orders in stone: social reality and artistic approach. the case of...

Orders in Stone: Social Reality and Artistic Approach. The Case of the Strasbourg SouthPortalAuthor(s): Bernd NicolaiSource: Gesta, Vol. 41, No. 2 (2002), pp. 111-128Published by: International Center of Medieval ArtStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4126577Accessed: 29/09/2008 16:48

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available athttp://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unlessyou have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and youmay use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use.

Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained athttp://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=icma.

Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printedpage of such transmission.

JSTOR is a not-for-profit organization founded in 1995 to build trusted digital archives for scholarship. We work with thescholarly community to preserve their work and the materials they rely upon, and to build a common research platform thatpromotes the discovery and use of these resources. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

International Center of Medieval Art is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access toGesta.

http://www.jstor.org

http://www.jstor.org/stable/4126577?origin=JSTOR-pdf

http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=icma

Orders in Stone: Social Reality and Artistic Approach. The Case of the Strasbourg South Portal*

BERND NICOLAI Universitdit Trier

Abstract

The portal of the south transept of Strasbourg cathedral provides the focus for a study of the assimilation and transformation of the pre-Rayonnant Gothic portal in the northern Holy Roman Empire. Strategies employed in portal's iconographic program-studied in conjunction with the sculptures of the contemporary Angels' Pillar in the south transept-are investigated in relation to function, audience, and local historical circumstances. Specifically the program is shown to com- bine eschatological and mariological elements, drawing on theological currents of the time, so as to emphasize ecclesiastical authority. It is demonstrated that the statue of Solomon in conjunction with triumphant Ecclesia and fallen Synagoga provided an appropriate stage for the ecclesiastical court that was held in front of the portal, especially in an era when heresy was aggressively combatted. Moreover the motif of the ultimate reconciliation of Ecclesia and Synagoga was fitting in the reign of the rex pacificus, Emperor Frederick II. The portal, it is here argued, might date as late as ca. 1235.

General Perspectives

Early Gothic portals like those at St.-Denis and Chartres West not only mark a break from patterns characteristic of Romanesque art but also, even more importantly, reveal a focus of new mental attitudes. Out of various options, within a context of broad social and religious transformation, portals with figured jambs and archivolts emerged as paradigmatic. The portals, belonging to a specific realm of cultural practice that, to some extent, generated the themes represented, can be seen to mark a fundamental aesthetic turning point.1 Their structure and rational semantic demonstrate a new artistic approach; their integration into public activities led to new forms of reception. Activities like tribunals, processions, and spec- tacles conducted before them could emphasize, complete, or lead to the reversal or reinterpretation of a program in stone. Portals thus functioned as dividers that not only accentuated the boundary between inside and outside but also, through the use of figural embellishment, became representational fields serving as sites of projection for patrons and viewers alike.

The line of development from portals like those at Moissac and Beaulieu to the Royal Portal at Chartres-the latter recently characterized by Horst Bredekamp as one of

This article is dedicated to Alfred Haverkamp on the occasion of his 65th birthday.

medieval sculpture's "falls from grace"2-has been widely discussed. Without doubt Chartres West represents a step toward a more strict and rational order both in iconographic and structural terms, as well as a strengthening of the nar- rative component of portal programs. As argued by Otto von Simson, this paradigmatic form of presentation and representation corresponded closely to the requirements of a specific, local, and limited environment, that of the cathedral schools in the Ile-de-France, notably Chartres and Paris, in the mid-twelfth century.3 Hans Liebeschuitz, in his 1938 study of Synagoga and Ecclesia, earlier than Panofsky, drew the connection between Scholastic thought and the new kind of

imagery: "Neben der auf Begriffsanalyse beruhenden Sys- tematik der scholastischen Summe entstand eine bildhafte Theologie in Zyklen von anschaulichen Geschichten und Be- schreibungen; Aufbau und Ordnung waren hier deshalb so

weitgespannt und beziehungsreich wie in der begrifflichen Theologie, weil alles Dingliche einen Sinn zugewiesen bekam, der tiber das Konkrete radikal hinausging."4 Systematic allegorical programs were compounded with elements of monas- tic mysticism, spurred on by the circulation of St. Bernard's

writings in the second half of the twelfth century.5 The Strasbourg south portal exemplifies many of these

trends. Yet it also represents a stage in the radical transformation of pre-Rayonnant formulae that can be observed in other sculptural programs in the northern Holy Roman Em-

pire during the first four decades of the thirteenth century. This article seeks to define the structural and semantic strategies employed in the Strasbourg south portal so as to reveal its particular form of iconographic ingenuity. In addition, the rationale for the program's conception and its meaning in

Strasbourg's ecclesiastic and urban life will be investigated. The arguments that follow depend on and should be seen as a continuation of Von Simson's brilliant iconographic analysis, published in 1973.6

Transitional Steps

After 1200, outside the Ile-de-France, especially in the

Regnum Teutonicum, the figured portal emancipated itself with respect to its iconographic programs, its aesthetic, and

GESTA XLI/2 @ The International Center of Medieval Art 2002 111

its structure. The relationship of artistic centers in the Ile- de-France and Champagne, both in artistic terms and in terms of social and theological practice, to those of the so-called

periphery and "transperiphery"-a term employed by Peter Cornelius Claussen7-is complex. This relationship, up to the present, has typically been characterized as one of simple appropriation of conceptions originating in the Ile-de-France

by less developed centers to the east. Architectural borrow-

ings are viewed as having produced "a peculiar, half-modern sort of building"8-hybrid structures described by Dehio and others as belonging to an "Ubergangsstil." The sculpture in these buildings, on the other hand, is regarded as represent- ing the pure adoption of French Gothic forms. Often cited

examples, besides Strasbourg, include the sculpture at the cathedrals of Lausanne, Magdeburg, and Bamberg, and at the former collegiate church of Freiberg in Saxony with its famous Golden Porch. Yet none of these centers can properly be considered underdeveloped, nor, in any instance, were

sculptural forms adopted without significant transformation. Before 1220 in central parts of the Holy Roman Empire

the need to come to terms with the French Gothic portal-a product of the special conditions of the domaine royale-did not arise. After the middle of the thirteenth century, in the

reign of St. Louis, the Rayonnant portal became something of an international norm, as seen on the west facades of the cathedrals of Strasbourg and Cologne. Earlier, however, in the second quarter of the century, we can observe a first stage in the transformation of the French portal in the Holy Roman

Empire, specifically at Bamberg, Magdeburg, Strasbourg, Lausanne, and Trier. So long as the episcopate of the empire defined itself as an integral part of the empire's lordship, playing a mediating role between regnum and sacerdotium, it was resistant to wholesale appropriation of French forms. No German building before 1248-the foundation date of the

Cologne choir-with the exceptions of the Liebfrauenkirche in Trier and St. Elisabeth in Marburg, fully reproduced Gothic architectural formulae established in the Ile-de-France and Champagne. Cathedrals like Bamberg (1210-37), Strasbourg in its eastern part (1190-1240), and even Magdeburg with its ambulatory choir scheme (1209-40)-often incorrectly described as the first Gothic structure in Germany-must be seen as variations on their predecessors.9 Nor were the figured portals in these buildings homogenous with the surrounding architecture as they were in French cathedrals: the gap between architectural and sculptural forms was typical of the hybrid character of Staufen art in the first half of the thirteenth century.

