step 3 - final

Rachel Welty

Dr. Richard D. Crane

THEO 338

10 May 2016

Christian Theology and Mass Incarceration Intersect1

Startling yet true, although the United States’ crime rate has recently fell, our

incarceration rate is now six to ten times higher than that of other industrialized nations (Tonry

qtd. in Alexander 7-8). The reality is that the U.S. can now boast the highest imprisonment rate

in the world; mass incarceration is a tremendous problem (Alexander 6). Acknowledging this

issue’s magnitude, not even a synopsis of mass incarceration in the U.S. can be delivered in a

short composition such as this.2 Further, because mass incarceration possesses many facets,

much of my attention will be specifically given to how mass incarceration affects African

Americans. Mass incarceration is a social justice issue affecting minority populations that must

be confronted and rectified.

Christian Community Development Association: A Network Addressing Mass

Incarceration

Founded by Dr. John Perkins in 1989, the Christian Community Development

Association (CCDA), in the most general sense, dedicates itself to challenging injustice

(Toussaint; “Biblical Justice: Intro”). An unabashedly Christian organization, the CCDA is

1 The first and second steps of my social justice organization paper are included here within my third step. Neither my first nor second step required changes (I received 20/20 and 70/70 respectively, with no identified areas that needed alteration; so each previous step, if altered, has only been rearranged for the purpose of a flowing third step. Major changes, again for the purpose of a cohesive final compilation, are noted accordingly. My response to step three begins on the bottom of page eleven, and is noted accordingly.2 The second clause of this sentence, “however, I will do my best to provide a thick description of the problem in these seven pages” was removed due to its inapplicability to the final paper.

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vivified by God’s heart for justice and the biblical call to live justly, and thus seeks to bring

about justice, reconciliation, and redemption, primarily through advocacy and organizing

(“Biblical Justice: Foundation;” “Biblical Justice: Advocacy & Organizing;” “Vision and

Mission”). Desperate to address the many issues inherent to and as byproducts of poor and

under-resourced neighborhoods, members of the CCDA understand transformation must happen

from within the community (cf. “Philosophy”). As Dr. Perkins and others have recognized,

outsiders who come in to assuage various problems do not effect long-term change

(“Philosophy”). Thus, the CCDA seeks to “inspire, train, and connect Christians who seek to

bear witness to the Kingdom of God by reclaiming and restoring [their own] under-resourced

communities” (“Vision and Mission”).

Platform Issues and Strategies

Considering the exceedingly wide scope of systematic injustice, the CCDA is currently

addressing three specific issues: immigration, mass incarceration, and education reform

(“Biblical Justice: Intro”). Funded to confront these issues from a number of sources, fifty seven

percent of the CCDA’s income comes from event and conference revenue, twenty-seven percent

from grants, about eleven percent from membership dues, almost three percent from individual

gifts, and the remaining two percent is classified as “other income” (cf. CCDA). Despite this

report’s older date, the Evangelical Council for Financial Accountability (ECFA) does not seem

to refute the CCDA’s claims: The ECFA reports 37.5% of the CCDA’s 2014 revenue as cash

donations, almost 0.5% as non-cash donations, about 62% as other revenue (cf. “Christian

Community Development Association”).

Although specific actions endorsed by the CCDA to effect change in the areas of

immigration, mass incarceration, and education reform could not be found, more general

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strategies and beliefs were published: For one, the CCDA addresses the brokenness of the United

States’ immigration system both by working for federal policy change and endeavoring to meet

the more immediate needs of today’s immigrants (“Immigration: Intro;” cf. “Immigration:

Partners”). Partnering with organizations such as Campaign for Citizenship and Evangelical

Immigration Table, the CCDA employs education and leadership development, as well as applies

experiences to the public square to effect the change it seeks (“Immigration: Partners;”

“Immigration: Intro”). Second, the CCDA is well-aware of the growing issue of mass

incarceration and opposes this trend by engaging in “policy advocacy” to alter laws related to

“mandatory minimums, financial gains for drug arrest, convictions and prison bed minimums;”

seeing these issues as major catalysts (Jackson, Gilliard, Walker, et. al). Strongly pushing for

legislative changes, the CCDA also affirms community-based programs which focus on

“prevention, intervention, support for families separated by incarceration, and[/or] reentry”

(“Mass Incarceration: Intro”). As for education reform, the CCDA passionately believes

all people should be able to develop their God-given abilities and gifts to their fullest capacities

in order to further God’s kingdom (“Education Reform: Intro”). Highlighting its abundance of

educators both in and outside the classroom from the earliest ages through high school

graduation, the CCDA’s education practitioners not only serve in hands-on ways by educating

today’s students, but also use their experience to advocate for changes which oppose the injustice

found within the twenty-first century education system (“Education Reform: Who We are and

What We Believe”).

