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Volume-1 | Issue-1 | December-2014 Paper Id: 030802 Page No: 13 -26

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Naxalism – A Threat to Internal Security

by

Vipul Partap | Asst Professor | Maharaja Agrasen Institute of Management Studies | Delhi.

&

Geetanjali Bhutani | Lecturer | Dyal Singh College | Karnal.

ABSTRACT

Can the Naxalite revolt be explained by "objective" class

conditions in the Indian countryside? The Naxalites, in language

prefiguring Maoists, claimed they were fighting a war against

'semi-feudal, semi-capitalist forces,' and that objective nature of

exploitation in the countryside, with its combination of pre-

capitalist bondage and capitalist market relations, was

impoverishing and abusing the pour majority and inducing them

to revolt. Social Events are rarely if ever unified, homogeneous phenomena.

The Naxalite movement in India is no exception and this is

perhaps the most valuable lesson the comparison can teach us

while Maoists movement in Nepal may superficially appear

ideologically united and highly organized around Common goals

it arose from particular historical events that affected specific

peoples at certain identical places. Examine the Naxalite

movement from the longer perspective its history provides may

allow us to identify these local and historically grounded roots of

rural insurgency and use the insights the perspective provides to

analyze the case of India.

KEY WORDS: Naxalism, semi-capitalist forces, Naxalite movement, Security

INTRODUCTION India is bleeding not by the thousand cuts but due to “Hinterland” explosion. Naxalite attack is a

major cause of concern in India today. Instances of Naxal violence are reported at regular

intervals in India. The issue of the Naxal movement is attributed differently by the Naxals and




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the state power. While the former view it as a ‘socio-economic’ problem, the later regard it as a

‘law and order’ problem. Whatever, may be the fact, the concern of the development of the

people has to get priority and in no way it has to be compromised. The Govt. development

scheme and effort is laudable but there is limitation of effort. During the past years, the armed Naxalite groups have emerged as the main challenge to the

government of India. These groups have largely expanded their influence zone and Naxal

movement in India is now recognized as a part of the Maoist activism world over. Organizations

like, PWG, MCC etc. have established a network with ideologically similar organizations in

Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and Sri Lanka under the aegis of the Coordination Committee of

Maoist Parties and Organizations of South Asia (CCMPOSA). Moreover, all these South Asian

Maoist organizations and parties are also members of an international organization called the

Revolutionary Internationalist Movement (RIM). Naxalism is not only a law and order problem

but a direct result of under- development. More than 150 districts in the country are affected by

Maoist violence. These are among the most backward areas of the country where poorest of the

poor live. Civil administration appears to have withdrawn from seriously affected areas leaving

the people to fend for themselves. There is an urgent need to improve the lot of the people in

tribal and backward areas. One of the main reasons for the Naxalite problem is the absence of

land reforms. The Maoist depend on the cadres of Tribal’s and Dalits (considered to be of the

lower castes) who have been dispossessed of their lands with the indifferent state machinery

adding to alienation. The police and the landlords remain the two biggest targets of the Maoists.

The Naxalite problem, which Indian Prime Minister Man Mohan Singh described as the single

biggest internal security challenge ever faced by India, shows no sign of easing. Inevitably,

foreign investors looking to expand their operations outside India’s urban areas must take it into

consideration.

MARXISM, MAOISM AND NAXALISM: THE DIFFERENCE Marxism emerged as a strong ideology in the reaction against the capitalism and the onslaughts

of the Industrial Revolution. As a result of the Industrial Revolution the society in Europe got

divided into two classes i.e. the Capitalist and the workers (also called proletariats). After the

Industrial Revolution the Capitalist class had access to all resources while the condition of

working class became vulnerable and marginalized. The working class was severely exploited by

the Capitalist Class during that time, as there were no labor laws or institutions for the advocacy

of the working class Marxism as an ideology envisage a classless society in which the political

power is hijacked by the working class or in the words of Marx dictatorship of the Proletariats.

Marxism as an ideology does not hesitate the use force and/or other violent methods to grab the




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political power by the working class.