The twentieth-century tendency to regard the "(French) Gothic," like the "(Italian) Renaissance," as paradigmatic has contributed to the dominance of linear models of affiliation, which trace formal innovations back to almost fictional centers.10 In recent years it has become increasingly obvious that phenomena like the Staufen art of the Holy Roman Empire require a polycentric approach.11 Such an approach enables

FIGURE 1. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south transept, general view (photo: Bil- darchiv Foto Marburg).

us to assess not only the interaction of loosely connected artistic and political centers, or sub-centers, but also to ex- amine the role of influential dynasties, like the Hohenstaufen and Guelph, and such houses as Andechs-Meranien, Baben-

berg, and Zahringen, which, of course, represented a substan- tial part of the secular and clerical elite of the Holy Roman

Empire.12

The Law Court at the Strasbourg South Transept

The south transept of Strasbourg cathedral (Fig. 1), with its sculptures by the hand of the so-called Ecclesiameister, has been widely discussed both in stylistic and iconographic terms. Adolf Weis and Otto von Simson have made significant strides in establishing the original sense of the eschatological program, which combines mariological and christological elements and was partly based on the exegesis of the Song of

Songs.13 Moreover, as they have shown, the iconography reflected the function of the site, for the areas in front of the south facade and inside the south transept served as courts of law. Outside, the figure of King Solomon was placed between

112

FIGURE 2. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south portal, engraving by Isaac Brun, 1617 (photo: Fotothek, Universitdit Trier, Kunstge- schichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

the two doors, sitting as a judge at the center of a now lost assembly of jamb figures of the twelve apostles, flanked in turn by the still extant statues of Church and Synagogue, as shown in a 1617 engraving by Isaac Brun (Fig. 2). Inside, the remarkable Angels' Pillar, with its three tiers of figures ex- tending to the vaults (Fig. 4), contained, in addition to the four evangelists, angels with trumpets, angels with the instru- ments of the Passion, and Christ presenting his wounds, forming an abbreviated depiction of the Last Judgment.

The portal program served as a stage for the outer law court, called uf den Greden or ad gradus,14 which referred to the steps in front of the transept, adjacent to a large courtyard, the Fronhof, bounded to the south by the bishop's palace, where today the Palais Rohan is located. The portal itself was covered with a porch from the beginning: the consoles that once supported its roof are part of the original fabric of the lower south wall. This roof formed a canopied structure with a platform ad gradus enclosed by barriers, the whole resem- bling a Gerichstslaube. The medieval situation is documented in both Grtinewald's famous Stuppach Madonna (Fig. 3) and

a print of 1566 by Bernhard Jobelin.15 In this court the burghers swore their oath on the municipal constitution, and the bishop, and sometimes kings or emperors, presided over the court or received tribute, as Albrecht I and Charles IV did in 1298 and 1348 respectively.16 The Fronhof was not conse- crated, therefore penitents and the excommunicated had to assemble there on Maundy Thursday to be guided by the bishop back into the church. The Angels' Pillar decorated the transept, where courts convened at two places (Figs. 4, 5): in the choir under the crossing, where the chapter met,17 and in the south transept (the losunge), where the bishop presided over synods as a clerical judge and where wedding ceremo- nies took place and municipal acts were decided.18

Functionally these sites were highly ambivalent, having both a sacred and profane dimension-a distinction which, in the Middle Ages, did not pose a contradiction. I submit that the sculptural program inside and outside the south transept reflects precisely this kind of ambiguity. The interior program, very clearly related to the theme of judgment, is less complex than the faqade program. Needless to say, the south

113

FIGURE 3. Matthias Griinewald, Stuppach Madonna, detail, 1517/19, Aschaffenburg, Stiftskirche (photo: after Fraenger, Matthias Griinewald, 1983, pl. 136).

portal was visible to a variety of social groups, including the Jews, who were not allowed to enter the cathedral. We must consider whether different kinds and levels of perception were anticipated.

The Iconographic Program

The south transept was refashioned as part of a major campaign of rebuilding beginning in the late twelfth century.19 New tympana were inserted, requiring the removal of the inner archivolts; jamb figures were added; Solomon and Christ were placed at the center of the portal and Ecclesia and Synagoga at the two ends. Church and Synagogue (Fig. 6) thus appear in a highlighted position, as do the similar, almost contemporaneous figures at Bamberg. Yet at Strasbourg the statues interact to create a spectacle, "a drama in stone." Already in 1925 Jantzen called attention to their dramatic interaction.20 In this they differ strikingly from their monumen- FIGURE 4. Strasbourg, Cathedral, Angels' Pillar (photo: archive of author).

114

FIGURE 5. Strasbourg, Cathedral, plan, engraving by Arhardt, 1643 (photo: Fotothek, Universitdit Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

tal predecessors on the north porch of Chartres and the south portal of the collegiate church of Saint-Mad61eine, Besangon, now lost, where they were part of the program of jamb figures (Fig. 7).21 There is no doubt that stylistically the Strasbourg sculptures depend on the west portals of Sens, Notre-Dame in Dijon, and, more directly, on the work of the Chartres Solo- mon Master.22 These parallels point to a date of 1230, or even later, for the Strasbourg statues-an issue to which we will return at the conclusion of this paper.

In his brilliant book on the Beau Dieu of Amiens, Wil- helm Schlink suggested that the trumeau figure provides a key to the entire program.23 Similarly all interpretations of the Strasbourg south portal must start with the figure of Solo- mon-a faithful nineteenth-century copy of the medieval original (Fig. 8). Solomon is shown as an enthroned king bearing an unsheathed sword on his lap like a judge. In a vertical reading, he appears in his divine wisdom as a forerunner to Christ, depicted above him as the judge of the Last Judgment.

115

FIGURE 6. Strasbourg, Cathedral, Ecclesia and Synagoga, now in Musde d'Oeuvre Notre-Dame, Strasbourg (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

Solomon thus occupies a mediating position: he sits behind the earthly judge who presides in the real court and below the heavenly judge, "in a typological sense linking ancient times with the end of times."24 This fits with tendencies to revitalize the sacred character of the Holy Roman Empire during the reign of Fredrick II of Hohenstaufen (r. 1212-52), especially after the successful crusade in 1228/9 that brought him the crown of the kingdom of Jerusalem.25 The iconography also

provided an appropriate context for the exercise of episcopal authority, for bishops continued to play a mediating role between regnum and sacerdotium in the Empire in the first half of the thirteenth century.

The eschatological thrust of the program was extended through the mariological cycle in the tympana, with the Dor- mition to the left and the Coronation to the right, completed by scenes of the Virgin's funeral and her Assumption in the

116

FIGURE 7. Besangon, Sainte-Madeleine, south portal, drawing, before 1734, Besangon, Bibliothhque de la Ville, MS 732, fol. 24 (photo: after Sauerliinder, Gothic Sculpture in France, 1972, fig. 66).

lintels-both free copies of medieval originals (Fig. 9). It was continued inside on the Angels' Pillar with its abbreviated depiction of the Last Judgment. The twelve jamb figures of the apostles, in this sense, functioned not only as intercessors for the congregation but also as symbolic pillars of the ecclesia praesens or universalis that would find its fulfillment at the end of time as ecclesia aeterna or triumphans.26 This more general theme, evoked in many sculptural programs of the time, is made more specific through the statues of Ecclesia and Synagoga. The two allegorical figures are placed at the same level as Solomon and similarly rest on columns with sculptured corbels; in their upright position they stand as high as the figures of Solomon and Christ together and, as Brun's 1617 engraving shows (Fig. 2), they are larger in scale than the twelve apostles. Only Solomon and Christ, Ecclesia, and Synagoga are crowned with canopies; the jamb statues were inserted into the older column portal with simple capitals. The three major figures-who together can be read as a transformation of a scene of Solomonic judgment-correspond most closely to the actual function of the court "uf den Gre- ten." In a horizontal reading the statues of the twelve apostles take on importance, bringing the ecclesiastical aspect of the program to the fore.