Representatives’ Credentials

Important to note, standing behind their positions and priorities are innumerable qualified

leaders and world-changers. For example, authoring the CCDA’s 2015 White Paper on mass

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incarceration are an accomplished urban youth minister fully submerged in opposing mass

incarceration, a pastor of a CCDA-member church speaking-up against racial and economic

injustice, a nationally-recognized black Christian leader passionate about reconciliation, a former

prisoner challenging mass incarceration, an executive director of a year-long urban ministry

program, a former legal clerk with a deep heart for adjudicated youth, a CCDA-trained pastor

hailing from the black-led, prophetic, freedom movement; and CCDA’s Advocacy and Policy

Engagement Director (“The Hope Dealer;” “Troy Jackson;” Gilliard; Walker; Casselberry;

“Speakers;” Grimes; “Staff”). Although these people may not all hold doctorates or other

degrees of higher education, it is indisputable that these individuals and many others who speak

on behalf of the CCDA are well-qualified to argue the CCDA’s positions, considering their

passions, experiences, and expertise.

Social Change Strategies According to Dennis Hollinger

Reviewing the CCDA’s various efforts alongside Dennis Hollinger’s nine social change

strategies, the CCDA is evidently implementing six of these models: Identified specifically in its

education reform efforts, the CCDA undoubtedly utilizes prophetic pronouncements as it

witnesses for biblical truth in both word and deed (“Education Reform: Who We are and What

We Believe;” “Vision and Mission;” cf. Hollinger 261-62). Evident in its engagement with

education reform, mass incarceration, and immigration, the CCDA also utilizes lobbying,

employing inside lobbying - engaging with public officials - for addressing education reform and

immigration (cf. “Education Reforms: Intro;” cf. “Immigration: Partners;” Hollinger 263), and

outside lobbying - the mobilization of citizens - in its engagement with mass incarceration and its

foundational strategy of listening to the community cf. “Mass Incarceration: Intro;” cf.

“Listening to the Community;” Hollinger 263). Third, the CCDA implements Christian relief,

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specifically in the areas of immigration and mass incarceration, as well as in its foundational

strategy of holism (cf. “Immigration: Intro;” “Mass Incarceration: Intro;” “Wholistic;” cf.

Hollinger 258). Also embodied through its foundational principle of holism, along with the

fundamental strategy of reconciliation, the CCDA utilizes evangelism, not stepping out of the

character of a publicly Christian organization (“Wholistic;” “Reconciliation;” cf. Hollinger 260).

Manifested through Dr. Perkins original three CCDA principles relocation, reconciliation, and

redistribution, the CCDA emphasizes the role of individual impact - all members of the CCDA

are to do justice in their workplaces, communities, and other spheres of influence (“Relocation;”

“Reconciliation;” “Redistribution;” cf. Hollinger 268). Last but not least, the CCDA as a whole

organization certainly implements Christian embodiment as it “[embodies] Christian moral ideals

within [the world’s] own structures and patterns of interaction” (Hollinger 267). Emphasizing

both structural and personal models, the CCDA primarily engages in remedial responses;

however, it does participate in some more preventative strategies as it seeks to combat the

injustice which plagues today’s world.

Mass Incarceration – A Thick Description

So what is mass incarceration and who does it affect? According to the Christian

Community Development Association, mass incarceration is the phenomenon of the colossal

jump in U.S. incarceration rates since 1980 (2016 Locked in Solidarity Event Toolkit).

