nel singer 2008 cultural fluidity weekly newspaper editors aejmc
TRANSCRIPT
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Managing Change: 1
Cultural Fluidity:
Weekly Newspaper Editors Strategies
for Building Knowledge and Managing Change
Presented to:
Media Management and Economics Division
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
Chicago, August 2008
Franois P. NelUniversity of Central Lancashire
Jane B. Singer
University of Central Lancashire / University of Iowa
Lead author contact information:
[email protected](44) 1772 894 758 (UK office) / (44) 7951 521 636 (UK mobile)
(27) 21 434 9421 (South Africa office) / (27) 84 494 3411 (South Africa mobile)
GR237 GreenbankDepartment of Journalism
University of Central LancashirePreston PR1 2HE
United Kingdom
Second author contact information:[email protected]
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Cultural Fluidity:Weekly Newspaper Editors Strategies for Building Knowledge and Managing Change
ABSTRACT:
This study examines how British weekly newspaper editors, an understudied group with long-
standing ties to hyperlocal communities, regard the challenges of building, transforming, andmanaging knowledge in the midst of sweeping media change. Drawing on literature from media
sociology and knowledge management, it suggests that these veteran editors are profoundlyuncertain about how to translate what they believe about journalism, and know about creating it,
into successful delivery of new products to new audiences.
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Cultural Fluidity:
Weekly Newspaper Editors Strategies
for Building Knowledge and Managing Change
It has never been easy to run a newsroom, but it may never have been harder than it is
today. Technological changes and challenges that have been rocking the newspaper industry and
reshaping its culture on both sides of the north Atlantic for a decade and more have combined
with increasingly dire financial prognoses. In the United States, the industrys health continued
to worsen in 2007, with circulation, advertising revenues, and profit margins all falling and, in
a spreading number of markets, taking staff size down with them (Project for Excellence, 2008a).
A majority of American journalists say financial issues are the biggest problem in journalism,
overtaking concerns about news quality and credibility (Pew Research Center, 2008). In Britain,
the picture is not quite so dark, but circulation and earnings statements show trends also pointing
in a downward direction (MediaGuardian.co.uk, 2008).
Amid this escalating crisis, however, smaller newspapers continue to do relatively well.
In the United States, many small papers are weathering the decline, and some are even gaining
readers (Ahrens, 2007); in Britain, more than 80% of adults still say they read a regional paper
(Newspaper Society, 2006). The other industry bright or at least not quite so dim spot glows
from the computer screen. Online audiences and revenues are up substantially in both the United
States and United Kingdom, and newspaper websites have dramatically improved their design
and multimedia offerings (Project for Excellence, 2008a). That said, the industry is not
noticeably closer to turning the internet into a successful advertising medium; on the contrary,
the trend seems to be a decoupling of news and advertising, which is not migrating to online
newspapers along with readers (Project for Excellence, 2008b).
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A rich body of literature has examined the medias role in producing public knowledge,
yet how news organizations translate their own knowledge into business performance is only
beginning to be explored (Nel, 2006). This paper examines how veteran newsroom managers in a
relatively buffered corner of the industry the British weekly regional press conceptualize and
cope with the challenge of building, transforming, and managing knowledge in the midst of
sweeping change. How do they translate experience and know-how that has long guided
production of a once-a-week printed publication into management strategies for producing a 24/7
website -- and do it in an industry with contracting rather than expanding resources to draw on?
In addressing this question, the present study relies on two related strands of scholarship
concerning knowledge, its transfer, and its application. One comes from the sociology of news
literature and relates to newsroom socialization, or the way that journalists come to know how
they are to do their jobs. The other comes from the fields of knowledge management and
organizational communication, focusing in particular on how tacit knowledge, based largely on
experiential learning, is created, shared, and enacted within the workplace.
Although it incorporates and seeks to extend understanding of the ongoing newsroom
transition to a digital environment, this work situates that transition within a broadly fluid news
culture, one undergoing transformations that affect the smallest papers at least as dramatically as
the more frequently studied largest. In focusing on editors of weekly papers, it offers insights
into an understudied population of newsroom managers, particularly within the UK, where most
scholarly attention has been devoted to the national press. Moreover, despite their historic
stability, media outlets serving geographically small communities are of particular contemporary
interest in light of the growth of hyperlocal citizen journalism sites seeking to fill similar
community niches (Schaffer, 2007). We begin with a look at the UK industry context.
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campaigns (Hadwin, 2006). However, observers inside and outside the industry say investigative
or critical local journalism is becoming harder to find or to finance as new owners bring renewed
attention to cost controls in an increasingly difficult UK media environment (Franklin, 2006).
Adding to the pressure on weeklies has been their transition from publishing once in
seven days to publishing all day every day and adding audio and video storytelling that, while
still largely rudimentary (Bradshaw, 2008), now regularly appears on local newspaper websites.
Over the past year, regional UK papers have rapidly accelerated their digital activities, and traffic
has grown substantially. Resulting revenue has not been enough to offset print losses, but the
losses would be deeper without website gains such as the 24% increase reported in mid-2007 by
Trinity Mirror, the circulation leader among Britains regional publishers (Press Gazette, 2007b).
One observer said recent financial reports would be a suicide note for the regional UK press
were it not for the fact that the web is strengthening their community role (Wainwright, 2008).
The newspapers whose editors participated in the current study all are part of Johnston
Press plc, which owns more titles than any other UK publisher and is the third-largest publisher
by circulation of local and regional papers in Britain. Johnston Press (JP) was founded in 1767 as
a family business; in recent years, it has been a leader in the acquisition strategy described above.
JP publishes 309 local and regional papers, 291 of them weeklies, in the UK and Ireland
(Johnston Press, 2008a; 2008b). These range in size from theNorthallerton, Thirsk and Bedale
Times, circulation 511, to theEdinburgh Herald andPostat nearly 134,000 (ABC, 2008). Print
and online properties have a combined audience of roughly 16 million (Johnston Press, 2008c).
Like most newspaper companies, JP has had a difficult year (Press Gazette, 2007a).
Although overall revenues were up slightly, both earnings and pre-tax profits declined more than
6% in 2007, mostly because of what its chairman calls reduced advertising demand (Johnston
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Press, 2008c, p. 2), and its stock price has plummeted (McNally, 2008). Its websites, however,
have been a positive development. Industry observers have praised the company for its skill in
integrating web and print operations for local markets (Stafford, 2008) and for adapting with
more enthusiasm than most to prospects of a digital future (Greenslade, 2008). JP says its
digital revenue was up 34% in 2007, while online user numbers were up 24% and page
impressions 54% over 2006. Its stated strategy includes restructuring the organization to ensure
that it is equipped to deliver on our digital aspirations (Johnston Press, 2008c, p. 5).