Ecclesia and Synagoga, as Von Simson has persuasively shown, make the program function as a statement about the universal church, ecclesia universalis.27 Certainly in exegesis of the Song of Songs that became popular in the second half of the twelfth century, the concordance of the old and new covenants, the reconciliation of the churches of the Jews and the Christians, was emphasized. Honorius Augustodunensis, in his Expositio cantica canticorum, spoke of two churches,

one before the Lord's advent, one after: "But there is only one beloved, for both are united with Christ in a single faith; what the one believes in fulfillment, the other believes as promise."28 At the end of time the one bride, Ecclesia, will be joined by the restored bride, Synagoga, to unite with the sponsus, Christ. Honorius, in the same commentary, called the Solomon-Christ figure bridegroom and judge, sponsus and iudex.29 At Strasbourg, the very position of Synagogue un- derlines this interpretation, as Helga Sciurie has shown. Ec- clesia turns her head toward Synagoga, focusing the viewer's attention on this figure, while Synagoga turns her head and upper body away. Sciurie has noted that Synagogue's posture contains the possibility of a return, and she specifically intro- duces two biblical texts which, she argues, were "translated directly into bodily expression"30: the notion of the renunci- ation of Jerusalem in the Lamentations of Jeremiah (1:8) and the call in the Song of Songs (6:12) "revertere, revertere Sulamitis." The latter was paraphrased around 1060 by Wil- liram of Ebersbach as a dialogue between Ecclesia and Syn- agoga, where Ecclesia says: "kere uvidere, kere uvidere," in the sense of "turn back."31 The idea of redemption was made more explicit in the Amorbach Fragment describing the Vir- gin's ascension, where the Lord says to Synagogue: "kum ze mir, dohter, bekere dih, so gib ih dir daz himelrih" ("Come to me, daughter, convert, and I shall give you the Kingdom of Heaven").32 Here Ecclesia's objections against Synagoga were rejected by Christ himself. Williram's Christ says: "Share her happiness on her salvation, because she will be one church with you."33 Illustrations in certain copies of Honorius' commentary represent the converted bride, "Sunamitis."34 We will later discuss how this implied union played out in relation to

117

the tensions inherent in the Strasbourg program, where Ec- clesia, holding banner and chalice, is clearly triumphant and Synagoga, blindfolded, with broken staff and lowered tablets of the law, is vanquished. Still, it will emerge, the theme of the sponsa accords well with the mariological and eschatological tenor of the program, both outside and inside the south transept.

Mystical Implications

The mystical implications of this reading are obvious, but they can be more specifically defined with reference to an important Alsatian manuscript, the Hortus deliciarum, destroyed in 1870, but known through partial nineteenth- century copies of its texts and images. Many have discussed the relation between this manuscript, prepared by Herrad of Landsberg between 1170 and 1195, and church decoration in Strasbourg from 1200 on.35 This is not the place to discuss the character of the Hortus, a more or less systematic col- lection of texts about the Old and New Testament together forming a history of salvation, but it can be seen as a source of a wide range of visual forms on eschatdlogical themes. Solomon, central to the Strasbourg portal program, appears several times in the Hortus. In one image, the Old Testament king is seen sitting on the throne of wisdom, as described in 3 Kings 10:18-20 and 2 Chronicles 9:17-19, approached by three daughters of Jerusalem (Fig. 10).36 An inscription indicates that the two hands at the arms of his throne signify allegorically "regnum et sacerdotium in ecclesia."37 Solomon sitting in the sedes sapientiae, a symbol of Mary-Ecclesia, becomes a forerunner of the incarnated Christ. Although the Solomon of the Hortus is not shown explicitly as a judge, the image of the wise king enthroned stands as a direct forerunner of the central figure of the Strasbourg south portal. Moreover, the mystical construction of the priest-king, as it appears in the Hortus in an eschatological context,38 may help make clear why the designer of the sculptural program chose a king in connection with the allegories of Church and Syna- gogue to represent both the idea of the ecclesia universalis and the ambivalence between regnum and sacerdotium.

Ecclesia and Synagoga, too, play a role in the Hortus. They figure prominently in the Crucifixion scene (Fig. 11), rich in inscriptions, which include citations not only from the Gospels but also from the Songs of Songs.39 Ecclesia is shown riding on the "animal of the church," comprised of the four evangelists, while Synagoga's animal is a donkey, characterized as stultus et laxus, "stupid and lazy."40 Another inscription explains: "Under the tree of the cross, Synagogue is destroyed."41 Yet the blindfolded Synagogue, turning away from Christ, is not simply the damned personification of the church of the Jews; again she is addressed by the Church in words spoken to the bride of the Songs of Songs (6:12): "Return, return Sulamite." Even here the concord of the two churches is emphasized, as is the greater mission of the

FIGURE 8. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south portal, Solomon, nineteenth-century copy (photo: Pinder, Das StraBburger Miinster, 1941).

church through the persons of Stephaton and Longinus as pagan witnesses to Christ.42

Further analogues to the iconography of the Strasbourg south transept can be found in the illustrations to the Liber Scivias of Hildegard of Bingen, specifically those in the lost Rupertsberg codex, completed between 1165 and the mystic's death in 1179. Although there has been some controversy concerning the connection between Scivias and the Hortus deliciarum, we may follow Z611er in his opinion that the schematic illustrations accompanying Hildegard's text influ- enced many works, including the Hortus.43 At least one direct connection with Strasbourg is known: at the beginning of the thirteenth century, a Strasbourgian cleric was sent to Paris to assess the "holiness" of Hildegard and the value of her visions.44 Hildegard's prophetic book gives prominence to Ecclesia and Synagoga: although the figures are presented in different ways, the message is suggestive in relation to the sculptures of the Strasbourg south transept. In vision 2.4 Ecclesia is a golden figure, crowned, "the mother of believ-

118

FIGURE 9. Strasbourg, Cathedral, south transept, portal (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

ers, vindissima virga, through whom the incarnation became possible."45 She is the "new bride of the Lamb," "confirmed in the fire of the ardor of the Holy Spirit for the perfection of her beauty," "strong in her defense."46 In contrast, in vision 1.5 (Fig. 12), Synagoga is shown in her ambivalent position, both holding the promise of the incarnation of Christ and responsible for his death: "Therefore you see the image of a woman, pale from her head to her navel; she is the Syna- gogue, which is the mother of the Incarnation of the Son of God."47 Synagoga is shown as mother of all patriarchs and prophets. She is "black from her navel to her feet, for from the time of her fullest strength to the end of her time she was soiled by deviation from the Law and by transgression of the heritage of her fathers."48 But at the end of all time, the Son will convert her and bring her back to true belief in God. Even when Hildegard speaks of Synagoga as murderer of the prophet of prophets, the tension between guilt and the promise of redemption is maintained-the same tension that can be seen in the Strasbourg Synagoga.

Hildegard describes the "Heavenly Jerusalem" as a real town, that consists of good works, bona opera.49 The urban space of her vision is articulated by walls, towers, squares, and symbolic pillars-which bear a suggestive relationship to the Angels' Pillar at Strasbourg (Fig. 4). One is the Pillar of Christ's Humanity, of which it is said: "So, in a mystical mystery, the pillar ... signifies the humanity of the savior ... the Son of the Most High; for He is the strong pillar of sanc- tity and holds up the whole edifice of the church."50 Another is the steel-colored Pillar of the Word of God, which Hilde- gard says "was divided from bottom to top into three sides, with edges sharp as a sword." The three edges face east and north and south. The illustration accompanying vision 3.4 (Fig. 13), shows a tree-like pillar, with a Corinthian capital: in accordance with the vision, the branches growing from one edge are occupied by the seated patriarchs and prophets, and on another edge flames indicate the radiance in which apostles, martyrs, confessors, virgins, and other saints walk.5' The Strasbourg Angels' Pillar, of course, is different in style and

119

FIGURE 10. Hortus deliciarum, formerly Strasbourg, Bibliothhque municipale, fol. 209v, King Solomon enthroned (photo: after Straub/Keller, Hortus deliciarum, 1879-99).

FIGURE 11. Hortus deliciarum, formerly Strasbourg, Bibliothhque municipale, fol. 150, Crucifixion (photo: after Straub/Keller, Hortus deliciarum, 1879-99).