Alternatively, “mass incarceration” also speaks to the opportunity to benefit financially by

imprisoning people (CCDA). Adopting this many-sided definition, one cannot leave out that

mass incarceration inordinately impacts minority populations. For example, almost fifty percent

of federal and state prisoners are African American, and in some states, nine of every ten drug

offenders are African American (Jackson et al.). This is despite the fact that the percentages of

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those who consume and sell drugs are comparable for people of all colors (U.S. Department of

Health and Human Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration qtd. in

Alexander 7; Hari 93). In addition, less than ten years ago, one in 111 white children had a

parent incarcerated, whereas one in forty-two Latino/a and one in fifteen African American

students had one of their parents in jail or prison (Jackson et al.). Also reflecting inequity,

African American women make up forty-six of the female prison population (Jackson et al.).

Finally, although only about one-quarter of U.S. adults meet the criteria for mental illness,

around sixty-four percent of inmates experience mental illness (Segal et al.; Jackson et al.). The

realities mentioned here are not all-inclusive, but they provide a snapshot of the grotesque

injustices afflicted by the U.S. justice system.

Causes of Mass Incarceration

So what generates this outrageous phenomenon? The War on Drugs seems to be one of

the largest contributing factors: When the Reagan Administration declared its augmented “‘War

on Drugs,’” policy revisions heightened penalties for drug crimes, established lifetime sentences

and compulsory minimums for specific arrests, ultimately financially encouraging drug arrests

(Jackson et al.). As discovered by Officer Matthew Fogg, this implementation most seriously

impacts African Americans, along with Hispanics and impoverished white individuals (Hari 93-

94). Second, the private prison industrial complex has not failed to exacerbate the problem:

Fundamentally, the Corrections Corporation of America (CCA) took over a Texan prison facility

and subsequently transformed the way U.S. prisons are managed, CCA and similar private

companies making contracts which include quotas for prisoners, requiring seventy to one-

hundred percent of their beds to be occupied (Jackson et al.). Along with the cheap labor

prisoners provide, the private prison industrial complex has incentivized arrests (Jackson et al.).

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Third and in conjunction with this complex, these corporations apprehend over eighty percent of

all detained immigrants, receiving additional revenue by doing so (Jackson et al.). Last but not

least, there are several protocols employed which thrust students – at-risk pupils in particular –

out of the classroom and into the justice system, suspending, expelling, and arresting students

today for relatively insignificant offenses (Jackson et al.). Mass incarceration is unquestionably

a multifaceted issue which has many and overlapping causes and clearly affects minority

populations.

The Human Suffering It Causes

Minority populations being particularly touched by this phenomenon, those who are

incarcerated are affected in several ways. For one, it is not uncommon for former prisoners to

suffer from deficient health, perpetual disease, such as HIV/AIDS, and mental illness (Western).

In addition, male ex-prisoners are less likely to get married than other men the same age, and

those who do marry will most likely divorce or separate (Western). Additionally, “family

instability” as it relates to incarceration prevails across generations, yet greater affects African

American families (Western). In addition to biological and social implications, convicts are also

impacted as it relates to education, housing, employment, public benefits, and jury service, just

to name a few (Alexander 1-2). Further, offenders, post-incarceration, are held to the margins of

society, possessing few more rights than African Americans during the Jim Crow era. I would

not reject there should be consequence(s) for wrongful action; however, the various and severe

impacts of mass incarceration are not what I would call justice.

Mass Incarceration: An Injustice

Listening to many voices, one will discover mass incarceration is deemed an injustice for

more than just its ill effects post-incarceration. For one, just as it inordinately affects people of

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minority populations, its effects are even more disproportionate for African Americans: Racial

discrimination against African Americans and its manifestation, a racial “caste system” still exist

today, just legitimized using different language (Alexander 2). Instead of discriminating and

otherwise subordinating African Americans based on the color of their skin, we now classify

African Americans as criminals and then continue to legally discriminate against these

“criminals” (1-2; see previous paragraph). Very simply, mass incarceration and the

discrimination it perpetuates is just another form of social control (cf. 2).

Moreover, the American legal system creates an “undercaste,” functioning as a system of

racialized social control as a web of laws, policies, customs, and institutions basically ensure the

inferior status of African Americans in particular (Alexander 13). Another manifestation of this

social control system is that the law prevents African Americans from moving up, and the “major

institutions” they engage with are fashioned to inhibit their upward movement (13). Stated

blatantly, “The current system of control permanently locks a huge percentage of the African

American community out of the mainstream society and economy” (13). It should be a crime to

not consider mass incarceration an injustice.