Maoism is the Asian or Chinese version of the Marxism. Asian societies did not witness the

Industrial Revolution similar to the extent and effect as in the case of Europe. Thus, in Asia the

Capitalist Class and Working Class were not as prominent as in the case of Europe. The major

difference in the demography between Asia and Europe was that majority of population in Asia

was rural and had an agrarian base. Thus while Marxism is applicable in the case of urban

working class, the Maoism talks about the peasants and landless agriculture labours. While the

Marxism envisages dictatorship of Working Class the Maoism envisions the dictatorship of rural

peasants and agriculture labour. The common features between both of them is that their goal is

same i.e. a classless society and no hesitation for the use of violent methods to grab political

power. Naxalism is the Indian version of Maoism. Since it started from the Naxalbari district of

West Bengal, thus it has been named so.

OBJECTIVE CONDITIONS AS A CAUSE OF REVOLT Clearly, objective economic conditions contribute towards revolt. Routledge (1997) identifies five main variables in his analysis of the Naxalite movement. Land inequality in which the bottom 50% of households controlled just 9% of available

agricultural land by the early 1970's. Underemployment of landless laborers leading them to take loans on exorbitant rates of

interest. Harvest failures in 1965-67, just before the Naxalbari revolt began, which were

exacerbated by a cut in US food aid in 1966. The unequal regional Impacts 01 the Green Revolution, whose benefits were

concentrated in the wheat-producing areas. Urban recessions, which hit West Bengal especially hard and thereby made unemployed

student activists available to the CPI (ML). NAXALISM AND INTERNAL SECURITY Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said Naxalism remains the biggest internal security challenge

and it is imperative to control Left-wing extremism for the country’s growth. His government

has not underestimated the problem of Naxalism. State action in the context of internal security

has to be based on the constitutional framework, conventions of governance on relations between

center and states, the rule of law and justice, and free discourse. As the system has developed in

the country, the police need to follow the rule of law and take recourse to the criminal justice

system as long as citizens are not armed, and there is no direct conflict with the police. However,




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in cases of abnormal situations, the citizenry get armed, some times more than police. In the

areas severely affected by Naxal violence there are a minimum of five violent incidents per day

primarily involving the killing of civilians. The role of economic development cannot be ignored

in the areas affected by Naxal extremism. Building roads, railways and telecom infrastructure are

significant signs of development. However, this infrastructure has been attacked by the Naxals

causing hindrance to all development. In Naxalism, there is a sense of deprivation and injustice.

There is a great need to improve the standards of governance in Naxal-affected tribal areas.

NAXALISM: INDIA’S HIDDEN WAR It seems extraordinarily outrageous and almost impossible, that a big, well known country could

hide an entire guerrilla army’s activities. “There are two India’s, the dazzling India which we see

every day on our TV channels. But there is another India which we rarely see or write about” It

is estimated that sixteen of India’s twenty-eight states are ‘infected’ to some degree, India’s

intelligence agency has estimated that the number of Naxalites could be as high as 70,000,

though other estimates go as high as 120,000. Of course, in the world’s largest democracy, such

a huge movement can hardly have gone unchallenged. Over the past decade individual states in

Central and Southern India have affected their own campaigns with varying degrees of failure.

Strategies have mainly included arming local resistance movements and emptying villages where

there is support for the terrorists. While groups of Naxalites have offered ceasefires, the Indian

Government says it will only consider peace talks if a complete ceasefire is forthcoming the fact

that this has not been offered undermines the image of cohesion and of a unified army made up

of the many Naxalite groups. The Naxalite spokesman Ganesh Ueike claims that they are not

terrorists but leaders of a political movement who want to “liberate India from the clutches of

feudalism and imperialism”. He has condemned militants in the disputed Kashmir region who have been blamed for attacks

against civilians in Mumbai, claiming that the Naxalites only attack government forces: ‘Those

who choose soft targets or do such things to create communal hatred have nothing to do with

people. They are mercenaries funded by national or international powers … All this should be

condemned.’ The success with which this conflict has been hidden is remarkable and can be seen as

symptomatic of the Indian Government’s attitude. While some politicians and activists have

raised their voices against the military operation, most of the Indian media is often largely

unquestioning of the government’s claims and actions. At the same time, activists claim the

authorities have launched a smear campaign against them, labeling anyone who speaks out as a

“Maoist sympathizer”. The government routinely claims that the rebels are opposed to




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development and progress.

Many have tried to draw attention to this conflict though, and the implication of its existence and

the way in which it has been hidden. Booker Prize-winning author Arundhati Roy has

campaigned tirelessly to draw attention to the conflict and even defended the Naxalites’ tactics.