LITERATURE: NEWSROOM SOCIALIZATION and CHANGE
In this uncertain industry climate, an understanding of how journalists deal with both
stability and change is important. Socialization into both the newsroom and the broader
profession plays a central role. Socialization into any occupation is understood to involve several
stages. These include vocational socialization, influenced by education, the media, and personal
acquaintances; anticipatory socialization, or development of impressions of future work
environments through communication with current employees; initiation into the work group;
and finally, adjustment to group norms, values, and practices (Kramer & Miller, 1999).
The newsroom has long been recognized as a powerful socializing force (Breed, 1955).
Journalistic norms and values tend to be broadly shared (McLeod & Hawley, 1964), and
organizational cultures create patterns of meaning that define appropriate behavior (Bantz, 1985).
Articulating norms such as a commitment to objective reporting serves both as a form of ritual
solidarity and as a way of socializing practitioners to how things are or should be done
(Schudson, 2001). Deuze (2005) suggests the result is the creation of an ideology of journalism,
one that emphasizes a particular set of values, such as immediacy and objectivity, and ultimately
is used by practitioners to legitimize their own position in society.
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Although the socializing role of newsroom culture provides journalists with defenses to
withstand pressure for change (Fee, 2002) and the inevitable loss of routines, relationships, and
traditions that it brings (Giles, 2005), ongoing technological shifts are disrupting newsroom
organization and communication patterns, as well as creating new pressures for a coherent notion
of who we are (de Bruin, 2000; Pavlik, 2000). Studies of converged newsrooms suggest print
journalists may be undergoing a process of resocialization (Singer, 2004) as existing values and
beliefs about the role of journalists and what they do are challenged. Studies conducted in other
organizational contexts have suggested that the resocialization process plays an important role
during periods of change (Hart, Miller, & Johnson, 2003). Experts stress that planned change
must be understood as encompassing new roles, values, rewards, and ways of doing work, not
merely new procedures (Lewis, 1999). Similarly, communication about the vision and purpose
behind organizational change has been identified as a key theme in both the popular and
scholarly literature (Lewis et al., 2006); communication about vision helps in reducing
uncertainty about change and creating new organizational social structures (Fairhurst, 1993).
Philosophers say that change is a constant. It certainly has been for journalists working in
a contemporary newspaper environment that is both unsettled and unsettling (Gade & Perry,
2003), presenting newsroom managers with the task of creating balance in chaos (Killebrew,
2005, p. 184). The task is far from an easy one. Gade (2004) found that even editors trained in
change management had trouble; managers believed they had sought employee input and
effectively communicated about vision and outcomes, but their staffs saw editors as authoritarian
and felt left out and confused. A study by Daniels and Hollifield (2002) of change at CNN
Headline News suggested staff reacted especially negatively to changes that they felt threatened
the intrinsic professional rewards they derived from their work, notably their ability to respond
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effectively to breaking news; this finding is in line with earlier work that has suggested higher
job satisfaction is tied to the pursuit of journalistic, rather than business, goals (see Pollard, 1995).
McLellan and Porter begin their 2007 exploration of newsroom change by declaring:
The reinvention of newspapers in the digital age requires the reinvention ofnewsroom leadership. Editors are discovering that the traditional, top-down
I-paid-my-dues-and-now-its-your-turn style of management fails to foster thenimble thinking, collaboration and risk-taking newspapers need to overcome the
changes in economics, demographics and technology that are transforming the newsindustry. They are discovering they need to change (p. 1).
In other words, editors need to think about what they know and how to communicate it, as well
as what they dont know and how to learn it. The next section of this paper considers the role of
two kinds of knowledge in management style and structure.
LITERATURE: TACIT and EXPLICIT KNOWLEDGE
The growth of knowledge has been central to human history, yet social scientists,
cognitive psychologists, and even philosophers have struggled to understand how people learn
and communicate the results of that learning. Little consensus has emerged (Moykr, 2002).
However, management scholars in post-industrial society generally agree that the
knowledge within a company is the primary source of competitive advantage (Prahalad & Hamel,
1990; Nonaka, 1994; Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995; Jasimuddin, Klein, & Connell, 2005). In a
knowledge economy (Drucker, 1969; Toffler, 1990), the ability to manage human intellect and
convert it into useful products and services is seen as central to success (Smith, 2001; Goffee &
Jones, 2006). Drucker (1993) argued that traditional primary resources of production land,
labor, and capital are secondary to knowledge for growing knowledge-based economies.
Echoing this perspective, Nonaka (1994) contends that knowledge is the single most important
production factor in terms of an organizations capacity to survive and then successfully compete.
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There thus is a growing interest in understanding key aspects of managing knowledge.
These include knowledge creation (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995), transfer (Smith & McKeen,
2003), and storage (Huber, 1991; Walsh & Ungson, 1991), as well as its social aspects (Brown &
Duguid, 1991). Categorization of knowledge as tacit or explicit is part of this enterprise (Polanyi,
1967; Nonaka, 1994; Jasimuddin, 2004; Jasimuddin, Klein, & Connell, 2005).
Knowledge can be seen as existing on a spectrum. At one extreme, it is almost wholly
tacit the semiconscious and subconscious knowledge held in our heads and bodies. Some forms
of tacit knowledge rest in cognitive skills learned through experience, then internalized; such
knowledge is hard to formalize or communicate, and a person may be unable to fully articulate
what he or she knows. Polanyi famously proposed four decades ago that we can know more
than we can tell (1967: 4). At the other end of the spectrum is knowledge that is almost wholly
explicit; it is codified, structured, and accessible to those who did not originate it. Most of what
we know lies between the extremes (Leonard & Sensiper, 2000), though the relationship between
tacit and explicit knowledge is widely debated (Brown & Duguid, 1991; Hall & Andriani, 2003;
Jasimuddin, Klein, & Connell, 2005). The current work draws on Polanyi and, more directly, on
Nonakas extension of his ideas. Nonaka and Takeuchi (1995) hold that it is individuals who
create and maintain what an organization collectively knows:
Knowledge is created only by individuals. An organization cannot create knowledgeon its own without individuals. Organizational knowledge creation should be
understood as a process that organizationally amplifies the knowledge created byindividuals and crystallizes it at the group level through dialogue, experience sharing
or observation (p. 239).