120

FIGURE 12. Hildegard, Scivias, 1.5, formerly Wiesbaden, Hessische Landes- bibliothek, MS 1, fol. 35, Synagoga (photo: after Liber Scivias-Wisse die Wege, 1954, pl. 8).

meaning: the abbreviated Last Judgment specifically relates to the activities of a court of law. Indeed no direct forerunner for the Strasbourg pillar has ever been found: Von Simson's reference to Germanic court pillars is often cited but does not explain particular features.52 It is perhaps useful to see Christ in his ambivalent position as judge and Man of Sorrows as an embodiment of the concept of the incarnated Son as the strong pillar "that holds up the edifice of the whole church." In this sense the miniature of the Pillar of the Word of God bears a relation to the Angels' Pillar. As Peter Dronke sum- marizes: "The column shows the mystery of the Logos, in which all justice is fulfilled. One face of it looks East, to- wards the dawn that precedes the perfect day of total justice.

FIGURE 13. Hildegard, Scivias, 3.4, formerly Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, MS 1, fol. 145v, Pillar of the Word of God (photo: after Liber Scivias-Wisse die Wege, 1954, pl. 24).

Another looks North-where all injustice begins. The third, which looks South, manifests justice in the Saints."53 At Strasbourg, allegory responds to function, drawing upon currents embodied in such works as the Liber Scivias and the Hortus deliciarum. This level of reading would have been possible only for clerics, and other educated people, but the imagery would also have touched a deeply emotional chord for the common viewer.

Inclusion and Exclusion

Adalbert Erler, in his comprehensive book on juridical functions that took place at Strasbourg cathedral, suggested

121

that the three main figures on the south transept portal represent a court scene.54 Late Gothic inscriptions, now lost, above the Ecclesia and Synagoga lend support to this interpretation. Ecclesia exclaims: "Mit Christi Blut iberwind' ich Dich" ("With Christ's blood I overcome you"), while Synagoga re- plies: "Dasselbig' Blut, das blindet mich" ("The same blood blinds me"). Erler noted that iiberwinden ("overcome") in Middle High German was a juridical term, meaning to con- vict someone.55 This may be why Church and Synagogue, in contrast to their counterparts in Bamberg or Magdeburg, are presented in such different postures. While Ecclesia, in her upright position, is shown as victor, Synagoga turns away, casting her blindfolded eyes shamefaced to the ground (Fig. 14). Her attribute, the lance, is broken, in contrast to the trophy-like cross carried by the Church. The sensuous character of Synagogue has often been described, but the idea that her beauty is greater seems to be a modern interpretation.56 When we look at distinctions drawn by contemporary Min- nesinger, as represented, for example in Gottfried Von Stras- bourg's epic, Tristan and Isot, written in Strasbourg around 1200, we can see the sculptures as representatives of different sorts of courtly love. Ecclesia, as revealed by her costume and posture, embodies the nobler woman: it has been re- marked that Gottfried "reserves higher praise for the woman who does not sacrifice her womanly nature in order to retain her honour."57 Synagoga represents a lower, more sensuous love: "the robe was confidentially close to her, nestled to her body."58 The representation of Synagoga as the more carnal of the two, a fallen woman, points to the difference between the spirit and the flesh, in a way that would have been imme- diately perceptible to a contemporary audience.

Many have tried to argue that the derogatory tone was made explicit in the carved corbels beneath the statues, which show playing children, but actually these are new creations of the nineteenth century. Von Simson has convincingly argued that the sculptures beneath Synagoga may originally have shown a fratricide or, as at Bamberg, the devil blinding a Jew. Yet anti-semitism, as he notes, is not the chief focus of the Strasbourg program.59 The Jewish community in Strasbourg was not persecuted in the early thirteenth century. On the contrary, Jews played an essential part in municipal affairs: it was their role to equip the cart (carrocio) that carried the city banner when the city was under attack.60 The great concern at the time was heresy. Chronicles speak of few Jews but many heretics ("Judei pauci, Heretici in locis plurimis abund- abant").61 In 1212, or possibly 1211, Bishop Henry II accused eighty persons of heresy and sentenced at least ten to death after they failed the ordeal with hot iron. This happened at a place coram ecclesia, perhaps in the Fronhof in front of the south portal.62 It is unknown which heretical sect was accused: Ortliebians, Waldensians, or Cathars. In 1231 new persecutions took place. Following the official initiation of inquisition courts in the Regnum Teutonicum from 1229 onward in Strasbourg, the inquisition persecuted honorable

FIGURE 14. Strasbourg, Cathedral, Synagoga, nineteenth-century copy (photo: Fotothek, Universitdt Trier, Kunstgeschichte, bequest Richard Hamann-Maclean).

122

burghers, three of whom were sentenced to death by fire. All these activities were directed "against heretics, enemies of faith, enemies of truth,"63 especially against the Ortliebians who, like the Cathars, challenged ecclesiastic authority. Her- etics and Jews were often linked in contemporary exegetical texts: this was the case in a gloss on the story of the Judgment of Solomon (3 Kings 3:16-28) in the French text of the Bible

moralisde: "That Salomon knew the true mother from the

pity he saw in her and returned the infant to her signifies Jesus Christ who by his great wisdom and by the great pity he saw in her knew Holy Church as the true mother, and he

gave her the living child-that is, good Christians, who live in good works. And the dead remained with Synagoga- these were Jews and infidels and heretics and all bad

people."64 In the accompanying image, Christ presents living children to Ecclesia while Synagoga, back turned, grieves for the dead.65 In light of the actions of the church in Strasbourg against different sects in the first half of the thirteenth century, it is possibly significant that the same linkage occurs in the Hortus in a scene of the Last Judgment where pagani and iudei process behind unjust judges and all infidels.66 It is

likely that the notions of Jew and heretic were understood to be almost synonymous. The sculptural program of the south

facade, site of an ecclesiastical court, not only represented ecclesiastic authority on an abstract level, but also vividly in- dicated the consequences of challenging the church.

Conclusion

The question of who was responsible for the conception of the program and when it was created has been much discussed. Jantzen dated the transept sculpture ca. 1220; now a date around 1230 is generally preferred.67 This places the

completion of the new transept and the start of the recon- struction of the nave firmly in the reign of Bishop Berthold II of Teck (r. 1223-44), who was a member of the cadet branch of the powerful house of the dukes of Zaihringen. Berthold is described in the chronicles as a bishop who promoted the work of cathedral building. Hans Reinhardt, in his mono-

graph on Strasbourg, went on to posit that Berthold, because he was involved in the contested appointment of the bishop of Verdun in 1225/6 and had occasion to deal with prelates from Paris and Reims, would also have had the opportunity to learn about the latest artistic developments in France. He

supposed that the bishop was directly concerned with artistic decisions, though there is no direct evidence that Berthold engaged new architects or sculptors to "modernize" his cathedral.68 Rather than emphasize the role of the bishop, Henry Kraus called attention to the role of the burghers, specifically after 1220, when they were granted new municipal rights in the so-called second city charter. But it is hardly possible that citizens alone could have been responsible for such an ambi- tious program. The municipality remained, to a great extent, dependent on the bishop and, indeed, formed with Berthold

of Teck a strong anti-Staufen alliance against the emperor's son, King Henry VII, which finally led to the peace treaties made with Frederick II in 1236/7.69 During the years in which the south transept decorative program was conceived, we cannot speak of a confrontation between the bishop and the

burghers. Only in 1263, after the battle of Hausbergen, did

Strasbourg become a free town; only then were the citizens

ready to take responsibility for the fabrica of the cathedral.70 We probably do best to imagine a collaboration involving bishop, dean and chapter, and citizens as the decision was made to modernize the cathedral. In view of the aptness of the program to local circumstances, the designer is likely to have been an educated individual from the chapter itself.