She has attacked the government as a ‘charade of democracy’ which has used the Naxalites as an

excuse for a ‘land-grab’ of areas high in natural resources in central and southern India. Roy was

accused of sedition by the Indian Government last year though not convicted.

RECENT MAJOR ATTACKS BY NAXALITES

The 2010 Dantewada Maoist attacks were a 6 April 2010 ambush by rebels from the

Communist Party of India (Maoist) in Dantewada district, India, killing 76 CRPF

policemen and 8 Maoists — the deadliest attack by the Maoists on Indian security forces.

The attack occurred when over 80 officers from the federal Central Reserve Police Force

(CRPF) and a local police group were conducting a domination exercise in the Bastar

tribal region of the central Indian state of Chhattisgarh.

Maoists on 27th June 2011 blew up a police vehicle in a landmine blast and ambushed

BSF personnel killing five security men and injuring six others in two separate attacks in

Dantewada and Kanker districts of Chhattisgarh.

At least 15 CRPF personnel were killed on 27 March, 2012 in a landmine blast triggered

by suspected Naxalites in Gadchiroli district of Maharashtra.

Four BSF officers, including a commanding officer, were today killed in an IED blast by

suspected Maoists in Malkangiri district of Odisha.The BSF squad was targeted at around 1 p.m.

in the Janbai area of the district, under Chitragonda police station area, 465 km from here, and its

jungles are a Naxal hotbed as it touches the borders of two other states Andhra Pradesh and

Chhattisgarh, making it a corridor for Maoists. According to initial reports, the officers were

returning in their vehicle after attending a meeting with the district administration. In March

2012 Maoist rebels kidnapped two Italians in the eastern Indian state of Orissa, the first time

Westerners were abducted there. There after an MLA of the state was also kidnapped.

INFECTED STATES AND DISTRICTS




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The Naxalite movement in 1967, started from a small village on the tri-junction of India, Nepal

and what was then East Pakistan. It spread like a wildfire to different parts of the country. The

movement had a dramatic phase for about two years from the formation of the CPI (ML) in 1969

till the end of 1971. These early attempts were however easily crushed by the Government of

India through police action. Following Charu Mazumdar’s death in 1972, there were divisions

and fragmentations in the movement which were followed by various ups and downs. Tracking

the current phase, starting from 2001, has been marked by a conscious attempt to militarize the

armed component of the party - the People’s Guerrilla Army with a view to launch attacks on the

state apparatus. After this, the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India, classified thirteen

states of the Union, namely, Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh,

Maharashtra, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Kerala, Karnataka, Haryana and Tamil Nadu

as being infected by the Naxalite Movement. In 2009, Naxalites were active approximately across 180 districts in ten states of India. In August

2010, after a full year implementation of the National IAP program, Karnataka was removed

from the list of Naxal affected states. In July 2011, the number of Naxal affected areas was

reduced to 83 districts across nine states however this included a proposed addition of 20

districts made by other state governments. Although by December 2011, the National Government reported that the number of Naxalite

related deaths and injuries nationwide had gone down by nearly 50% from 2010 levels but still

under the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) scheme, the state governments continue to

demand an increase in the number of districts affected by Naxal violence. The Indian

government has been struggling to curb the whole Naxal Movement.

STRATEGY TO COMBAT NAXAL MENACE The government is faced with a huge challenge of combating Naxalism and to ensure that the

infected areas come back to normal conditions. The government has took to a stern attitude

towards the Naxalists, where no talks with them will be facilitated until the Naxalists call quits

on the trail of violent activities they have been plunging in for years. Initially, when the

resistance started, in various parts of the country, the government ignored the gravity of the issue

rendering it as a mere law and order problem. But as the movement strengthened and showed its

ugly face, it was very late. The government realized that simultaneous actions needed to be taken

on a lot of fronts from then on. The government has launched the Police Modernization Scheme

under which it has been trying to ensure that modern arms and ammunition is made available to

the CRPF as numerous instances have been registered where the Naxalites were found better

equipped with light machine guns and Improved Explosive Devices (IEDs) while our policemen




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were reportedly having old and outdated ammunition. Central Para Military Forces have been

deployed by the centre to states combating the Naxalite Insurgency. Another major step is the

training of the soldiers and policemen with Guerrilla warfare, a technique Naxalites adopt and

are adept at.