Nonaka and his colleagues (2001) identify different levels of social interaction at which
individually created knowledge is transformed and legitimized: informal and formal, within the
organization and intra-organizational. These epistemological and ontological dimensions of
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knowledge creation are then brought together in a spiral model that involves four modes of
knowledge conversion. The first of these is from tacit knowledge to tacit knowledge that is,
socialization. Successive modes are from tacit to explicit knowledge, called externalization;
explicit knowledge to explicit knowledge, which occurs in the combinations of bodies of explicit
knowledge through social processes such as meetings, which foster new knowledge; and finally,
from explicit knowledge to tacit knowledge, called internalization. The latter is similar to the
traditional notion of learning (pp. 494-497). The model is commonly referred to as the SECI
model, an acronym of the labels for each of the four modes.
Organizational knowledge creation, as distinct from individual knowledge creation,
occurs when dynamic interactions between all four modes are managed so that a continuous
cycle is formed, driven by triggers facilitated by the organization (Nonaka, Toyama, &
Byosire, 2001). The first mode, socialization, typically starts through building a team or
interaction space where participants can share experiences and perspectives. The externalization
mode is triggered by successive rounds of dialogue, which enable participants to articulate ideas
and experiences, revealing the tacit knowledge that otherwise can be difficult to communicate.
Next, concepts formed by teams can be combined with existing data and external knowledge,
producing greater clarity. An iterative process of trial and error then helps participants develop
and articulate concepts that can be internalized through experimentation or learning by doing. In
due course, participants in a team, or what Nonaka calls a field of action (1991, p. 14), who
share explicit knowledge and participate in a process of trial and error, are able to translate the
explicit knowledge into various forms of tacit knowledge (Nonaka, Toyama, & Byosire, 2001).
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While not without its critics (see Gourlay, 2006), this SECI model applicable at both
the individual and organizational levels -- has been widely cited and captures the idea that tacit
and explicit knowledge are complementary and can grow over time through interaction.
Individuals can accrue tacit knowledge without language, such as apprentices who learn
craftsmanship from mentors by observation, imitation, and practice. This is similar to what
sociologists see as the socialization process outlined briefly above. Although relatively few
media scholars have directly applied a knowledge management framework to explore what
journalists know, a number have referenced it, and it is implicit in much of the newsroom
socialization literature. In advocating a cultural approach to studying journalism, Zelizer points
out that while journalists employ collective and often tacit knowledge to initiate and maintain
group membership, what is explicitly articulated as that knowledge does not reflect the whole
picture of what journalism is and tries to be (2004, p. 176). Sveiby (1996) suggests that
newsrooms are open spaces because the arrangement facilitates the rapid transfer of tacit
knowledge of all you need to know to function as a journalist. He describes this work space
arrangement as the office version of the cave in that it mimics the energy-efficient way human
knowledge has long been passed from generation to generation, neither consciously nor
deliberately (p. 382). Quinn (2002) urges managers of digital newsrooms to create rules and
guidelines for specific editorial processes, such as a central database for commonly used contacts,
so that staffers come to expect that tacit knowledge will be recorded (p. 182).
For knowledge management scholars, employees in middle management such as the
editors who are the subject of the present study play a key role in the creation of organizational
knowledge. They argue that traditional top-down or bottom-up management models are not
appropriate in companies where information is an outcome of productivity and not simply a tool
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for generating such productivity (Nonaka, 1994; Nonaka, Toyama, & Byosire, 2001). Instead,
they suggest that a new middle-up-down model of management is most appropriate for such
organizations. Unlike the traditional models, this one views all members of the organization as
important actors who should work together both horizontally and vertically (Nonaka & Takeuchi,
1995). The success of the process hinges on middle managers:
Whereas top management articulate the dreams of the firm, frontline employees andlow-level middle managers look at its reality. The gap between these two perspectives
is narrowed by and through middle managers. In other words, top managements roleis to create a grand theory, whereas middle management, as knowledge producers,
create a mid-range theory that can be empirically tested within the company with thehelp of frontline employees. Knowledge is created through such interactions, and then
disseminated throughout the company (Nonaka, Toyama, & Byosire, 2001, p. 505).
Before turning to the current study, it is worth quickly noting that considerable recent
work in the area of knowledge management has focused on adaptations to communication
technologies and their effects on organizational culture. McDermott (2000) points out that
although companies imagine a new world of leveraged knowledge facilitated by technology, the
tools generally reinforce existing norms about documenting, sharing, and utilizing information
rather than creating new cultural realities. Roberts (2000) says the limitations of communication
technology are particularly acute in the case of tacit knowledge transfer, which often requires
co-location and co-presence the transfer of know-how requires a process of show-how (p.
439). In general, radical changes are too often initiated without sufficient attention to the need to
change organizational culture, including its tacit knowledge, to accommodate them; new
techniques, processes, or ideas are simply overlaid on an existing belief structure without
adequate mechanisms for facilitating their absorption (Hale & Whitlam, 1997; Sviokla, 2000).
This study draws on ideas about both socialization and knowledge management processes
to examine a group of editors, at middle management levels within their umbrella organization,
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facing just such a radical and inherently cultural shift. The associated changes are both external,
such as those related to news audiences, and internal, such as those related to news products and
production practices, as outlined at the start of this paper. To explore how they think about
managing their newsrooms in this environment, it addresses the following research questions:
RQ1: How does the tacit knowledge of weekly newspaper editors, particularlyregarding their audiences and news products, affect their perceptions about managing
change in local newsrooms?
RQ2: What existing aspects of socialization or of cultural practice are potentialbarriers to the success of these editors in managing change in local newsrooms?
METHOD
A total of 57 weekly newspaper editors, all from different Johnston Press papers in the
United Kingdom (England, Scotland, and Northern Ireland, but not Wales) and the Republic of
Ireland were given an online questionnaire1
in advance of weeklong newsroom management
training sessions provided at the authors university between May and November 2007. This
data collection followed a pre-test in November 2006 on a comparable group of incoming
trainees and subsequent questionnaire modification.
The questionnaire, which was informed by a survey that one of the authors completed as
part of a Poynter Institute (2006) seminar, included both open- and closed-ended questions.
Valid responses to all of the questions were obtained from 47 respondents; another eight
answered all or most of the closed-ended questions but did not respond to one or more of the
open-ended ones. Confidentiality was promised to the respondents, in line with the universitys
human subjects research policies, and no names or other identifying information is used here.
1The questionnaire included questions posed to participants in a Poynter Institute Leadership
for Online News Managers seminar in May 2006. Results are not publicly available.
