Kyai Muhammad Rais (Cirebon),~3 Kyai Murtadlo (Bunter), Kyai Abdul Khair, Kyai Hawi (Bumet) and Kyai Soleh (Pesawahan). Repeating the initiation made by Kyai Anas, Kyai Abbas initiated Kyai Soleh and Kyai Hawi (Bunter). He also initiated Kyai Badruzzaman (Garut) and Kyai Utsman Dlomiri (Cimahi, Bandung) before both kyai re­peated an initiation from Shaykh 'Ali bin 'Abdullah ai-Tayylb al­Madani when the latter made another visit to Java. Among the rmtqaddam initiated by Kyai Anas and Kyai Abbas, Kyai Hawi ex­celled himself by producing seven more muqaddams. He initiated Kyai Abdullah Syifa (Bunter), Kyai Fahim Hawi, his son (Bumet), Kyai Junaidi, son ofKyai Anas (Sidamulya), Kyai Muhammad Yusuf (Surabaya), Habib Muhammad Basalamah (Brebes, Central Java), Kyai Baidawi (Sumenep, Madura) and Kyai Rasyid (Pesawahan, Cirebon). Currently, Kyai Hawi's son, Kyai Fahim Hawi, has initiated three new muqaddams, Ustadz Maufur (Klayan, north of Cirebon), Kyai Abdul Mursyid (Kesepuhan, Cirebon) and Kyai Imam Subky (Kuningan). In Easr Java, Kyai Muhammad bin Yusuf of Surabaya initiated Kyai Badri Masduqi (Probolinggo) and Kyai Fauzan Fathullah. Kyai Baidowi (Sumenep) initiated Habib Luqman (Bogor), Kyat Mahfudz (Kesepuhan, Cirebon) and Nyai Hamnah (Kuningan).+< In turn the new muqaddams have recruited many fol­lowers and quire likely further recruitment will continue.

Concluding Remarks Ir is clear that Pesamren Bunter has played an important role in

the spread of first Shattariyyah and then Tijaniyyah in Java, espe­cially West Java. Not only has Pesantren Buntet now become the largest pesantren in Cirebon but it also represents one of the oldest pesantren in the area with its inherent mission for the transmission of

religious tradition. The notion of 'the oldest' brings further implica­tions in that, firstly, its dynamics and development reflect the dy­namics and development of traditional Islam in this area for a period of more than two and a half centuries. Secondly, if the Babad narra­tive is taken into accoum)'15 Pesamren Bumet finds its roots in the early stages of the Islamization of 15th century Java, especially West Java. Traditionally therefore, Pesantren Bunter stands in an unbro­ken cham of continuous religious transmisswn over time from the pre-kracon, early kraton, kraton and post-kraron eras. During the pre­kraton era religious transmissiOn centered in rhe village as a free and independent undertaking. During rhe period of the early k,·aron reli­gious transmission was fully under the auspices of the kraton. Nor only did religious transmission enjoy political support and legitima­tion from the kraton, but also had the kraton homage. bter on, when the kraton came under the subjection of foreign rule, religious trans­mission was banned from the kracon in 1702. A hundred years after the death ofPanembahan Ratu,#- reltgious transmission rediscovered its way back from the kracon tO the village. This was marked by the establishment of Pesamren Bunret. Under considerable strain the pesantren endured and developed imo its present form. Its present existence within the community, therefore, represents the rriumph of irs spiritual traditions. Thus, what we can see in Cirebon and prob­ab ly elsewhere in Java is the maintenance of scriptural and cultural traditions continuing within the Javanese Muslim society, most no­tably, through combination of pesantren and tarekat. Through these institutions, rebgious transmission never ceases eirher with or with­out the support of the poliucal power structure. Thts is probably one element that contributes to answering Hodgson's question: "why the triumph of Islam 1n Java was so complete."~7