While strengthening the police on one side, the government has been focused on bringing about

socio-economic development in the Naxal infested areas in order to provide proper employment

opportunities to the locals so that lesser number of people resort to violent means. In fact Andhra

Pradesh government came out with the surrender and rehabilitation policy for the Naxalites

which is doing fairly well. West Bengal has also announced a Naxal surrender program similar to

the one in Andhra. The revision of the Security Related Expenditure (SRE) Scheme in 2005

covers the budget for all these policies. Presently 76 districts in 9 states which are badly affected

by Naxal activities are covered under this scheme.

Efforts are being made to form local resistance groups against Naxal violence by training the

individuals to fight against Naxalites. Provisional Armed Constabulary in Uttar Pradesh,

Greyhounds in Andhra Pradesh and COBRA are some Special Task Forces constituted to deal

with the issue. Recruitment of more than 14,000 personnel has been done for the special task

force. Salwa Judum was one such movement initiated by the Chattisgarh Government where

local tribal people were involved, but was eventually banned by the Supreme Court of India

owing to numerous defects of the program. This growing trouble of Naxal insurgency, which has

spread its tentacles to a lot of states, needs to be addressed collectively by all the state

governments in tandem with each other. Plans for Anti Maoist Centers, equipped with

helicopters and guarded by CRPF officials, at the borders of states affected by it are already in

motion. The government has also constituted an 'Empowered Group of Ministers' to counter the

problem of Naxalism headed by the Home Minister and select Chief Ministers. The Communist

party of India has also been banned under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. Institution of

Indian Reserve Battalions is being done in order to enhance the security network of the states.

The institution of all these committees and acts is a fairly simple task as compared to effective

implementation of the same and bringing about the required change in the prevailing scenario.

DALIT AND ADIVASI IN NAXALISM Although the terms of references did not specifically mention Naxalites, the group’s brief was to identify causes of unrest and discontent in areas affected by “widespread displacement, forest issues, insecure tenancies and imperfect market conditions etc. Clearly, such areas fall in above mentioned five states- and significantly enough, the group organized field visits in these areas to




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observe the situation at first hand, on the basis of which it has come out with stark revelations that expose the culpability of the state in denying the poor their basic rights, the treachery of a corrupt bureaucracy to implement the laws, and its complicity with a trigger happy police to suppress popular protest. The main support for the Naxalite Movement comes from dalits and adivasis, termed as scheduled castes and scheduled tribes respectively in official parlance, which comprise about one-fourth of India’s population, the majority living in rural areas. Apart from high levels of poverty, the dalits suffer from various types of disadvantages like

unemployment, illiteracy, social discrimination, human rights violation. As for the adivasis

population, besides remaining backward in all aspects of human development including

education, health, nutrition, etc, they have been steadily losing their traditional tribal rights.

These groups fail to take advantage of constitutional rights. Thus they are very much attracted

towards Naxalite movements as these movements fight for their minimal rights so most of them

join these movements. Incidentally, every dalits and adivasis poor in India has not joined the

Naxalite movement. There are many states with pockets of high proportion of adivasis and dalits

but little Naxalite influence, as in Punjab, Haryana, Gujarat and Rajasthan. For such a violent

upheaval to happen there is the likelihood of the spread of awareness and consciousness. And

this is where the Naxalites have played a significant role by stepping into craters of dalits an

adivasis deprivation in the five states, and organizing the deprived for their rights.

WOMEN IN NAXALISM The Naxalite movement is increasing its tenacity to strike at will. It continues to persist in terms

of spatial spread, intensity of violence, militarization and consolidation, ominous linkages with

subversive/secessionist groups and increased efforts to elicit mass support. Thousands of armed

guerrilla warriors are no longer engaged in isolated attacks, but are resorting to large militarized

assaults and have forged external links. Unfortunately, it is observed that women Maoists are

equally involved indirectly and directly in such violent activities, causing threat to internal

security of the Nation. India, the largest successful democracy, is witnessing such violent figures.

The involvement of women in Maoist activity is not at all a fresh new entity. Right from the

conception of this great, historic Naxalbari armed peasant rebellion; it is found that women

played a very vital role in this ‘Spring Thunder’ of 1967. The spring thunder of Naxalbari was a

clarion call for the oppressed and exploited people of India. The Indian Communist movement

had gone through many ups and downs since then. There were many twists and turns, ups and

downs in these forty years. It has been forty years since six peasant women, two children and a

peasant had laid down their lives in Naxalbari while fighting for land and life with dignity – their

liberation. As per the report of CPI (Maoist) Information Bulletin, in the Srikakulam struggle,

which was the major armed struggle of the Naxalbari period, there were 17 women martyrs.