Objections and Obstacles to Change (Barriers to Justice)

In relation to the second objection – or at least the air of acceptance of mass

incarceration, there are several obstacles which hinder any changes to the reality of mass

incarceration, particularly as it affects African Americans. First and foremost, a “colorblind

public consensus” that race is no longer an issue flourishes in America today (Alexander 11-12).

Barack Obama’s election is a prominent event which fuels this inaccurate assumption (11).

Further, this consensus has thrived despite the new racially-based caste system that has been

developing (12). In addition, mass incarceration is also preserved by the complex of shame and

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silence surrounding it (CCDA, Locked in Solidarity Event Toolkit). Understandably, it is

difficult to positively change an issue when no one is willing to talk about it. Third, the myth

that anyone with the appropriate discipline, will, and determination is able to move into a higher

class (i.e. the American dream) must be debunked. A consequence of this widely-believed

fantasy is that lack of movement is a reflection of one’s character, and even worse, that the

failing of a race or ethnic group to move up reflects awfully on the collective race or ethnicity,

respectively (13).

Suggestions from Justice Advocates

Despite momentous obstacles, justice advocates are still seeking to reverse mass

incarceration. In addition to advocating for the modification of public policies at the federal,

state, and local levels concerning mass incarceration to be more just (“Mass Incarceration:

Intro.”), there are several other strategies opponents of mass incarceration have posed. For

instance, stating Alexander is pushing for a social movement equivalent to the civil rights

movement of the 1960s, one scholar qualifies several components necessary for an fruitful social

movement: For one, spotlighting the importance of the involvement of ex-convicts and their

families, Kilgore first emphasizes possessing an understanding between mass incarceration and

“the general shifts toward inequality and cutbacks in state social services” (289). One law

professor makes a similar suggestion, advocating for “racial solidarity” between criminals and

mainstream African Americans (Seidman 126). In addition, the importance of race relations

within state prisons, specifically the disunity between African Americans and Latinos is stressed

(Kilgore 290). Finally, the indifference and even direct opposition of organized labor to

problems related to mass incarceration is also highlighted (290). It is these three efforts that

some believe are necessary to reversing the current trend of mass incarceration.

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From a different, yet comparable perspective, Louis Seidman also offers several

approaches: One suggestion involves making criminal penalties more expensive, thus altering the

balance of costs and benefits of incarceration (118-19). Although I personally lack

understanding of all the implications this shift would cause, I recognize it would work against the

private prison industrial complex as well as immigration detention centers’ pursuit of profit.

Second, partially opposing the fallacy of moral failure, Seidman suggests efforts to make the

mainstream more aware and accepting of the restrictions placed upon ex-prisoners, yet also

inviting those who have committed a crime to take more responsibility for their transgression

(120-21). I agree with the first component of this second suggestion; however, I would pose that

a smaller proportion than Seidman appears to assume do not understand and/or acknowledge

their personal shortcomings. Nonetheless, Seidman concludes mass incarceration is a monstrous

issue, and admits his lack of confidence in the suggestions he puts forth. Despite the absence of

their promise to be effective, I believe that aiming for the implementation of any of the above

strategies posed by Kilgore or Seidman is worth a try, as doing nothing will not resolve anything.

Mass Incarceration – A Recap

Presenting all this, it should go without saying that mass incarceration is a mammoth

issue particularly affecting minority populations (e.g. African Americans) which we cannot leave

unaddressed any longer. Having its roots in corrupt practices and procedures, the phenomenon is

itself an injustice as it perpetuates maltreatment and various prejudices and inequalities. Despite

its evident transgressions, some deny the mass incarceration’s unjust nature. Moreover, mass

incarceration is not without several obstacles to its reversal, but nonetheless, justice advocates

are brainstorming and seeking approaches to its dismantling. Acknowledging doing nothing will

have no positive effects, those seeking to address mass incarceration are a beacon of light in this

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broken world.3

Christian Theology and Mass Incarceration4

With the clear conviction that mass incarceration is an injustice, the necessity of

responding urgently should be inescapable. Moreover, in responding to an issue, especially one

as immense as mass incarceration, it is crucial that those responding have thorough

understanding of the problem at hand so that they can respond appropriately. Therefore, as we

have examined physical, social, political and economic suffering caused by mass incarceration –

the health problems and illnesses it indirectly provokes, the familial brokenness it seems to

engender, the basic rights and provisions it denies; let us now interpret this injustice

theologically. Then, let us consider why, and thence how Christians should respond. Why is

mass incarceration an injustice according to Yahweh, why must Christians respond, and how can

Christians bear witness to the alternative, God’s reign?