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The closed-ended questions were analyzed using simple descriptive statistics; as the
respondent pool was small and the sample was not random, more sophisticated statistical
measurements were not viable here. In addition to calculating overall percentages, responses
from editors with smaller and larger staffs 15 journalists or fewer, and 16 or more, respectively
-- were calculated separately in order to highlight the perceptions of managers tasked with
supervising change in the very smallest news organizations.
Textual analysis was used to analyze responses to the open-ended questions; one of the
researchers and a research assistant carefully reviewed the responses and identified key themes
relevant to the literature and research questions. Individual responses can and frequently did
reference multiple themes; the findings indicate the number of times a particular theme was cited
as a means of suggesting its relative importance to respondents, but a more formal quantitative
assessment would be inappropriate. Therefore, percentages are provided with numbers of
respondents but not with themes identified in their responses.
Typographical errors in editors responses have been corrected in order to make them
easier to read. British colloquialisms, as well as British spellings, have been retained.
FINDINGS
The respondents: Almost all who indicated their job title (49 of 55, or 89.1%) were
editors of individual weekly newspapers; the other six were group editors, overseeing several
papers in a geographical area. Respondents staffs were generally small; only two editors (both
group editors) indicated staff sizes of more than 30 people, and most editors (37, or 68.5% of the
54 who answered the question) oversaw 15 people or fewer.
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Nearly half of the 55 editors answering the question (27, or 49.1%) had been in their jobs
between one and five years; 11 (20%) had been the editor for more than 10 years; seven (12.7%)
for six to 10 years, and 10 (18.2%) for less than a year. However, most (32 of 55, or 58.2%) had
worked for JP for more than 10 years, 12 of those (21.8% of the total) for more than a quarter-
century. Almost all (50 of 55, or 90.9%) had been journalists for at least a decade and thus had
entered the profession before the internet became a widespread platform for weekly newspapers
in the UK. Indeed, nearly two-thirds (35, or 63.6%) had been journalists since at least the 1980s.
As is true for many long-time journalists in the UK, only a minority 16 of 55 who
answered the question, or 29.1% -- had higher education degrees. Most (42 of 55, or 76.4%) had
some sort of formal certification in journalism, but only four (7.3%) had formal management
training; another 16 had been through in-house management courses of one sort or another.
Perceived Strengths: Before seeing questions related directly to managing change,
editors were asked to identify what their own organization currently does best, a question
intended to draw primarily on tacit knowledge of what they are all about. The 55 editors who
answered this question highlighted a total of 70 things (not including the one who wrote allows
five weeks a year holiday); some touched on two or more themes in their responses.
Twenty-two editors (40%) identified providing information as a key strength, including
four who specifically cited their local reporting. Eleven (20%) said that producing a newspaper
was what they did best; another four broadened that to include the website or generic news
products. Ten (18.2%) cited business practices, such as the editor who wrote that the
organization was good at assessing costs to ensure it gets the best possible financial return from
its newspapers. Other themes included serving the local community (six editors), working as a
team (four), and optimizing limited resources (three). Six editors explicitly mentioned innovation,
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including the one who said the organization was good at constantly rethinking what we do and
trying to bring the best local coverage in whatever format is available to us.
Editors subsequently were asked what they thought journalism as an enterprise was doing
especially well in the current changing media environment. Among the 47 who responded to this
question, many highlighted strong and ongoing community public service, such as the editors
who cited fighting for the communities they serve or giving a voice to the concerns of
communities who often feel that their opinions count for nothing.
But more than half the editors 25 of those answering this question cited some aspect
of coping with change as a strength. Oddly enough, at my level it's doing well at adapting to the
digital challenges. Websites have brought a refreshing new dimension to my news organisation,
an editor wrote. Another said: I think in terms of quality, the industry is in rude health. The flip
side of increased audience choice has forced organisations to raise the bar. If you put a lazy
paper/website together, people just won't bother looking at it. Still, many felt journalisms
strengths lay in doing what it had always done: providing quality local stories, highlighting
important issues and campaigning for their readers rights, as one editor wrote.
Perceived Weaknesses: Asked what they perceived to be the most important problem
facing journalism today, the open-ended responses of 47 editors fell into four broad categories.
Three related to declines in quality, audiences, and resources; the fourth involved change itself,
particularly change created by the shift to digital information delivery. Again, many provided
multi-faceted answers that touched on two or more issues. In terms of knowledge management,
this question sought to probe for the potential shortcomings that editors saw in applying the
industrys overall collective knowledge and standard practices to a fluid media environment.
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Although a majority of respondents saw coping with change as an industry strength, as
described above, 17 editors (36.2%) cited change in general or the shift to a digital environment
in particular as journalisms biggest problem. They worried about a potential decline in quality,
such as the editor who wrote of maintaining a high-quality print product while developing
digital and the associated danger of throwing out the baby with the bathwater. Additional
concerns about change were addressed through other questions and are summarized below.
Other quality issues were linked to a changing audience, one largely interested in
dumbed down content. Genocide in Darfur or a sexual encounter on `Big Brother? Which
would sell more, get more hits, produce more spin-offs? Which should people be more aware of?
one editor wrote. Editors also connected concerns about quality to resource issues involving time
and/or money, such as the one who highlighted maintaining the quality of products, be it digital
or print, in the face of ever-tightening budgets. Several had grave misgivings about their own
staffs, suggesting industry newcomers did not possess an appropriate base of knowledge or skills.
Not enough people who call themselves journalists are really interested in finding out stuff and
passing it on to other people, whatever obstacles are put in their way, one editor wrote, adding
that too many young journalists today are more information packagers.
Such problems pose leadership issues for newsroom managers, and another open-ended
question asked editors to identify key challenges and the obstacles to overcoming them. Perhaps
because this question explicitly referenced their leadership role, many responses highlighted staff
motivation. Twenty-five editors, more than half of the 47 who responded to this question, cited
motivational issues, such as the editor who identified getting staff excited and involved while at
the same time more work and pressure is being put on them, as a key challenge. Some
characterized staffers as too negative and set in their ways, but others said that while the staff
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spirit was willing, the flesh was sometimes too tired to follow through. Enthusiasm only lasts so
long, then exhaustion sets in, one editor wrote.
As with the other open-ended questions, many editors cited multiple themes, including
challenges related to inadequate resources (19 responses), revenue and/or circulation declines (10
responses), and inroads on quality (nine responses). For example, one editor wrote about the
challenge of motivating staff when they have the perception that the workload has increased
without any related reward. I want to drive up editorial standards, but production pressures on a
small team make it difficult to move beyond the weekly damage limitation exercise.