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Altogether the total number of women martyrs of that period will be in dozens. But after the

decade of 1990, and in present millennium the involvement of women has become substantial in

violent Maoist activities.

Women do not just make up the ranks. They account for three Divisional committee members,

nine Commanders, three Area commanders and two Deputy Commanders operating as far as

Maharashtra is concerned. In fact, the statistics show men are outnumbered by the fairer sex in

commanders and deputy commander’s cadre. Two women divisional committee members

Narmada and Tarakka alias Vimala Sidam operate in the South Gadchiroli area while Sajanakka

in the North. Fifty seven others form the support strength. The role of women cadres in the 1st

February carnage at Markegaon in Gadchiroli district, which claimed lives of 15 policemen, is

also a matter of speculation. They treat women on par even in their military struggle. Women

cadres are provided training just like their men counterparts. There is no discrimination in their

diet or exercises. It is mandatory for all new recruits to the outfit to take a nine-point oath that

declares, inter alia, that he or she would not discriminate on the basis of religion, caste, gender,

race, or ethnicity.

Besides, being soldier’s women are even performing different roles like doctors, propagandists

and tutors. They conduct daily classes with the tribal locals, where they teach Maoist philosophy.

They inform the tribals about how the imperialist forces have oppressed them, looted their

forests and destroyed their way of life.

THE LAWS MADE BY THE GOVERNMENT

Rehabilitation and Resettlement Policy, 2007 : The main aim of this act is to minimize

the displacement of people and to promote non-displacing or least displacing alternatives.

The Government issued a rehabilitation policy on 11 0ctober 2007 for the easy

displacement of people who lose their land for industrial growth. Under this policy land

in change for land will be given, job prospective to at least one member of the family,

vocational training and housing benefits including houses to people in rural areas and

urban areas will be some of the benefits.

Forest Rights Act, 2006 : The Scheduled Tribe and Other Traditional Forest dwellers

(Recognition of forest Rights) Act 2006 or the Forest Rights Act recognizes the rights of

the scheduled tribes and forest dwellers who have been living in the forests for years but




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their rights have still not been recognized. The Ministry of Environment and Forests has

also allowed use of 1 hectare of land for non forest purposes and conversion of kutcha

roads into pukka roads.

Chhattisgarh Special Public Securities Act, 2006 :This bill provides definition of

unlawful activities, declaring an organization unlawful, formation of an advisory board

wherever the state government feels the need for its establishment, procedure of the

formation of the advisory board, action of the advisory board, penalties, punishments

even for not committing a crime, the power to notify a place being used for unlawful

activities and taking occupation of such place thereof and revision/bar against

intervention by the courts. These laws have in many ways caused a lot of problems to the

tribals and the scheduled castes by negating the spirit of the various safeguards available

to the scheduled tribes under the constitution and other laws in the country. The act

providing 'land for land' has become a nightmare for the government and has become a

stumbling block for ensuring industrialization. As per the Unlawful activities prevention

act (UAPA) the government has banned all organizations that have any connections with

any Naxal movements like the MCC or the CPI-M (Marxist-Leninist). There was no need

of this bill to tackle Naxalism. This bill was formulated, only to silence the appropriate

discord and dissent brewing in the minds of people in the areas affected by Naxalism due

to persistent ignorance by the government to their situation. This Bill has also failed to

make a distinction between the anti-social, anti-national elements from the people who

are peace loving.

Social Economic Development: Various schemes launched have been launched by the

government like the Pradhan Mantri Gram Sadak Yojana (PMGSY) which offers

tremendous opportunities for rural road connectivity. For certain districts affected by

Naxalism which have a population of 500 and above in plain areas and 250 and above in

tribal areas 3 years perspective plans are being formulated to cover all habitations. The

National Rural Employment Guarantee Programme (NREGP) is being implemented in

330 districts affected by Naxalism so as to universalize the demand-driven programme

for wage-employment. Other schemes which are in addition to the above mentioned

schemes are Bharat Nirman, National Rural Health mission (NRHM), Sarva Shiksha

Abhiyan (SSA), Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) and other income

generating and social security schemes of the Ministry of Rural Development,

Agriculture, Panchayati Raj and Tribal affairs. The central government will also provide




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100 percent assistance in the formation of Ashram schools and hostels for girls and boys

in 46 tribal areas.