Kraus favored a date of 1220 for the creation of the program, while Reinhardt advanced a date shortly after 1226. I would favor a date of ca. 1235. As I have tried to show above, there is no reason to separate the exterior from the interior

sculpture on iconographic grounds. Moreover, Sauerlainder's stylistic analyses establish that different workshops were indeed responsible for the portal and the Angels' Pillar, but that different hands were also at work on portal: the Coronation

tympanum is assigned to an older workshop, or artist, whose work is related in style to the Kaysersberg tympanum. At the same time, the stylistic connection between the figures in the Dormition and on the Angels' Pillar are so striking that they cannot be set in different periods. We know little about work-

shop organization in the first half of the thirteenth century, but we have to assume that craftsmen of different education and different age worked side by side, as they did at the

Fiirstenportal in Bamberg.71 It may be that the same figure who conceived the Angels' Pillar designed the new rose windows, showing Old and New Testament themes, to serve as a link between the interior and exterior programs.

The ecclesiastical aspect of the south portal program is

striking, but other nuances were also incorporated, and all to-

gether support a date around 1235 for its creation. The promi- nent role of Solomon's judgment directs our attention to the

centrally placed king: a peace-bringing king, rex pacificus. Von Simson has suggested that Emperor Frederick II may himself have been in Strasbourg in 1235 and that the decla- ration of the General Land Peace of Mainz may have been a factor in the creation of the program.72 But it may be more

significant that in 1236, in a privilege given to the Jews of Worms in the Alsatian town of Hagenau, the emperor granted a full pardon to Jews throughout the Regnum Teutonicum in relation to accusations of ritual murder made against the Jews of Fulda.73 This spirit of clemency could be easily combined, in iconographic terms, with Solomon's just judgment and with the theme of the ultimate reconciliation of Church and Synagogue that undergirds the program. The hypothesis would thus be that the notion of the rex pacificus was incorporated into the Strasbourg program, adding a dimension to its ecclesiastical and eschatological messages: these three components fit the situation of Strasbourg around 1235, when

123

FIGURE 15. Marburg, Church of St. Elisabeth, choir, stained-glass, Ecclesia and Synagoga (photo: after Bierschenk, Glasmalereien der Elisabethkirche in

Marburg, 1991, pl. 2).

ecclesiastical authority was being enforced against heretics, and the bishop himself made peace with the emperor.

In his recent, ground-breaking work on the Bamberg Fiirstenportal, Manfred Schuller raised the question as to whether the Strasbourg portal, and especially Ecclesia and Synagoga, must necessarily precede the Bamberg sculptures.74 His early date for Bamberg, around 1225, would up- set the line of development from Strasbourg to Bamberg to Magdeburg that is part of the traditional art-historical narra- tive of the infiltration of the Gothic style into the Holy Roman Empire.75 In view of the stylistic and iconographic distinc- tiveness of the Strasbourg figures, it might indeed be more reasonable to assume multiple paths of influence. Both Stras-

bourg and Bamberg are examples of the rapid assimilation of Gothic formulae. Strasbourg, responding to recent trends in

Burgundy, Besangon, Sens, and Chartres had no direct successors, apart from Ecclesia and Synagoga in the stained- glass windows in the choir of the Elisabeth church in Marburg (Fig. 15); in this case the anti-heretical aspect might provide the main link.76 Certainly the statues of Church and Syna- gogue at the Liebfrauenkirche in Trier are more closely related to portals in Epinal (Lorraine) and Besanqon, based stylistically on Reims.

The importance of Strasbourg in the development of early Gothic art in Germany cannot be overestimated. Its hybrid forms are among the high points of Staufen Art dur-

124

ing the reign of Frederick II. Standing between Bamberg and Lausanne, slightly earlier, and the Trier Liebfrauenkirche, Strasbourg reflected contemporary tendencies encountered in both Burgundies, but reached a new level. Local traditions and modern approaches were combined in a unique manner. Like Cologne, Strasbourg became an artistic center at the time of transition between the so-called Romanesque and Early Gothic style. Without any break, formulae developed at the south transept were used on the rood screen and in the Stras- bourg nave. Although figures like Ecclesia and Synagoga had few direct successors, Strasbourg's stained-glass windows and sculpture alike had an impact on artistic attitudes in the Upper and Middle Rhineland in the middle of the thirteenth

century. The influence on other centers in the region, like Mainz, Worms, and Frankfurt, has still to be investigated.

From an art-historical point of view, a later date for the south transept sculpture at Strasbourg, around 1235, would make the connection with the rood screen sculptures, which are genuine successors of the south portal, more plausible. In Strasbourg's history the years between 1232 and 1235 marked a period when church authority was challenged by heretics, and when the episcopate in its relation to the imperium reached a last peak. Strasbourg's complex program, playing a mediating role in the community, operating on different theological levels, was the result of that process.

NOTES

* This study is based on a paper presented in May 2002 at the Thirty- Seventh International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo. I am grateful to Jacqueline Jung and Achim Timmermann for inviting me to participate in their session at Kalamazoo and to Peter Cornelius Claussen for his insightful comments on the manuscript. For helping me get my text into proper English, I am grateful to Frederique Glang6 and, most particularly, to Elizabeth Sears, who was not only a brilliant editor and a profound reviewer but who also put the finishing touches on the work. I would also like to thank the German Research Founda- tion (DFG) for a generous travel bursary.

1. M. Camille, "Seeing and Reading: Some Visual Implications of Medi- eval Literacy and Illiteracy," Art History 8 (1985), 26-49.

2. H. Bredekamp, "Die nordspanische Hofskulptur und die Freiheit der Bildhauer," in Studien zur Geschichte der europtiischen Skulptur im 12./13. Jahrhundert, ed. H. Beck and K. Hengevoss-Diirkop (Frank- furt am Main, 1994), 263-74, at 271: "Gesehen aus dem 11. Jahrhun- dert, stellen die Chartreser Figuren eine der 'wirklichen' Stindenflille der mittelalterlichen Skulpturengeschichte dar, weil sie nicht etwa das Reich der 'cupiditas oculi' erweitern, sondern das impulsgebende Reich des B6sen durch Sakralitait und Hierarchie ersetzen." See also

P.K. Klein, "Programmes eschatologiques, fonction et r6ception his-

toriques des portails du XIIe s.: Moissac-Beaulieu-Saint-Denis," CCM 33 (1990), 317-49.

3. See O. von Simson, The Gothic Cathedral: The Origins of Gothic Ar- chitecture and the Medieval Concept of Order (London, 1956), esp. 148-56.

4. H. Liebeschtitz, Synagoge und Ecclesia: Religionsgeschichtliche Stu- dien iiber die Auseinandersetzung der Kirche mit dem Judentum im Hochmittelalter (Heidelberg, 1983), 169. The book was first published posthumously in 1983 for the biographical reason that Liebeschtitz was forced to flee Nazi Germany.

5. 0. von Simson, "Bernhard von Clairvaux und der 'dolce stil nuovo' der friihgotischen Plastik," in Festschrift fiir Peter Bloch (Mainz, 1990), 31-40; rpt. in his Von der Macht des Bildes im Mittelalter, ed. R. Haussherr (Berlin, 1993), 63-77.

6. O. von Simson, "Le programme sculptural du transept meridional," Bulletin de la Socidtd des amis de la cathddrale de Strasbourg 10 (1972), 33-50; rpt. in Von der Macht des Bildes, 77-100. I follow the German translation published as "Ecclesia und Synagoge am stidli- chen Querhausportal des Strassburger Miinster," in Wenn der Messias

kommt-Das jiidisch-christliche Verhiiltnis im Spiegel mittelalterlicher Kunst, ed. L. Kitzsche and P. v. d. Osten-Sacken (Berlin, 1989), 104- 25. My contribution here is part of a larger project that deals with a wider array of early thirteenth-century portals in Germany and North- ern France.

7. P. C. Claussen, "Zentrum, Peripherie, Transperipherie: Uberlegungen zum Erfolg des gotischen Figurenportals an den Beispielen von Char- tres, Sangtiesa, Magdeburg, Bamberg und den Westportalen des Domes San Lorenzo in Genua" in Studien zur Geschichte der europtiischen Skulptur (as n. 2), 665-87.