Nine respondents cited managing change as a challenge in and of itself, and another six
explicitly cited technology hassles. While four editors complained about interference from others
Im the editor, I have brilliant, enthusiastic staff bursting with new ideas, yet Im hamstrung
by people who think they know better than me, wrote one two admitted doubt about their own
tacit and explicit knowledge and thus their ability to lead in a changing media environment. The
best way to take people along the road with you is to have the personal knowledge (to) speak
from a position of strength, said one editor. I don't have that hands-on knowledge.
Coping With Change: The questionnaire listed 20 potential concerns and asked editors
to indicate how worried they were about each (see Table 1a). Only two items were a big or very
big concern to a majority of respondents. Forty of the 54 editors who responded (74.1%) were
worried about their ability to cope with a 24/7 world given their resource limits, a finding
supported by their emphasis on resources outlined above and under Time Constraints below.
Thirty-five editors (64.8%) worried that they did not know enough about the online audience to
create a product that users would want. Among lesser but still substantive concerns, as indicated
by more than a third of the respondents, were the adequacy of available technologies to support
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Managing Change: 20
innovation (24 editors, 44.4%), their own ability to successfully manage ongoing waves of
change (22 editors, 40.7%), fears about sacrificing the core print product to bolster the shakier
online one (22 editors again), and the extent to which they were taking the audience into account
when making news decisions (19 editors, 35.2%).
A larger number of items worried respondents only minimally or not at all. Two-thirds of
the editors were relatively unconcerned about making ethical decisions when public service and
commercial goals collide (38 editors, 70.4%), being unable to lead their team when things do not
go as planned (37 editors, 68.5%), or leading their staff in the desired direction (37 editors again).
These findings suggest they were relatively confident of their tacit knowledge about their general
leadership capabilities. A majority of respondents also were unconcerned or only minimally
concerned about negative effects of competition and conflict on their newsroom (35 editors,
64.8%), loss of the basic journalistic mission along the path to change (30 editors, 55.6%), or
an inability to effectively communicate (29 editors, 53.7%). Another six statements were
similarly dismissed by at least a third of the editors. Eight statements were of medium concern
to a third of the editors or more.
However, there were differences between editors with relatively large staffs (16 or more,
18 editors) and those with smaller staffs (15 or fewer, 36 editors on this question). Although the
nature of the data prevents calculations of statistical significance, Table 1b offers preliminary
insights into concerns of the smallest news organizations. By far the greatest of these was that
their newsroom would be unable to handle demands of a 24/7 media environment, given our
resource limits. Thirty of the 36 editors with smaller staffs (83.3%) indicated this was a big or
very big concern, compared with just over half of the 18 editors with larger staffs. A similar
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Managing Change: 21
concern, the ability to manage and successfully integrate ongoing waves of innovation, was cited
by half of the editors with smaller staffs but only four (22.2%) of those in larger organizations.
Those with larger staffs highlighted lack of understanding of their online audience as
their greatest concern (13 of 18 editors, or 72.2%), followed by concerns about inadequate
technology (11 editors, 61.1%); editors in smaller newsrooms ranked audience understanding as
their second-biggest concern, with technological issues further down their list. Two items that
not a single editors of a larger organization indicated were big or very big concerns fears about
loss of the basic journalistic mission and uncertainty about how to lead into uncharted territory
were cited by nine (25%) and eight (22.2%) of the editors with smaller staffs, respectively.
Nearly half of the editors in smaller newsrooms also worried about sacrificing the core print
product to bolster the shakier one, a concern for only about a quarter of those with larger staffs.
Conversely, nearly half of those with more people reporting to them worried about future
revenue opportunities, compared with about a quarter of their counterparts in smaller newsrooms.
Editors also were asked what they would change in relation to digital media if they ran
the company. Although two of the 47 editors who answered this open-ended question indicated
concerns about an over-emphasis on digital products at the potential expense of the printed paper
or the overall mission to investigate and to report the truth, most indicated their concerns were
with the execution of the digital strategy rather than the strategy itself. A majority of the answers
indicated a perceived need for enhanced support in the form of human and/or technical resources.
Sixteen editors (34%) said they would provide dedicated digital journalists to support the
affiliated websites, people who think digital 24 hours a day and do not have the worry of
simultaneously producing a newspaper, as one editor wrote. Another called for employing
skilled digital staff to work alongside traditional print journalists. At the moment, the print side
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Managing Change: 22
is suffering, and digital is not being done as well as it might. Another 15 editors (31.9%) said
they would invest more in human resources: providing more training, supporting journalists
strengths and/or increasing staff sizes. As one editor wrote, I would seek to put investment into
people, rather than solely in technology. In general, all these responses suggest a sentiment that
the existing knowledge base within their organization was not an optimum fit for demands of a
changing media environment. However, eight editors (17%) singled out investment in
technology as key; if they ran the company, they would improve both the tools and the technical
staff to support them, ensuring technology is more reliable and efficient, as one editor wrote.
This question elicited an especially wide range of other responses. For instance, two
editors essentially said company executives should walk the talk, follow up the fine words with
action. Three cited a need to get the advertising department on board, three wanted procedures
for maintaining quality standards and three actually said they had no complaints! Four editors
said they didnt feel they knew enough about digital media to be able to answer the question.
Time Constraints: Editors were presented with a set of 10 tasks and asked to estimate the
percentage of a typical day they spent on each, an attempt to assess existing work practices in
the context of a changing environment. Their responses were aggregated and averages calculated.
As a group, these editors reported that they spent a majority of their time developing and editing
content (see Table 2). The second most time-consuming task was handling staff issues, though it
was far behind content production at less than 10% of their time; wrestling with technology took
about 6% of their time, while managing up was a relatively minor task, taking less than 3% of
their time. In the aggregate, the editors estimated that less than 6% of their time was spent on
planning, while barely 2% went to generating new knowledge: learning new skills or training.
Meetings, both inside and outside the company, accounted for most of the rest of their time.
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Managing Change: 23
Here, too, there were variations by staff size. Again, statistical significance cannot be
calculated, so the percentages must be taken as only preliminary information subject to further
data collection and testing. That said, they suggest that editors in smaller newsrooms spent a
greater proportion of their time handling content and had less to spare for planning or personnel
issues. They seemed, however, to be somewhat closer to their communities, indicated by a
slightly greater percentage of time spent interacting with audience members. As a group, they
reported more time lost to wrestling with technology than did their counterparts with larger staffs.