States like Jharkhand and Orissa have offered huge incentives to the Naxals who surrender

themselves. Further, the government has offered cash equivalent to the price of the weapon

surrendered. They will provide them with life insurance cover, vocational training, agricultural

land, health and 47 educational facilities for their children.

What should be done to solve the problem of Naxalism?

The solution which will solve the problem of Naxalism is the Social Integration. The tribals and

scheduled castes that live in the Naxal affected areas have been neglected for the past many

decades and now want some attention from the government. Providing them with incentives like

giving them right over the forest produce from the forests in which they have been living for

generations, providing them with houses etc. is the right modus of solving their basic problems.

The main reason for the spread of Naxalism is the exploitation of poor and scheduled castes. The

main thing which has to be done is to enforce land ceiling laws, utilization of the funds provided

to government to the maximum and political expediency. Use of police forces should be to

enforce the land ceiling laws, evict landlords and ensure land to the farmers for cultivation. They

should be provided with police protection, and proper rehabilitation for the people who have

been displaced should be ensured. Security as well as development has to run hand in hand to

counter the Naxal problem. The government has to instill faith in the people that they will be governed in a better manner

than by the Naxals. The government should include laws in the forest act that only forest

dwelling tribes and scheduled castes should be allowed to use the produce of the forest. Proper

guarding of financial institutions sanctioning loans to these tribes should be ensured which will

help these tribes to realize that the government is with them. The Central government should

form a separate ministry which will undertake the development of the areas affected by the

Naxal activities. Using force against the tribals to deter them from joining the Naxals has and

will backfire against the government. The government should ensure peace in these areas so that

these people don't suffer more than they already have and this can be done only if the

government takes proactive measures so as to ensure social justice and inclusive growth for the

benefit of the marginalized sections.

CONCLUSION Despite the need to ease the tribals' poverty and blunt the appeal of the Naxalites, New Delhi still




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treats the insurgency largely as a law-and-order problem. States like Chhattisgarh, whose ill-

trained police force is overwhelmed, have unleashed vigilantes on the Naxalites and the tribals

and given the force arms and special protection under the law. The vigilantes, called Salwa

Judum ("Peace Mission"), have made homeless an estimated 52,000 tribals, who have fled to

poorly run, disease-infested government camps. Allegations of rape and unprovoked killings

have dogged the Salwa Judum. Efforts to reach Salwa Judum were unsuccessful, but the state

government has vigorously defended the group. It’s a fact that the Government of India has off late realized that problem of Naxalism is not just

a law and order problem. The causes and root of this problem is complexly interwoven with the

dimensions like socio-economic development, inequalities, unbalanced regional development

and policies which encourage exclusion and marginalization. It’s also ironical that that some of

the fundamental principles of Indian constitution and Naxalite movement coincide which each

other like equality and socialism. It’s also a fact that fruits of socio-development and

globalization in India have been distributed in an uneven fashion. Moreover there are examples

wherein the developmental projects like mega infrastructure projects and setting up of industries

particularly in tribal hinterlands have further marginalized the local population. In such scenario

the one of spontaneous reaction could be feeling of alienation from the mainstream. However the

violence component and the tendencies to destabilize the settled democracy as a result of this

alienation cannot be justified at any cost. The government has to adopt a multi prong strategy for

the solution to this problem. The use of force in the affected areas cannot achieve this alone; it

also requires a synergy between various agencies of the central and state governments. Nepal is

the good example for Indian government as well as Naxalites where the Maoist have agreed to be

a part of parliamentary democracy. This should happen in India but for that the democracy in

affected areas has to be made more engaging by strengthening the institutions like Panchayati

Raj and making development schemes more inclusive. Close examination of the movement will

enable to understand that the marginalized take up arms only to break down the insensitive

establishment, which has failed to deliver an egalitarian society. The Naxalite leaders may talk

about 'deliverance of the proletariat from the neo-liberalist bourgeoisie, and the dawn of New

Democracy', but such phrases mean little to the tribals and landless laborers who find themselves

at the receiving end of state sponsored and non state-sponsored exploitation. They are in the

battle only because of their disillusionment with the status quo. Only with consolidated efforts on

the part of the legal and political framework socio-economic reforms can be implemented, and

the problem of Naxalism tackled.

BIBLIOGRAPHY




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