8. W. Sauerliinder, "Intentio vera nostra est manifestare ... ea, que sunt, sicut sunt: Bildtradition und Wirklichkeitserfahrung im Spannungsfeld der staufischen Kunst," in Stauferzeit: Geschichte, Literatur, Kunst, ed. R. Krohn, B. Thum, and P. Wapnewski (Stuttgart, 1979), 119-31, at 120-21.

9. For preliminary considerations, building on the work of Georg Dehio and Karl Heinz Clasen, see B. Nicolai, 'Libido aedificandi': Walken- ried und die monumentale Kirchenbaukunst der Zisterzienser um 1200

(Braunschweig, 1990), 268-81 ("Die Zisterzienser und die 'deutsche Friihgotik"'). For the argument that the Cistercian style was crucial to the creation of a so-called "Reichsstil"-an unfortunate conception- see, most recently, U. Knapp, "Zisterziensergotik oder Reichsstil?" in Maulbronn zur 850jdihrigen Geschichte des Zisterzienserklosters (Stutt- gart, 1997), 189-292.

10. German nationalism heavily inflected this study through 1945: Ger- man art historians like Wilhelm Pinder, and even the more moderate Hans Jantzen, tried to depict the artists, including the sculptors of the

Strasbourg south portal and the Angels' Pillar, as "Germans." See the conclusion to Jantzen's otherwise fruitful interpretation: Deutsche Bild- hauer des 13. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig, 1925), 70: "Wie unfranz6sische wirkt er!" After World War II, the thrust of the debate changed as an effort was made to identify lines of affiliation more objectively. One of the most influential protoganists in the post-war debate was Willibald Sauerliinder, beginning with his book, Von Sens bis Straf3burg (Berlin, 1966)-a title ironically recast by Jan van der Meulen as "From Sens to Non-sense"-continuing through his recent article, "Ein amerikani- scher Nachtrag zur 'Gotischen Skulptur in Frankreich'," Wiener Jahr- buch fiir Kunstgeschichte 46/47 (1993/94), 621-27, esp. 625 n. 16, where he stands by "die groBe stilkritische Linie" he had traced in his earlier book. Reiner Haussherr noted in his review of Sauerliinder's book (Kunstchronik 21 [1968], 302-21), that many questions remain

125

open. His plea for a synthetic stylistic analysis drawing on all artistic genres is still relevant. Meanwhile we have gained a broader aware- ness of East European contributions: it emerges that Hungary took a leading role in the reception of a French court style, even before it was relevant in Central Europe. Even before 1989, Ern6 Marosi provided an excellent discussion of Hungarian architecture and sculpture of the first half of the thirteenth century in his ground-breaking book, Die Anfdinge der Gotik in Ungarn: Esztergom in der Kunst des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts (Budapest, 1984).

11. Among the most successful studies employing a polycentric model in the sphere of cultural history are Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, 1200-1350, ed. F M6bius (Leipzig, 1989); more focused on the cathedrals: R. Haussherr, Dombauten und Reichsepiskopat im Zeitalter der Staufer, Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, 1991/5 (Stuttgart, 1991).

12. Robert Suckale persuasively criticized current stylistic categories and the idea of the "evolution" of "the Gothic" around 1200 in his "Die Unbrauchbarkeit der gingigen Stilbegriffe und Entwicklungsvorstel- lungen am Beispiel der franztisischen gotischen Architektur des 12. und 13. Jahrhunderts," in Stil und Epoche, ed. E Mbbius and H. Sciurie (Dresden, 1989), 231-50, esp. 238-41; further, he opened the way to the investigation of the so-called artistic periphery as represented by the Anglo-Norman Plantagenet Empire around 1200 in his "Zur Be- deutung Englands ffir die welfische Skulptur um 1200," Heinrich der Libwe und seine Zeit, exh. cat. (Munich, 1995), II, 440-51. It is important that Northern Italy in the Stauferzeit be integrated into the debate.

13. A. Weis, "Zur Symbolik der Bildwerke am Sildportal des Miinsters von StraBburg" (Dissertation, Freiburg, 1946); summary published as "Die 'Synagoge' am Stidquerhaus zu Stralfburg," Das Miinster 1 (1947), 65-80; Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge." For a recent review of scholarly literature on the Strasbourg south portal, see S. Bengel, "Das

Stidquerhaus des StraBburger Miinsters: Ein Forschungsbericht" (M.A. thesis, Berlin, 1996). I would like to express my gratitude to the author for making a copy of the thesis available to me.

14. See A. Erler, Das Strafiburger Miinster im Rechtsleben des Mittelal- ters (Frankfurt am Main, 1954), 21, 24. The court is also described in the documents as uf den greten, uf der Grete, uf der langen Griiden, auf der griithen, uf der Grethen." Brun's etching was published in Oseus Schdideus, Summum Argentoratensium Templum (Strasbourg, 1617).

15. Erler, StrafJburger Miinster, 19-21.

16. Ibid., 26-27.

17. Ibid., 48.

18. Ibid., 43-45. In 1248 the site was located "ante capellam sancti An- dree in monasterio majori," in 1376 and 1399 at the altars of St. Vin- cent and St. Antony: they are described as being "vor der Losungen siti" or "bei der losunge." "Losunge" means tribute and refers to the synodal court. See J. Walter, "La topographie de la cath6drale au moyen age," Bulletin de la Socite' des amis de la cathidrale de Stras- bourg 5 (1935), 37-108, at 66. The bishop, as ruler of the city, had his law court inside the bishop's palace ("in aula episcopali"). See Erler, Strafburger Miinster, 50.

19. A new vaulting system was created, and all details of the window frames, cornices, and capitals were altered. For the three building phases of the south portal, see E. Fels, "Le coeur et le transept de la cath6drale de Strasbourg: Jtude architecturale," Bulletin de la Societd des amis de la cathidrale de Strasbourg, 2nd ser., 2 (1932), 65-96. See also L. Grodecki and R. Recht, "Le bras sud du transept de la cath6drale: Architecture et sculpture," Bmon 129 (1971), 7-38, esp. 14-16, with a date after 1230 for the Angels' Pillar. Bengel, "Stid-

querhaus," 33, favors an earlier construction date for the whole transept and assigns the pillar to the early 1220s.

20. Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 55; for the iconography of Church and Synagogue in general, see H. Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History (New York, 1996), 31-74.

21. W. Sauerliinder, Gothic Sculpture in France, 1140-1270 (New York, 1972), 444-45, fig. 66, dating the portal "soon after 1221."

22. Before Sauerldinder placed emphasis on Chartres and Sens (see above, n. 10), attention had been focused on Burgundian sources, whether the sculpture of the duchy of Burgundy (Dijon) or of the Palatinate of Bur- gundy (where Besanqon was located), which belonged to the empire and was governed by Otto VII of Andechs-Merianien, a brother of Bishop Eckbert of Bamberg. See K. Bauch, "Zur Chronologie der StraBburger Miinsterplastik im 13. Jahrhundert," Oberrheinische Kunst 8 (1934), 5-8; and L. Schiirenberg, "Spitromanische und fritihgotische Plastik in Dijon und ihre Bedeutung fiir die Skulpturen des StraB- burger Miinsterquerschiffes," Jahrbuch der preufischen Kunstsamm- lungen 58 (1937), 13-25. For a comparison between the Ecclesia and Synagoga at Chartres and Strasbourg, see P. C. Claussen, Chartres- Studien: Zu Vorgeschichte, Funktion und Skulptur der Vorhallen (Wies- baden, 1975), 138-39.

23. W. Schlink, Der Beau-Dieu von Amiens: Das Christusbild der gotischen Kathedrale (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), 62.