An open-ended question asked the editors to describe what, if anything, could be changed
to enable them to make better use of their time. Forty-eight editors responded with one or more
suggestions, some of them facetious (an extra day could be added to the week) but most
serious; some had multiple suggestions. A majority of the editors cited a need for more staff or
for additional resources in general; a total of 34 comments highlighted resource issues. Ten
editors (20.8%) specifically mentioned a desire to be freed from some of their day-to-day editing
and content production duties in order to think more broadly or strategically. As a manager, I
would appreciate less pressure on my time to edit content in order to provide more time to
develop staff, improve the product and research new technology/ideas, said one.
Eleven editors (22.9%) expressed frustration with the amount of time they spent trying to
get technology, including digital production tools, to work properly; at the time of the study, JPs
technical staff was still working out bugs and struggling to meet the deadline-driven demands of
hundreds of papers from one central office. Other suggestions indicated more endemic issues.
Seven comments related to excessive bureaucracy and/or inadequate administrative support;
with no secretary, PA or even assistant editor, much of the time I spend on form-filling could be
better spent in other areas, one editor wrote. Three highlighted a need for better communication,
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Managing Change: 24
and two for training so they could effectively use what one editor described as 35,000 worth of
hi-tech paper weight (a digi[tal] newsroom suite) sitting in my office.
Communication Channels: Finally, editors were asked what communication channels
they used to interact with various people, from individual staff members to corporate executives
(see Table 3), an issue of central importance in the context of sharing both tacit and explicit
knowledge. Responses were non-exclusive: Multiple channels could be indicated for each
contact category. For communicating with others in their own company both inside and outside
the newsroom face-to-face communication was the most heavily used; well over 90% of the
editors indicated they talked with colleagues in person. E-mail was the most widely used channel
for communicating with JP employees in different locations, as well as the second most widely
used for communication within the news outlet itself. Telephone communication also was
popular, particularly for communicating with people in other departments and other parts of the
organization. None of the respondents used videoconferencing or instant messaging at all, and
only one editor communicated via a newsroom blog.
Again acknowledging that comparisons can only be preliminary given the nature of the
data, editors with relatively larger staffs appear to use more communication channels favorable
to sharing explicit knowledge, including e-mail, print newsletters and bulletin boards. Those in
larger organizations also had more face-to-face contact with people in other parts of the company,
including executives, and they communicated more at events.
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Managing Change: 25
CONCLUSIONS and DISCUSSION
The first research question asked how tacit knowledge, particularly regarding audiences
and news products, affects editors perceptions about their own abilities to lead local newsrooms
in transition. The findings indicate that they realized there was a lot they did not know, most
notably about new audiences, resulting in considerable uncertainty about the best way to manage
change. These veteran journalists had enormous individual and collective storehouses of tacit
knowledge about what a community newspaper is and how to produce a good one for a particular
kind of reader knowledge that their responses suggest they were largely trying to apply more or
less directly to a new media, social, and economic environment. But most also recognized that,
in large measure, that strategy was not getting them where they or their company needed to go.
How to constructively manage change is the crux of the problem they confront. Many
thought an optimal approach would be simply to hire new staffers with different sorts of tacit
knowledge to compensate for their own shortcomings; a wish for dedicated digital journalists to
handle website content product clearly reflects this idea. However, they did not see such people
as necessarily affecting newsroom socialization, as might occur if the different forms of tacit
knowledge were actually shared (Nonaka, Toyama, & Byosire, 2001); rather, they seemed to
see them as providing a complementary but distinct set of skills. In general, most editors did not
envision the sort of resocialization that researchers have suggested can facilitate organizational
change (Hart, Miller & Johnson, 2003). They were more likely to say they wanted more of the
same kinds of resources they currently had more people and more money, as well as more time
to do the things they had long ago been socialized to see as journalistically important.
The second research question asked about potential barriers to editors success in leading
local newsrooms in transition. The findings again suggest these editors are strongly socialized to
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Managing Change: 26
perceive their products, audiences, and social roles in traditional terms. They are focused on
producing better journalism, defined as putting out a good news product that is, a newspaper,
which is what virtually all of their tacit knowledge enables them to do successfully. For the most
part, they were cognitively willing to accept that the newspaper can be digital instead of
printed on wood pulp. But they had not yet substantively begun the process of modifying their
knowledge base to adapt to the change, at least as of the time of this study, which was conducted
in advance of an intensive training workshop designed to help them do just that. As other
scholars have suggested is commonly the case, cultural change had not accompanied the
introduction of radical innovation (Hale & Whitlam, 1997; McDermott, 2000; Sviokla, 2000).
Moreover, the findings suggest that, particularly in the smaller newsrooms, breaking out
of the current strictures created by their own traditionally oriented tacit knowledge is going to
require concerted effort. Most of their time goes into doing what they already know how to do,
with little left over for building new knowledge -- and, in the open newsroom environments in
which they work (Sveiby, 1996), passing what they know along to junior colleagues. Nor was
there much evidence here that editors were enacting the middle-up-down model of management
that researchers suggest is most appropriate for organizations in the business of producing
information (Nonaka, 1988; 1990; Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995); for instance, very little of their
time was spent on managing up.
Respondents reliance on face-to-face communication channels also suggests that tasks
requiring new kinds of explicit knowledge, such as new technical know-how, may be difficult to
integrate. Again, however, training such as the program on which respondents subsequently
embarked are intended largely to enable them to create new know-how that can be translated into
show-how (Roberts, 2000) in their own small organizations. Drawing on the SECI model
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Managing Change: 27
described above, the sessions included discussion (the externalization mode of knowledge
conversion, from tacit to explicit), presentation (explicit to explicit, the combination mode
facilitated by such meetings) and hands-on training (explicit to tacit, the internalization mode;
see Nonaka, Toyama, & Byosire, 2001). Follow-up work is needed to investigate how these
newsroom managers views changed subsequent to the workshops and their return to their
newsrooms to try to enact what they had learned.
Also missing from the portrait presented here is information about staff perceptions of the
ongoing changes. Other research has suggested that an emphasis on core journalistic concepts,
such as the ones these editors expressed, may in fact be the best way to generate buy-in to
change (Pollard, 1995; Daniels & Hollifield, 2002) and to avoid staff resentment (Gade, 2004) --
particularly as staffers typically are socialized to see their tasks and roles within a shared
newsroom culture in the same way as their managers do (Breed, 1955). Further exploration is
needed to broaden the perspectives highlighted here, which not only focus solely on editors but
also are based on a small and non-random sample from within a single media company, with all
the inherent shortcomings such research entails.