Endnotes I. T.urbt (tariqab) c.1n be defined as lhc cootempbuve Path of l~lam, 1n comrdS1

w1th sy.~re'.tr (shari'ah), wluch is concerned with the hfe of anion. T,;rck.zr 1~ asmciated with or even considered synonymous with Sufism and ItS cognates. In il~ more re~mcuve meaning and ~pecialized sense it refers to Sufi orders {Danner, 1988:242). Some informants explained thu our life 1~ a journey to .1 common destination, the world of afterhfe. Everyone who travels must take .1 certain way. The word l.;rc/w bears this norion. The word is derived from the Arabk l.1rttj and t.;rtq.1h, meaning path or road. It is usually contrJStcd with s-prc'.lr, al~o derived from the Arabic YJ.1r' ;~nd sh.zri'~IJ. mean1ng street l'r highway. This contrast implies that the former (larck .. ll) is sm.tller and the latter (S)'..lr'!' '.zl) ts

larger. Sy.1rc '.1t is the way that every Muslim should take tO reach the general vr common de~unation. As the broad or common destination is reached everyonl! needs a cerwn path thdt leads to a specific place in which he wi~hes to dwell comfortablv.

2. By definition, accordang w Kyai Fahim Haw1 (50 yean) a T1janiyyah muqadd.Jm, knowledgeable and well·to-do people have a greater chance t1f emenng paradi~e because they have the means ;~nd thus the knowledge of how anJ what to do. The majoritv t•f laymen, on the other hand, hJve less chance. Due to variou' re,\~on~ thev l"ould not att~lll ~imi]H mean~ and knowledge. T.;rtk.Jt seek~ tn ~uide them \XI11h mauimal knowledge and material means, prtmded they fol· lnw the guicbnu~ of the 1111mhrd, they could have almost the same npportunity J\ the knowletlgeahle and well to do few.

3 The hedontstK tendency evident among some uf the kraton d•gnitaries proll­ahly refer' tu .\uch people a~ Pangerao ArcJ Carbon, the al1eged writer of Cmta PurwakJ C~mhan NagJri (1720). For a short a~·counr of him, see lor exampk, Siddique, S. (1977), Re!Ks u[Thr: PJst? unpublished PhD dissemnon. Bielfeld: Bielfeld Univermat, pp 51-SJ.

4. For J funher Jl"l"Ollnt of tillS pesJntren. see for example: Amijaya, R., et a1 (1985), Po!J Kc·hulup.Jn S.Jlllrt Pc5Jntrcn Bunte/ Dr:s.J Mcrt.Jp..td..t K11/on Kt•cam.;t.rn Astaru]Jpm·..t Crrt'hon. Yogyakam: Proyck Penelitian dan Pengkajian NusJntdr~ Oavanologi) Depanemen Peodidikan dan Kebudayaan.

5. According to K 1 Duhh, at le.t\t cwo requtremenL~ should be met for a urck..tt to he considered ,1\ mu 'r.;b.ll·.lh One is that its lmnies and teachings do not oppose the sb.m"..th, .\nd the other's that it has an unbroken ~piritual chain (sifstl.ih} to d1e Prophet. This would ensure that the teaching reJIIy comes from the Prophet.

o See note .:!9. 7, Trimmgltam, J .S. {1971), Sufi Ordm m ls!.~m, Ollfnrd: The Cl;~rcndon Pres,, p.

97-98. The T .ufun traditinn refers to Ah\1 Y nld al Bustami (d. 261/872 or 26-1/ 877-8), a iamou~ medievdl Sufi. He spent most of hi) life in Busum and died there. T;imingh.un's chuacteri7.auon of Shattariyyah'~ ohscuriry ~eems tO stem from his mab1l11y to dis~·over the idenurv of Muhamm.td 'Arlf whMent 'Abdallah tu lndiJ

8. S.wtric, A.M (1987), "MJrtabat Alam TuJuh" in Hasan, A,R. (ed.), W.zm.m lntclckflt.J!/s/.;m /ndnncsr,;, Bandung: Mizan, pp 105-129. Syeikh Muhyi was bur· ted .n PamiJahan (fa.\ikmalaya, West java). H~ tomb attractS many visitors from "arious pl,Ke5.

9. For a bracf olCClttWt on Shmariyyah at the kr.zton see: Siddique (1978), especiallv pp 122-124.

Y, A. G. Mub.nmin

10. H. Abbas Sbobih of Buntet speculates, probably it is because upon his farber's (Kyai Musuhdi 's) death, Kyai Mustamid who succeeded Kyai Mustahdi was aJ. re.tdy old and unable to travel extensively visiting the z~wiy.sh (sufi inns).