A Theology of Mass Incarceration

For one, the institution of mass incarceration embodies the present evil age, not the

messianic age (cf. Crane, “Week Five”): It is not inaccurate to say that mass incarceration

crushes, oppresses, kills and destroys, wounds, and harms as it begets injustice, suffering,

exclusion, and death (cf. Crane). It engenders physical brokenness as it often fathers overall sub-

par health, and the physical bondage characteristic of the present evil age can be clearly seen in

ailments such as HIV/AIDS – a manageable but incurable virus – and mental illnesses such as

depression and anxiety, post traumatic stress disorder, and other debilitating illnesses (cf.

Western). In addition, mass incarceration obstructs social shalom as it commonly precipitates

divorce (if an offender beats the odds of singleness) as well as familial dysfunction (cf. Western).

3 All writing after this paragraph is new, specifically addressing the prompts for step three.4 This is the start of my third and final step of the social justice paper.

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Appearing to mock the messianic age, mass incarceration also virtually prevents human

flourishing as it restrains offenders to society’s margins in barring them from most avenues of

education, housing, employment, and public benefits, among other things (cf. Crane, “Week

Five;” Alexander 1-2). Perpetuating oppression of many kinds, mass incarceration is not

representative of the Messianic age.

In addition, mass incarceration, as a system of lies, cannot constitute justice. It is just a

camouflage for an old form of discrimination, covering-up the “discrimination, exclusion, and

social contempt;” especially of African Americans (cf. Alexander 2): Instead of discriminating

and otherwise subordinating African Americans based on the color of their skin, we now classify

African Americans as criminals and then continue to legally discriminate against these

“criminals” (2, cf. 1). Talking to His disciples about truth and its antithesis, Jesus instructs the

twelve that the devil is “a liar and the father of lies” (New Revised Standard Version, Jn. 8.44).

Considering mass incarceration is just concealing a deeper injustice, the institution can rightly be

called a lie, and thence characteristically proceeds from the devil. (Alexander 2). Mass

incarceration, a system built upon deceptive pretenses, is certainly not of God.

Third, mass incarceration and especially the legal system which backs and precipitates it

are theologically unjust because they fail to administer God’s grace (cf. New Revised Standard

Version, Acts 15.11). For example, the “three strikes and you’re out law” instituted by the

Clinton administration which generated new “federal capital crimes [and] mandated life

sentences for some three-time offenders” and the “One Strike and You’re Out” initiative which

effectively pushed many minorities into homelessness both harshly discriminate against

offenders, seemingly without any compassion for the individual’s circumstance (cf. Alexander

56-57). I am not implying that those who commit crimes should face no consequence(s);

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however, I recognize the plight of many offenders – some who are even innocent yet plead guilty

(cf. 97-98) – and thus must speak to the malevolence dealt by mass incarceration and the United

States penal system, neither of which reflect the grace of Christ.

Reasons for Christian Response to Mass Incarceration from Christian Theology III: Peace,

Justice and Reconciliation

In case an understanding of how mass incarceration is an injustice from the triune God’s

eyes is not sufficient to compel someone to respond appropriately, let me now delineate why

Christians should effect justice in connection to mass incarceration, per several concepts

encountered in Dr. Richard D. Crane’s Christian Theology III: Peace, Justice and Reconciliation.