In the meantime, we can say with certainty that change and the uncertainty it brings --
is indeed a constant. The weekly editors studied here have conflicted views about the changes
sweeping their industry, seeing them correctly as both an enormous opportunity and perhaps
their biggest challenge. They know what they know -- and they know it is not enough to
guarantee either their newsroom, where most of their attention is focused, or their company, of
whose fortunes they were keenly aware, safe passage through the ongoing cultural upheavals and
economic downturns. But that recognition is itself a vital step toward a future that is certain to
look very different from the present.
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Table 1a: Whats Keeping You Up at Night?Editors were asked to indicate what worried them about working in a changing media
environment. A total of 54 editors responded to this question. The n for each item and itspercentage of the total for this question are indicated below.
Issue Not aconcern
Smallconcern
Mediumconcern
Bigconcern
Very bigconcern
N/A
Digital Immigrant: How do I learn to think outsidethe box, and help my staff to do so, when everythingis so new to most of us?
12(22.2%)
7(13%)
19(35.2%)
10(18.5%)
5(9.3%)
1(1.9%)
Future Shock: Will I be able to manage and
successful integrate the next wave of innovation, andthe next, and the next
6
(11.1%)
9
(16.7%)
16
(29.6%)
18
(33.3%)
4
(7.4%)
1
(1.9%)
Change Mania: Im not certain where were going, sohow can I lead others there?
15(27.8%)
12(22.2%)
18(33.3%)
5(9.3%)
3(5.6%)
1(1.9%)
Fear of Failing: Winning is great, but how can I leada team when things dont go to plan?
14(25.9%)
23(42.6%)
13(24.1%)
2(3.7%)
1(1.9%)
1(1.9%)
Life in the Fast Lane: Can we realistically handle the24/7 world, given our resource limits?
1(1.9%)
4(7.4%)
7(13%)
20(37%)
20(37%)
2(3.7%)
Training Wheels: How can I help myself and mystaff acquire the skills we need?
4(7.4%)
12(22.2%)
21(38.9%)
12(22.2%)
5(9.3%)
0
Herding Cats: Journalists tend to want to go theirown way. How can I lead them in the direction wewant to go?
13(24.1%)
24(44.4%)
13(24.1%)
1(1.9%)
3(5.6%)
0
Saying the Right Thing: Were professionalcommunicators, so how come were so lousy atcommunicating with one another?
12(22.2%)
17(31.5%)
15(27.8%)
6(11.1%)
3(5.6%)
1(1.9%)
Playing Nicely: How can I help prevent our newsroomfrom being harmed by competition and conflict?
11(20.4%)
24(44.4%)
11(20.4%)
4(7.4%)
4(7.4%)
0
Credibility Crunch: How do we make ethical
decisions when public service and commercial goalscollide?
18
(33.3%)
20
(37%)
11
(20.4%)
4
(7.4%)
1
(1.9%)
0
Managing Innovation: How do we successfullyimplement creative ideas?
9(16.7%)
10(18.5%)
27(50%)
7(13%)
1(1.9%)
0
Telling the Story: Has the basic journalistic missiongotten lost along the path to change?
13(24.1%)
17(31.5%)
15(27.8%)
5(9.3%)
4(7.4%)
0
Thinking Like a User: Are we adequately taking theaudience into account when making news decisions?
1(1.9%)
10(18.5%)
23(42.6%)
12(22.2%)
7(13%)
1(1.9%)
Minding the Market: Do I know enough about myonline audience to create a product theyll want?
0 3(5.6%)
15(27.8%)
21(38.9%)
14(25.9%)
1(1.9%)
One Size Fits All: How can I best serve my uniquemarket within our large and diverse company?
4(7.4%)
10(18.5%)
27(50%)
8(14.8%)
5(9.3%)
0
Technical Twists: Will our tools and technology beable to support our innovative ideas?
2(3.7%)
7(13%)
18(33.3%)
11(20.4%)
13(24.1%)
3(5.6%)
Killing the Golden Goose: Are we sacrificing ourcore print product to bolster the shakier one?
6(11.1%)
11(20.4%)
15(27.8%)
16(29.6%)
6(11.1%)
0
Show Me More Money: What are the future revenueopportunities and how long do we have to realisethem?
4(7.4%)
14(25.9%)
18(33.3%)
12(22.2%)
6(11.1%)
0
Talk Is Cheap: how committed is the company to realchange, even if it hurts the bottom line along the way?
4(7.4%)
18(33.3%)
14(25.9%)
8(14.8%)
10(18.5%)
0
Strategic Thinking: Do we, as a company, reallyknow where we are headed and how to get there?
5(9.3%)
17(31.5%)
17(31.5%)
10(18.5%)
4(7.4%)
1(1.9%)
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Managing Change: 35
Table 1b: Whats Keeping You Up at Night?
Big concerns by staff size
Big or very big concerns for editors with small staffs (under 15 reporting to the editor) and larger
staffs (16 or more reporting to the editor) are shown here.
Issue Big or very big concern15 or fewer staff
(total n = 36)
Big or very big concern16 or more staff
(total n = 18)Digital Immigrant: How do I learn to think outside thebox, and help my staff to do so, when everything is so newto most of us?
10(27.8%)
5(27.8%)
Future Shock: Will I be able to manage and successfulintegrate the next wave of innovation, and the next, and thenext
18(50%)
4(22.2%)
Change Mania: Im not certain where were going, so howcan I lead others there?
8(22.2%)
0
Fear of Failing: Winning is great, but how can I lead a teamwhen things dont go to plan?
2(5.6%)
1(5.6%)
Life in the Fast Lane: Can we realistically handle the 24/7
world, given our resource limits?
30
(83.3%)
10
(55.6%)Training Wheels: How can I help myself and my staffacquire the skills we need?
11(30.6%)
6(33.3%)
Herding Cats: Journalists tend to want to go their own way.How can I lead them in the direction we want to go?
3(8.3%)
1(5.6%)
Saying the Right Thing: Were professionalcommunicators, so how come were so lousy atcommunicating with one another?
7(19.4%)
2(11.1%)
Playing Nicely: How can I help prevent our newsroom frombeing harmed by competition and conflict?
5(13.9%)
3(16.7%)
Credibility Crunch: How do we make ethical decisions
when public service and commercial goals collide?
3
(8.3%)
2
(11.1%)
Managing Innovation: How do we successfully implementcreative ideas?