11. According to Kyai Fu'ad Hasyim, Tarekat Shanariyyah in Cirebon and ehc­where came into two formats. One was fuUy in Arabic the other was explained in Javanese. Shanariyyah in Buntet and Benda Kerep (.tnd other pes..tntrcn as well} represent the first, while Shanariyyab kraton represents the second. Both are equally Mu 'rabarah.

12. For the early stage of the rise of Tijaniyyah in java, see: Pijper, G.F. (1987), "Timbulnya Tarekat Tijaniyah di Pulau Jawa• in G.F. Pijper, FrJgmtnta Isl~mic.t; Bcberapa Swdi Mcngen.1i Scjar.th Isl..tm di Indonest..t A<W.11 Al1Jd XX, J~kma: UI Press, pp 79-101, translated from FragmentJ Isl.zmic.J, Swdien over het lslamismc in Nederl..tnndsch-lndic, leiden: E.J. Brill, 1934 by Tujim~h. For a general ac­count on Tijaniyah , see: Abun-Nasr (1965), The TijJniyya: A Sufi Order m the Modem World, London: OUP. My own local Tijan1sources are F.lthullah, K.H.F. (1985), Bzogr4/i Alqmhlml M.1kfllum S.ziyzdul Awlzya..t: Synkh Ahm.zd A tllj.mzy d.m ThariqJrnya Atttj'aniyah, Pasuruan: (anonymotts publisher); AI M.zsyr.zbul Kitm.tnr Lil Khotmil Muhamm.Jdiy Syekh Ahmad bin Muho1mm.Jd Amj.mz, .1 pam­phlet from Panitia IduJ KDotmi Anijani Ke: 199, 9/10 Shafar 1413 H - 8/9 Agustus 1992 M, Leces-Probolinggo (East java).

13. Fathullah, K.H.F. (1985). p. 52. 14. Abun Nasr (1965}, pp. 16-17. 15. Farhullah (1985), p. 55. 16. Ibid, pp 55-59. 17. lind, SS-63; Abun Nasr, pp 18-19. 18 . Ibid, 63-64. 19. Abun Nasr, p 37. 20. T riminghain, J .S {1971), p 108. (Words between brackets are my own). 21. Ibid, pp 27·28; The existence of spirimdl hierarchies among WJii wa~ first set

fonh by Abu 'AbdilHih al-Tirmidhi during the lith century.lt hecame an estab­lished belief due to the work oflbn ~1-Araby (1164-1240) dDd ga10ed wide sprc.1d accept~ nee after' Abdul al-Rahmin ai-Suyilti (1445- 1505), .1 Hadithist, g.1ve Pro· phetic traditions for this belief.

12. Abun Nasr, p 32 . .23. llnd, p. 32. lt says: "The Kh.Jim , who will be the mndard of wi/Jy.Jh, will he the

end of the line .lnd iL\ completion. He hillo been a Kh.ztm without being known .tnd hds the command which c.wnot be repeated or dispensed with ... Should .1 7.0J.I!i appear after him, he will be one of the follower,, l'Oillpdllions, tlr .men· d~nts (of the kh.zrm) ... ~

~-1. Ibid, p 28. 25. !hid, p 30. 26. M.thry.Jr is a piJin where all the dedd, after re~ttrn:nion, come together w r~­

ceive ~ fair judgement. ~7. Fdthullah (1985), pp 110-111. 28. Abun N;o>; r (198S), p. 38. The rites consiq of both the rompubory (/.mm) and

the recommended (tklmy.inJ. The compulsory con~ists ~•f 'iiJmll.umuh (l it .~­nies), ~.Jduf..zh (office) and lwl.t/.Jb (pmicipation in Frid.1y afternoon /.1Jdr.1 nr seance). See Abun NJsr, pp 50-57; Fathulldh, pp \29-139.

::!9. See: tbc sub~equent 'eruon.

Pn.mtrrn -rl<l T~reltat in tlu Motlnn Er.. 27

30. For details of e.uly refu tacions and counter refuutions see A bun Nasr 1965, e~pecially pp. 38-41.

31. [bid, pp 72-75. 32. Strong reactions against Tijaniyah in Buntet came from Benda, the pes.1ntren

established by K.yai Soleb Zamzami of Buntet, the elder brother of Kyai Abdul jamil. Since Kyai Abbas era, until now, Benda-Buntet opposnion has been unreconciliable.