24. See H. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge an den Domen zu StraBburg, Bamberg, Magdeburg und Erfurt: Korpersprachliche Wandlungen im gestalterischen Kontext," Wiener Jahrbuch fiir Kunstgeschichte 46/47 (1993/94), 679-87, at 681: "im Obereinander typologisch die Vorzeit auf die Endzeit beziehend." Local tradition, since the middle of the fourteenth century, identified the Strasbourg Solomon as the emperor Charlemagne. A similar figure, also called Charlemagne, can be found at the Zurich Grossmiinster. The fourteenth-century sculpture is anticipated by the twelfth-century city seal of Zuirich showing Charlemagne seated with a sword on his lap. I am grateful to Peter Cornelius Claus- sen for this information.

25. H. M. Schaller, "Endzeit-Erwartung und Antichrist-Vorstellungen in der Politik des 13. Jahrhunderts" in Stupor Mundi: Zur Geschichte Friedrichs II. von Hohenstaufen, ed. G. Wolf, 2nd ed. (Darmstadt, 1982), 418-48, at 430.

26. See M. Biichsel, "Ecclesia symbolorum cursus completus," Stdidel- Jahrbuch, N. F 9 (1983), 69-88.

27. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 115; also Weis, "Die 'Syna- goge,'" 72. See generally, W. S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature (New York, 1970), chap. 3, 4.

28. Expositio in cantica canticorum; PL 172, 379.

29. Ibid., 362.

30. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 684.

31. E. H. Bartelmez, ed., The "Expositio in cantica canticorum" of Wil- liram, Abbot of Ebersberg, 1048-1085 (Philadelphia, 1967), 26, ?109; Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 115, 124 n. 56.

32. Sciurie, "Ecclesia und Synagoge" 684.

33. Bartelmez, "Expositio" 34, ? 137G: "di scailt iro saluti congaudere: quia tecum erit una ecclesia." See also Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 115.

34. For example, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm. 4550, fol. 77. See Die Zeit der Staufer, exh. cat., ed. R. Haussherr (Stuttgart, 1977), I, 565-66, cat. no. 740; II, Fig. 532, dated "probably last quarter of the twelfth century."

126

35. For a dating before the death of Herrad in 1195, see N. Mayers, "Stu- dien zum Hortus Deliciarum der Herrad von Landsberg" (Dissertation, Vienna, 1966), 11-19, 237-39. Other important studies of the Hortus include A. Straub and G. Keller, Herrade de Landsberg, Hortus deliciarum (Strasbourg, 1879-99); J. Walter, Herrade de Landsberg, ortus deliciarum (Strasbourg, 1952); R. Green et al., Herrad of Hohenbourg, The Hortus deliciarum, 2 vols. (London, 1979). For relations between the illuminations and the stained glass at Strasbourg, see E Zschokke, Die romanischen Glasgemiilde des Strassburger Miinsters (Basel, 1942), 59, 128-30; and V. Beyer, C. Wild-Block, E Zschokke, Les vi- traux de la cathddrale Notre-Dame de Strasbourg, Corpus Vitrearum Medii Aevi, France, IX/1 (Paris, 1986), 48-51, 123-25.

36. Hortus, fol. 209v. Straub-Keller, pl. LIV; Green, I, 199; II, 342, 346, pl. 122.

37. Green, I, 199: "Duo manus sedem Salemonis tenentes significant regnum et sacerdotium in ecclesia sedem veri Salemonis tenentes."

38. Hortus, fol. 67v. Straub-Keller, pl. XXIII; Green, I, 132; II, 112-13, pl. 47.

39. Hortus, fol. 150. Straub-Keller, pl. XXXVIII/2; Green, I, 173, no. 212; II, 267, pl. 93. Discussed by Schreckenberg, The Jews in Chris- tian Art, 43. Moreover, a text accompanying the illustration contained an excerpt from the Songs of Songs, beginning: "Verus Salemon, id est Christus, loquitur in Canticis canticorum." Green, II, 269, no. 524.

40. Green, I, 174, 173: "Quatuor evangelistae animal ecclesiae." On Syna- gogue's donkey, see M. Schlauch, "The Allegory of Church and Syna- gogue," Speculum 14 (1939), 448-64, at 453.

41. Green, I, 173: "Sub arbore crucis corrupta est synagoga quando scribe et Pharisei dixerunt: sanguis ejus super nos et super filios nostros."

42. Mayers, Hortus deliciarum, 51.

43. M. Z611ner, "Der Aufschein des Neuen im Alten: Das Buch Scivias der Hildegard von Bingen im geistesgeschichtlichen Kontext des zwilften Jahrhunderts-eine gattungsspezifische Einordnung," in Hildegard von Bingen in ihrem historischen Umfeld, ed. A. Haverkamp (Mainz, 2000), 271-97, at 281. For the dating, M. H. Caviness, "Hildegard as Designer of the Illustrations to her Works," in Hildegard of Bingen: The Context of her Thought and Art, ed. C. Burnett and P. Dronke (London, 1998), 29-63, esp. 29 n. 6.

44. H.-J. Schmidt, "Geschichte und Prophetie: Die Rezeption der Texte Hildegard von Bingens im 13. Jahrhundert," in Hildegard von Bingen (as n. 43), 489-517, at 494.

45. Scivias, 2.4; ed. A. Fiihrkotter, CCCM 43 (Turnhout, 1978), 159 ff.; trans. C. Hart and J. Bishop (New York, 1990), 189 ff.; illustrated in the lost Rupertsberg manuscript, formerly Wiesbaden, Hessische Landes- bibliothek, MS 1, fol. 60. Citing R. C. Craine, The 'Heavenly Jerusa- lem' as an Eschatological Symbol in St. Hildegard of Bingen's Scivias (Dissertation, Fordham University, 1992; Ann Arbor, 1992), 134.

46. For the relation of Hildegard's Ecclesia to the type of ecclesia im- peratix, see L. Saurma-Jeltsch, Die Miniaturen im "Liber Scivias" der

Hildegard von Bingen (Wiesbaden, 1998), 105. See also C. W. Sur, The Feminine Images of God in the Visions of Saint Hildegard of Bingen's 'Scivias' (Lewiston, 1993), 120; Craine, The 'Heavenly Jeru- salem,' 116.

47. Scivias, 1.5.1; CCCM 43, 94; Hart and Bishop, 133. See Sur, Feminine images, 87; Caviness, "Hildegard as Designer," 32.

48. Scivias, 1.5.4; CCCM 43, 95; Hart and Bishop, 134. See Sur, Feminine Images, 88.

49. Scivias, 3.2 (fol. 60); CCCM 43A, 349 ff.; Hart and Bishop, 325 ff. Dronke, "The Symbolic Cities of Hildegard of Bingen;" Journal of Medieval Latin 1 (1991), 168-82, esp. 175.

50. Scivias, 3.8.9 (fol. 178); CCCM 43A, 492; Hart and Bishop, 433.

51. Scivias, 3.4 (fol. 145v); CCCM 43A, 390 ff.; Hart and Bishop, 357 ff.

52. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 107, making reference to W. Haft- mann, Das italienische Stiulenmonument (Leipzig, 1939; rpt. Hildes- heim, 1972), 118-19, who does not mention the Angels' Pillar.

53. Dronke, "Symbolic Cities," 176.

54. Erler, Straf3burger Miinster, 4.

55. Ibid., 4. See also Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 40-44; Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 120 n. 2, who considered the inscriptions to represent a later, more negative construction. Sauerlinder, Die Zeit der Staufer, I, 322, cat. no. 444, regards the negative sentiment as original. The inscriptions appear in the engraving of Brun and are almost surely late medieval.

56. As noted in Die Zeit der Staufer, I, 322; Weis, "Die 'Synagoge'," 68. A similar theatricality can be found much earlier, around 1170, on the enamel cover of the Gospelbook of St. Godehard in Hildesheim (Trier, Domschatz, cod. 141/126). See Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art, 65.

57. J. Wharton, "'Daz lebende paradis'? A Consideration of the Love of Tristan and Isot in the Light of the 'huote' Discourse," in Gottfried Von Strassburg and the Medieval Tristan Legend, ed. A. Stevens and R. A.