6(16.7%)
2(11.1%)
Telling the Story: Has the basic journalistic mission gottenlost along the path to change?
9(25%)
0
Thinking Like a User: Are we adequately taking the
audience into account when making news decisions?
14
(38.9%)
5
(27.8%)
Minding the Market: Do I know enough about my onlineaudience to create a product theyll want?
22(61.1%)
13(72.2%)
One Size Fits All: How can I best serve my unique marketwithin our large and diverse company?
7(19.4%)
6(33.3%)
Technical Twists: Will our tools and technology be able to
support our innovative ideas?
13
(36.1%)11
(61.1%)
Killing the Golden Goose: Are we sacrificing our core printproduct to bolster the shakier one?
17(47.2%)
5(27.8%)
Show Me More Money: What are the future revenueopportunities and how long do we have to realise them?
10(27.8%)
8(44.4%)
Talk Is Cheap: How committed is the company to real
change, even if it hurts the bottom line along the way?
11
(30.6%)
7
(38.9%)Strategic Thinking: Do we, as a company, really knowwhere we are headed and how to get there?
9(25%)
5(27.8%)
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Managing Change: 36
Table 2: Time spent in a typical day
A total of 52 editors responded to this question; all of them indicated the size of their newsroom
staffs. Responses were aggregated and then averaged to produce the following collective portrait.
The first column of percentages shows the overall average. The second column shows theaverage for editors with staffs of 15 journalists or fewer, and the third column shows the average
for editors with staffs of 16 or more journalists.
In a typical day, editors said they spend their time on Overall
(n = 52)
Smaller
staffs
(n = 37)
Larger
staffs
(n = 15)
Developing and editing content 52.7% 55% 47.1%
Dealing with staff and personnel issues 9.7% 7.4% 15.5%
Meeting or talking with people in other company departments 9% 9% 9%
Wrestling with technology 6.2% a 9.3% 5.1%
Planning for the future 5.6% 4.7% 7.8%
Meeting or talking with audience members (readers / users) 5.4% 5.8% 4.2%
Meeting or talking with people outside the company 2.9% 3.2% 2.4%
Managing up 2.6% 2.7% 2.2%
Meeting or talking with people in other parts of Johnston Press 1.9% 1.8% 2.1%
Learning new skills / training 2% 1.8% 2.5%
Other 2.2% b 2.1% 2.4%
Percentages add up to more than 100% due primarily to rounding. In addition, fivemath-challenged editors provided totals that added up to 95%, 98%, 105% or 110%;
their responses are simply included in the total.
aOne editor indicated, we hope jokingly, that 100% of his time was spent wrestlingwith technology. As he also provided estimates for the other options making his total
time spent 200% -- his technology response has been omitted here but his otherresponses retained.
bOther responses included resolving physical infrastructure issues, from toilets tolighting problems; filling in for absent co-workers; and coping with e-mail. One editor
allocated precisely 6% of his time to dealing with life in general.
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Managing Change: 37
Table 3: Communication channels
Editors were asked to indicate how they communicated with other people within the companybut at varying physical or organizational distance. They could choose multiple channels for
each category of communication partners.
Fifty-one editors responded to this question; 37 had 15 or fewer journalists reporting to them and14 had 16 or more staffers. The top (non-italicized) line for each channel shows overall response;
the two italicized lines below it indicate responses by newsroom size. The n of respondents foreach item and its percentage of the total of respondents for that item are shown.
Channel Individual
staff
Your
team
Whole
newsroom
People in other
departments
of paper
People in other
parts
of company
Corporate
personnel,
including
executives
Face to face 50
(98%)
47
(92.2%)
49
(96.1%)
47
(92.2%)
21
(41.2%)
26
(51%)
Small staff 37 (100%) 34 (91.9%) 36 (97.3%) 33 (89.2%) 13 (35.1%) 17 (45.9%) Large staff 13 (92.9%) 13 (92.9%) 13 (92.9%) 14 (100%) 8 (57.1%) 9 (64.3%)
E-mail 40(78.4%)
37(72.5%)
39(76.5%)
44(86.3%)
51
(100%)47
(92.2%)Small staff 27 (73%) 25 (67.6%) 28 (75.7%) 32 (86.5%) 37 (100%) 35 (94.6%)
Large staff 13 (92.9%) 12 (85.7%) 11 (78.6%) 12 (85.7%) 14 (100%) 12 (85.7%)
Telephone /
teleconference
18
(35.3%)
10
(19.6%)
12
(23.5%)
27
(52.9%)
27
(52.9%)
19
(37.3%)Small staff 13 (35.1%) 8 (21.6%) 10 (27%) 20 (54%) 20 (54.1%) 15 (40.5%)
Large staff 5 (35.7%) 2 (14.3%) 2 (14.3%) 7 (50%) 7 (50%) 4 (28.6%)
Bulletin boards 7
(13.7%)
11
(21.6%)
13
(25.5%)
8
(15.7%)
5
(9.8%)
1
(2%)Small staff 3 (8.1%) 5 (13.5%) 5 (13.5) 1 (2.7%) 2 (5.4%) -
Large staff 4 (28.6%) 6 (42.9%) 8 (57.1%) 7 (50%) 3 (21.4%) 1 (7.1%)
Events 4(7.8%)
6(11.8%)
5(9.8%)
5(9.8%)
12(23.5%)
13(25.5%)
Small staff 3 (8.1%) 3 (8.1%) 3 (8.1%) 3 (8.1%) 7 (18.9%) 8 (21.6%)
Large staff 1 (7.1%) 3 (21.4%) 2 (14.3%) 2 (14.3%) 5 (35.7%) 5 (35.7%)
E-newsletter 5
(9.8%)
4
(7.8%)
5
(9.8%)
1
(2%)
1
(2%)
1
(2%)Small staff 2 (5.4%) 2 (5.4%) 3 (8.1%) - - 1 (2.7%)
Large staff 3 (21.4%) 2 (14.3%) 2 (14.3%) 1 (7.1%) 1 (7.1%) -
Print
newsletter
1(2%)
3(5.9%)
3(5.9%)
3(5.9%)
- -
Small staff - - - - - -
Large staff 1 (7.1%) 3 (21.4%) 3 (21.4%) 3 (21.4%) - -
Blog 1
(2%)
1
(2%)
1
(2%)
- - -
Small staff 1 (2.7%) 1 (2.7%) 1 (2.7%) - - -
Large staff - - - - - -
Internet / videoconference and instant messaging also were listed on the questionnaire ascommunication channel options. No editors indicated any use of these.