First, salvation is not solely otherworldly (Crane, “Week Two”): N.T. Wright refutes a “version”

which views salvation as otherworldly, or “away from this world” and narrowly views hope as “

‘going to heaven’ ” (5, 18). Wright preaches Christ’s resurrection is not just for after we pass

away from this earth, but is for the here-and-now (26-27). For instance, we should not just talk

of God’s justice as something that will eventually be realized (i.e. upon Christ’s return), but

should be actively pursuing it, as Christ’s resurrection gave us the power to do so (cf. 27). Very

simply, justice can and should be effected in this age, even though God’s reign has not yet been

fully consummated – salvation is arguably just as much for our present lives, so as ambassadors

of God and His coming consummated reign, Christians should do what they can to effect justice,

as the injustice which currently exists via mass incarceration is not an accurate reflection of

God’s Kingdom (cf. New Revised Standard Version, 2 Cor. 5.20).

Second, and in conjunction with my above delineation of the present evil age, Christians

should act to rectify the injustice of mass incarceration because salvation is not just spiritual, but

also political, social, physical, and economic as well; the deliverance Jesus Christ brings is

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holistic (cf. Crane, “Week Five”). Tasked with embodying the Good News in this fallen world,

Christians must present a full and thus comprehensive picture of salvation. Holistic salvation is

void of injustice, including that of mass incarceration, and thus, rectifying mass incarceration

must be part of Christians manifestation of God’s coming consummated Kingdom. In short, part

of witnessing to God’s coming Kingdom involves ameliorating the physical, social, and other

injustices perpetuated by mass incarceration, as our embodiment of God’s deliverance would not

be incomplete and thus misleading if we did not redress the ills of mass incarceration.

The third and last reasons being intertwined as well as aligned with this comprehensive

view of salvation, our salvation includes our discipleship, and our discipleship is economic,

social, political, etc.; our discipleship is holistic (cf. Crane, “Week Three;” Crane, “Week Ten;”

Crane, “Week Thirteen”). Fundamental to our faith, living it out, or discipleship, is essential;5

being a “saved” – professing faith in Jesus Christ – means talking the talk and walking the walk

(cf. Crane, “The Problem with the Plan of Salvation” 15-18 ff.). Therefore, manifesting God’s

Kingdom, the Good News (e.g. working to effect justice in connection to mass incarceration) is

crucial, considering Christians are tasked with doing just that, as mentioned above. The second

buttress is exemplified wonderfully by Julie Clawson, blogger and former pastor, who practically

conveys how every decision we make – what clothing we wear, what food we eat, what stores

we shop at - has implications, and our faith should influence all these everyday decisions (9).

The companies and organizations we support through our purchases, the candidates we vote for

in elections, the people we associate with in our daily lives - all our daily decisions – are part of

our discipleship. Doing what we can – economically, politically, socially, etc. – to dismantle

5 This assertion has been discussed in other discourses and thus will not be expounded upon here; however, I want to make the note that I am not saying our salvation is conditional upon our living out our faith; salvation is not works-based.

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mass incarceration and eradicate its gross byproducts is part of our discipleship, as the rectifying

of injustice is a manifestation of God’s reign.

Conclusion – Visions of Concerted Action

Suggesting why its imperative Christians respond appropriately to the injustice of

incarceration, how might Christians adequately reflect God’s coming consummated reign? I

would like to circle-back to the beginning of this section of the paper: We must understand an

issue in order to respond appropriately. Demonstrated by Vancouver’s Mayor Philip Owen who

eventually decided to go and meet with those whose drug addictions he was set on eliminating

(although Mayor Owen initially did so grudgingly), I believe it is necessary for the Body of

Christ to first intentionally engage with those affected by mass incarceration for the purpose of

understanding how they can best respond. This might look like visiting those in prison, offering

companionship to those at a halfway house, moving into a lower-income neighborhood, meeting

with the homeless, or joining a local church in the inner city.6 The point of these practices is to

genuinely listen to those afflicted by mass incarceration and its by-products in order to

comprehensively understand the needs and problems the afflicted face. In conjunction with

hearing the stories of those who suffer, I would challenge Christians to dare to bring it up in their

churches, as an issue must be acknowledged in order for it to be attended to, and mass

incarceration, though rarely discussed, is no different (Crane, “Week Eleven”). Although these

small visions are only preliminary steps of effecting justice, I believe they are valuable and

necessary places to start in order to then formulate more concrete plans of action for the

rectification of mass incarceration and thus the witnessing of God’s reign.

6 In making this last suggestion, I do not intend to perpetuate a stereotype, but instead am only generating ideas from my own context, in which this recommendation would be applicable.

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step 3 - final

Documents