33. Pijper (1985), h.tgment.;~ lslamica, pp 89-96. 3'1. Ibid, pp 98-100 35. This Kyai As'ad is to be distinguished !rom Kyai As'ad Syamsul Arifin of

Pesantren Asem Bagus, Situbondo (East Jav~). former Chairman of Syrmy.th NU.

36. Fathullah (1985), pp 140-141. ln this work (Biogr.;~fi AlqruJ,/ml M.Jktutlm) With­out mentioning its writer, Fathullab devoted a full chapter emitled "Fasal Tambahan ~ (Additional Ch;~.pter) to counter the Wudluh .tdD.ti.Jil,

37. The 1984 Situbondo Congress is well known for producmg Khrii.Jh 1916, hv which NU n.:tm ned tO the principle initially adopted when NU w.ts established in 1926. This me.tns that officially NU abstains from direct involvement in poli­tics and is solely concerned with social and religious affairs.

38. This was claimed by Kyai Fahi.m Hawi and Kyai Abdullah Syifa, two Tijlni muq.1ddam in Buntet. An example of Tij~niyah's wide acceptance was given by Kyai Fabim Hawi in reCCI\lnting a number of f igures in Tij~niyah. Some of them are Sayyid Alia Hasyim, a Hadithist in Madinah, Shaykh Hasan Yamani, father of Zaki Yamani, former petroleum M10i.ner of Saudi Anbia, Mr. Muhammad, J

Senegalese envoy to Jakarta oo February 1985 who met President Suhano on behaii of the Senegalese President. All, he said, are Tijlniyah Muq.tdd.tm . There are also a number of distinguished figures at ai-Azhar in Cairo. Wide acceptance by many Javanese was ~hown by the huge number of participantS in the festivals held to commt!morate ai-TijSors spiritu:~l ascendancy, the Jdul Khotmr .1/-Tz;.mr. One of these festivals wa~ performed at Jakarta's main stadium 10 1990 and had uound a 100,000 participants. At a similar festival, the !99th ltlul Kh01mz, held on 8-9 August 1992 in Leces, Probolinggo (East java), around 60,000 participant!~ were pre.)ent. I w~s among the contingent from Cirebon.

39. Pijper, G.F. (1985), Fr.:tgmcnt.I!sl.xmrc.t, Jakartd: U.l. Press, p 82. 40. I hid, P.P 86-87. 4 I. Cf: P1jper (1985), p 87. 42. I could not get rhe two names because de.~pite 1 made several visits, I iailed to

meet Pak Gani, a Madurese busine.•isman in)akan.t who, According to Ky;n F,thim Hawi, keeps the document.

43. A shon description t)f Mulummad Rais, see Pijper (1985), pp 85-86. ~4. FM funher d~tail, see Figure-4. 45. Cirebon has ~o many vcr~ions of 8.1/I.Jd (chronicles) c.tllcd B.rlud Cm·bon It

contains a s~mi legendary semi historical account on the development of the Cirebon region ~ince itS earlier time. lt centres ,tround the legendary figure nf Syarif Hid~yatullah, known as Sun.tn Gnnnng ]ati, one of the nine SJilltS (w.Jirs.Jng.J), the early propagator of (slam on Java. One that is already known tO Western scholarship i~ &b.zd Tjerhon, edited hy j.L.A. Brandes and D.A. Rinko:, (1911), c:ollection No. 36 Deel LIX, Batavia: Albrecht.

46. Paoembahao Ratu i~ the succe.5$0r of Sunan Gunung Jati who died in 1650. See: De Graaf And Pigeaud (1989), Krrajaan·Keraja4n ls/.Jm di j.rw.:1: Prralih.m Dari M.1pp.Jh1t ke Mataram, jJkarta: Grafiri Press.

47. Hodgson, M (1974), The Venwre of Islam: Consorncr ..1nd History m .1 World CnJzlrz.mon, Chicago: University of 01icago Press, p. SSt.

A. G. Muhaimin is a researcher at the Office ofReligt.ous Research and De·uelopment, the DepartmentofReligiom Affairs, the Republic oflndo­nesza.