Wisbey (Cambridge, 1990), 143-54, at 146: "eszn ist niht ein biderbe

wip, / diu ir ere durch ir lip, / ir lip durch ir ere lat, / so guote state so si des hat, / daz si beidiu behabe" (vv. 17997-18001).

58. vv. 10009-10. Robert Suckale, in a sensitive analysis of the Bamberg Church and Synagogue, detected a similar contradiction and emphasized the fact that Ecclesia wears a robe in the newest mode, while

Synagoga is more old-fashioned in her thin silk bliaut: "Hier werden also auch alte und neue Mode fiir die Darstellung des Alten und Neuen Bundes thematisiert, die alte Mode in einer gewissen Ambivalenz: einerseits im Sinne des moralisch Verdammenswerten andererseits als sinnlicher und sch6ner." Suckale, "Die Bamberger Domskulpturen: Technik, Blockbehandlung, Ansichtigkeit und die Einbeziehung des Betrachters," Miinchner Jahrbuch fiir bildende Kunst 38 (1987), 27- 82, at 60.

59. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 110. The derogatory aspect is

again emphasized by Sauerlinder, Zeit der Staufer, I, cat. no. 444.

60. G. Mentgen, Studien zur Geschichte der Juden im mittelalterlichen El- safi (Hannover, 1995), 29-31. Strasbourg's Jews were not persecuted during the First Crusade. The community is documented from the time of Frederick I Barbarossa and, at the end of the twelfth century, had several rabbis. For the carrocio, see ibid., 125, and A. Haverkamp, "'Concivitas' von Christen und Juden in Aschkenas;" in Jiidische Ge- meinden und Organisationsformen von der Antike bis zur Gegenwart, ed. R. Juitte and A. P. Kustermann (Vienna, 1996), 103-36, at 127.

61. Quoted by Mentgen, Studien zur Geschichte der Juden, 31.

62. Annales Marbacenses, ed. H. Bloch, MGH, Scriptores rerum german- icorum, 9 (Hannover, 1907), 86-87: "Et pauci quidem ex eis in- nocentes apparuerunt, reliqui omnes coram ecclesia convicti per adustionem manuum dampnati sunt et incendio perierunt." Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. J. Stange (Bonn, 1851), I, 133-34. For the most recent research on heresy in early thirteenth- century Germany, see A. F6ilel, Die Ortlieber: Eine spiritualistische Ketzergruppe im 13. Jahrhundert (Hannover, 1993), 39-41, with discussion of sources and some critique of L. Pfleger, Kirchengeschichte der Stadt Strafburg im Mittelalter (Colmar, 1941), 99.

63. Annales Marbacenses, 93-94: "Anno MCCXXXI... facta est perse- cutio contra hereticos, hostes fidei, veritatis inimicos." See F6iBel, Ort- lieber, 48, 51.

127

64. Vienna, Osterreichische Nationalbibliothek, cod. 2554, fol. 50a. See S. Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralis6e (Berkeley, 1999), 84.

65. Ibid., fig. 59.

66. Hortus, fols. 242v, 253v. Straub-Keller, pls. LXIV, LXXI; Green, I, 213, 220; II, 408, 434, pls. 136, 145.

67. Jantzen, Deutsche Bildhauer, 55; reviewed critically by E. Panofsky in

Repertoriumfiir Kunstwissenschaft 47 (1926), 59-62; see also Panof-

sky, "Zur kiinstlerischen Abkunft des StraBburger 'Ecclesiameisters'," Oberrheinische Kunst 4 (1929/30), 124-29, offering here a prefigura- tion of Sauerliinder's Sens-Strasbourg genealogy.

68. H. Reinhardt, La cathddrale de Strasbourg (Paris, 1972), 18. Berthold, together with the dean of the chapter of Bonn and the archdeacon of Reims, was sent as a mediator to prevent the bishop of Paris from sup- porting the ambitions of his candidate, the cantor of Laon cathedral.

According to Reinhardt, this meeting would have opened up for Ber- thold "les perspectives les plus saisissantes." This supposition led to the even more hypothetical argument that the bishop resolved to hire French artists during this journey.

69. On the ascendance of the Strasbourg citizenry, see most recently Y. Egawa, "Stadtherrschaft und Gemeinde in StraBburg vom Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts bis zum Schwarzen Tod (1346)" (Dissertation, Trier, 2001), 72-74; forthcoming in the series "Trierer Historische

Forschungen."

70. H. Kraus, Gold was the Mortar: The Economics of Cathedral Building (London, 1979), 112: "The citizens were, in fact, almost certainly re-

sponsible for the south arm's richly sculptured portal, which was the seat of their justice, as has been shown in a remarkable study." The study referred to is Erler, Strafiburger Miinster, 27-29, where it is suggested that a specific place was designated for the municipal court in the city constitution of 1200, though the place is not, in fact, men- tioned. It is difficult to draw a clear distinction between the official sites for conducting civil and ecclesiastical law in Strasbourg. On the burghers' growing autonomy in the thirteenth century, see Pfleger, Kirchengeschichte, 59-64; Egawa, "Stadtherrschaft," 63-80; P. Wieck, "Das Stra8burger MUnster: Untersuchung tiber die Mitwirkung des

Stadtbtirgertums am Bau bisch6flicher Kathedralkirchen im Spitmit- telalter," Zeitschrift fiir die Geschichte des Oberrheins 109, N. E 68 (1959), 40-113, 87: "Es diirfte mehr als ein bloBer Zufall dahinterste- hen, wenn sich eben um diese Zeit, nimlich im zweiten Viertel des 13. Jahrhunderts, die Herauslisung der Miinsterfabrik als einer dauernden, rechtlich selbstindigen Vermtgensmasse aus dem Kirchen-(Kapi- tels)vermtigen vollzieht, und zwar... wesentlich bedingt durch die mit den Schenkungen und Vermichtnissen verbundenen Auflagen der

privaten (biirgerlichen!) Bauftirderer."

71. See Haussherr's review of Sauerlinder's Von Sens bis StraJ3burg (as n. 10), 308, where the relative character of notions like master, hand, workshop, and group is emphasized. See also Sauerlinder, Gothic

Sculpture in France, 124-25.

72. Von Simson, "Ecclesia und Synagoge," 109. For the laws of Mainz as an expression of Frederick's authority as highest judge of the empire, see E. Kingelhtifer, "Die Reichsgesetze von 1220, 1231/32 und 1235," in Stupor Mundi (as n. 25), 161-202, 192-99.

73. See H. Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (13.-20. Jh.) (Frankfurt, 1994), 148-51, with the text of the privilege (MGH, Constitutiones, II, 274- 76, no. 204).

74. M. Schuller, Das Fiirstenportal am Bamberger Dom (Munich, 1993), 98.

75. Championed by M. Gosebruch in "Aus dem Kreis um den StraBburger Ekklesiameister-oder vom Entgegenwachsen der Geschichte," in Bei- trdge zur Kunst des Mittelalters: Festschriftfiir Hans Wentzel (Berlin, 1975), 53-64. Objections to this model with respect to early thir-

teenth-century Saxon sculpture were first voiced by W. Sauerlinder in

"Spditstaufische Skulpturen in Sachsen und Thuiringen: Uberlegungen zum Stand der Forschung," Zeitschrift fiir Kunstgeschichte 41 (1978), 181-216, at 200-2. The whole debate is laid out in detail by Bengel, "Stidquerhaus," 65-77.

76. For artistic connections, see M. Bierschenk, Glasmalereien der Elisa- bethkirche in Marburg: Die figiirlichen Fenster um 1240 (Berlin, 1991), 172-73, 177. For anti-heretical tendencies in the Marburg program, especially in relation to the inquisitor, Konrad of Marburg, who had

hypothetically had been in Strasbourg, ibid., 154-60.

128

orders in stone: social reality and artistic approach. the case of...

Documents